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THESE GREAT URBANIST GAMES: NEW BABYLON AND SECOND
LIFE
Thomas M. Malaby a
a
University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee, USA
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LIFE', Artifact, 2: 2, 116 — 122
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THESE GREAT URBANIST GAMES: NEW BABYLON
AND SECOND LIFE
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Thomas M. Malaby, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, USA
Constant Nieuwenhuys (aka Constant), twentieth-century painter and architect and founding
member of the Situationist International, is perhaps best known for his ambitious project of unitary
urbanism, New Babylon, on which he worked from 1958 until 1973. This proposed city (which
Keywords: play, virtual worlds,
game design, technology, Second
Life, Constant, New Babylon
would, theoretically, cover the globe) was intended to prompt all people to express their creativity
through their constant reconfiguration of its open and malleable living space. Explicitly designed
for homo ludens, in it social life was to be constituted by architectural play. But, as Mark Wigley has
noted, ‘‘play was the whole point of New Babylon but not its mode of production’’. As designer of
this universalizing and revolutionary play-space, Constant’s role entailed the contrivance of openendedness, and thus implicitly relied upon the very artistic authority that the Situationists had
rejected (Constant left the Situationists in 1960). Today, 50 years after he began his project, we can
witness similar ideals and contradictions in the virtual world Second Life, an architected social
space which also claims to be an infinitely malleable forum for creative expression. In this article
the author traces to what extent the ideological foundations of both of these projects can be linked
to postwar attitudes toward technology and authority on both sides of the Atlantic, and explores
how they each draw on notions of play in distinctive ways. Arriving at the same ideals and
contradictions via separate but related paths, New Babylon and Second Life reflect two responses
to the challenges of design and post-bureaucratic hopes for the productivity of play.
Michel de Certeau, the French social theorist
perhaps most attuned to the fraught nature of
the relationship between designed spaces and
everyday practices, took a moment in his landmark L’invention du quotidian, Vol. 1: Arts de
faire (1980, translated by Steven Randall in 1984
as The practice of everyday life) to muse about
the rise of technology and its possible saturation
of everyday experience, and what that meant for
the future of the city. He imagined that the
proliferation of technology in an unbounded
sense would dissolve what had been a distinction
between ‘‘proper’’ institutional spaces and the
unbounded spaces of the quotidian. He continued (de Certeau, 1984, p. 40):
The system in which [people] move about
is too vast to be able to fix them in one
place, but too constraining for them ever
to be able to escape from it and go into
exile elsewhere. There is no longer an
elsewhere. Because of this, the ‘‘strategic’’ model is also transformed, as if
defeated by its own success; it was by
definition based on the definition of a
Correspondence: Thomas M. Malaby,
Department of Anthropology, University of
Wisconsin-Milwaukee, PO BOX 413,
Milwaukee WI 53201, USA.
E-mail: malaby@uwm.edu
ISSN 1749-3463 print/ ISSN 1749-3471
DOI: 10.1080/17493460902942204
# 2008 Taylor & Francis
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‘‘proper’’ distinct from everything else;
but now that ‘‘proper’’ has become the
whole. It could be that, little by little, it
will exhaust its capacity to transform
itself and constitute only the space . . . in
which a cybernetic society will arise, the
scene of the Brownian movements of
invisible and innumerable tactics. One
would thus have a proliferation of aleatory and indeterminable manipulations
within an immense framework of socioeconomic constraints and securities:
myriads of almost invisible movements,
playing on the more and more refined
texture of a place that is even, continuous, and constitutes a proper place for
all people. Is this already the present or
the future of the great city?
This question of how technology may make
imaginable a new kind of environment, characterized by a kind of totality that contains
infinite improvisation, finds striking and concrete expression in two ‘‘urbanist’’ projects, one
never realized and one host to hundreds of
thousands of people today. New Babylon, the
postwar unitary urbanist project of the Dutch
painter Constant Nieuwenhuys (known as
‘‘Constant’’), and Second Life, the virtual
world made by Linden Lab of San Francisco,
each lie almost exactly 23 years to either side of
de Certeau’s writing. His description of the
totalizing containment of the new city, and how
it would provide a context for the ‘‘Brownian
movements of invisible and innumerable tactics’’, serves equally well for either project, at
least in their utopian aims. Both of them sought
to make use of design and technology to
accomplish a seeming contradiction: to contrive and control a space for utterly free and
self-governing action. In doing so, they each
though seemingly entirely unrelated in their
histories (and apparently unknown to de Certeau) drew upon related notions of play and
creativity productive play and prompted
strikingly similar conundra of governance and
authority.
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//ARTIFACT VOL 2 ISSUE 2 2009
Constant, who was a founding member of the
Situationist International with Guy Debord,
worked on New Babylon from 1958 until 1973.
This proposed city (which would, theoretically,
cover the globe) was intended to prompt all
people to express their creativity through their
constant reconfiguration of its open and malleable living space. Explicitly designed for homo
ludens, in this ‘‘great urbanist game’’ (de Zegher,
2001, p. 10) social life was to be constituted by
architectural play. But, as Mark Wigley has
noted, ‘‘play was the whole point of New
Babylon but not its mode of production’’
(2001, p. 27). As designer of this universalizing
and revolutionary play-space, Constant’s role
necessitated the contrivance of open-endedness,
and thus implicitly relied upon the very artistic
authority that the Situationists had rejected
(Constant left the Situationists in 1960). In
Second Life, an architected social space online
which also claims to be an infinitely malleable
forum for creative expression, the same tension
is in place. Linden Lab, its creator, has made a
product that it is supposed to make itself, based
upon ideals of universal access and unconstrained creativity and concrete techniques of
game design, but Linden Lab also confronted
the designer’s contradiction of occupying a
position of deeper access to Second Life’s
code, to what is ‘‘under the hood’’.
In what follows I briefly draw some of these
connections in order to spark thinking about
the nature of design under post-bureaucratic
imaginings, and how these cases illuminate the
different influence of play on that effort on
both sides of the Atlantic. I hasten to note that
in doing this I am delving into an area not
originally my own not being, to take just one
more fitting possibility, an architectural historian. As a cultural anthropologist who studied
the making of Second Life by the small group of
people at Linden Lab in San Francisco, I grew
interested in connecting such efforts to the
broader arc of thinking about design and
certain strands of architectural thought. In
encountering Constant’s New Babylon I was
struck by the depth of parallels in the cases and
intrigued to find out what might be learned
from considering how their differences reflect
their culturo-historical situations, so I offer the
following connections in the hope that it may
be helpful for beginning to think about how
notions of play as a productive force influence
design, but in ways that reflect culturo-historic
specificities. Such a conversation about architecture, design, play, and technology may
further help us to understand the histories
and ideals behind the digital architectures
that increasingly mediate our everyday actions.
Constant and New Babylon
The scholarship on Constant is distinguished,
but far from extensive. In 1999 his drawings
from the project were the centerpiece of an
exhibit about New Babylon at the Drawing
Center in New York, and the center also
hosted a symposium which brought a number
of scholars on Constant together, as well as
Constant himself, who was in attendance (he
died in 2005). In what follows I rely heavily on
the volume published thereafter, which
includes many images from the exhibit along
with participants’ essays and an interview with
Constant (de Zegher and Wigley, 2001). There
are other works that more directly trace the
influence of Constant and the Situationists on
architecture and urban planning (see especially
Borden and McCreery, 2001), but my interest
here is shaped more by the specific parallels
between New Babylon and Second Life.
What was New Babylon? The design for the
city called for two planes, one above the other,
with living space in between. Both planes
would be suspended above the ground (via
cables from large columns that dot the New
Babylon landscape), allowing for traffic underneath, along the ground, and with the top of
the upper plane available for aircraft use. The
city was to expand not as one ever larger
shape, but via multiple, networked corridors of
this interconnected space (Figure 1).
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Figure 1.
The planes are never broken off from the
network, which is marked by a center-less,
branching arrangement of ‘‘sectors’’. It was in
the vertical spaces sandwiched between the
planes where everything was to happen, and
where design would practically vanish, along
with the distinction between artist and nonartist. This was the living space, and it was
meant to be infinitely configurable by its users.
As de Zegher puts it (2001, p. 10):
The inhabitants drift by foot though the
huge labyrinthine interiors, perpetually
reconstructing every aspect of the environment by changing the lighting and
reconfiguring the mobile and temporary
walls. For this homo ludens, social life
becomes architectural play and the multiply interpretable architecture becomes a
shimmering display of interacting
desires a collective form of creativity,
as it were, displacing the traditional arts
altogether.
The project was never realized, but was
extensively modeled by Constant in elaborate
small-scale constructions which still give architects pause today. In them intricate cabling,
often fanning out from tall pillars, suspends
carefully fitted plexiglass, enclosing the living
space, above mostly featureless white paper,
that denoting the ground. But as Wigley has
noted, what actually happens in this living
space is always blurry and undefined, the
indeterminacy of its representation in Constant’s models and drawings set against the
exacting and specific demonstrations of how
the space is made possible. ‘‘Inside, things are
always blurry . . . Constant continually blurs
both the play of desire, which cannot be
specified without blocking it, and the support
of that play, which cannot be represented
without it being mistaken for frozen play’’
(2001, p. 50).
It is not a surprise that such an ambitious and
utopian project relies on no longer fashionable
assumptions about technology and production.
Constant imagined as have many going back
to Karl Marx (and forward to Star Trek) a
fully automated system of production, one that
would free individuals from having to act for
any other reason than to fulfill their creative
impulses. In New Babylon, all of this automated production took place underground, the
only evidence of the machinery being the small
points (perhaps for ventilation) that would
protrude very slightly above ground (often at
the center of the open spaces in the branching
network of sectors). As Wigley puts it, ‘‘New
Babylon is a seemingly infinite playground. Its
occupants continually rearrange their sensory
environment, redefining every microspace
within the sectors according to their latest
desires. In a society of endless leisure, workers
have become players and architecture is the
only game in town, a game that knows few
limits’’ (De Zegher and Wigley 2001, p. 27).
Thus is Karl Marx reconciled with Johan
Huizinga; to play is to be creative is to be
human, with creativity standing in for Marx’s
picture of the human as the maker. In New
Babylon, homo faber and homo ludens are one
under the rubric of creativity. In the symposium interview of 1999, Constant outlines his
ideas in this area specifically (2001, pp. 2425):
Huizinga, and his homo ludens, was
thinking about a state of mind, not about
a new kind of humanity; of human
being, but in a certain sense a state of
mind, of certain temporary conditions of
human beings. For instance, when you
are at a carnival, a feast, a wedding party.
Temporarily you become the homo ludens, but then the next day you can be
the homo faber again. He has to earn his
pay. Marx . . . says creativity is a state of
mind. A man cannot always be a painter.
He is only a painter when he paints . . . .
That is close. I have always tried to
reconcile those two points of view, those
visions of Marx . . . and Huizinga.
New Babylon, in a sense, was about designing
for play, because play was for Constant the
essence of creative human activity. This brings
us to the role of the child in this conception of
play. The child represented creation in several
important ways for Constant, and for several
movements of which he was a part, including the
Dutch Experimental Group (founded in 1948),
COBRA, and the Situationist International.
For these movements the social order itself was
the target for radical reconfiguration. Artists, as
a category, were complicit in an exploitative
social order, and thus the distinction between
artists and non-artists had to be broken down.
One way this was done was by the exhibiting of
children’s drawings alongside those of members
of the movement, something COBRA did in the
early 1950s (see Wigley 2001, pp. 3436). This
concept of the value of children’s playful work
was tied to an idea about the primitive, in the
sense of the original or primal, where children’s
creativity was taken as an instance of purely
human creativity before the twisting and confining influence of social institutions.
But this conceptualization of the child and
creation had moral overtones as well in postwar
Europe. The first question asked of Constant at
the symposium interview was about this connection to the art of the child in his and his
cohort’s work, and Constant’s reply begins with
an articulation of the above point about the
primitive, but then he elaborates further (De
Zegher and Wigley 2001, p. 15):
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Not exactly the child. Not only the child,
but going back to the origins of creation
of artistic creativity. We cannot think of
COBRA without thinking of the situations we were in after the war, the
situation of complete emptiness . . . .
Especially in Holland it was nearly nothing for these young artists, so that we
turned to what was the only thing that
looked at least like creation, like spontaneous expression of humanity.
The vast destruction of the war, and its moral
horrors, left thinkers like Constant in postwar
Europe reaching for a source for (re)creation
that would be outside the received social order,
exemplify the essentially human, and thereby
recoup moral ground. Huizinga’s legacy for
Europe, at least for these movements generally
and New Babylon specifically, was a particular
conception of play, one that elevated the child
and focused on the unschooled, non-institutional play that distinguished childhood.
For Constant it was not enough to valorize
this form of creativity. He sought to actively
bring about a new urban landscape which
would foster it. And herein lay a contradiction,
for to do that Constant had to seize some
degree of artistic, in this case architectural,
authority. His plans for New Babylon began at
almost the same time that he co-founded the
Situationist International, in 1958, but he left
that same organization in 1959, frustrated by
what he saw as a resistance to applying the
ideas of the movement on the part of Guy
Debord and others. The problem, as he saw it,
was one of taking an active role in prompting
the kind of society they wanted; a question of
the authority that, in a way, makes social
policy possible. As Constant put it (De Zegher
and Wigley 2001, p. 25), ‘‘It’s not enough to
say that everybody is an artist. I have said this
long before Beuys, other people have even
before me the surrealist movement, for
instance. What is important is to figure out
how this creativity, this sleeping creativity . . . can be woken up.’’
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Constant had by that time already had
experience in attempting to architect play.
After COBRA disbanded, Constant joined
Aldo van Eyck in designing playgrounds in
Amsterdam. In New Babylon, Constant continued in the effort of designing for play.
‘‘Children’s creativity remained Constant’s
model, but its products were no longer to be
simply imitated. As with the playgrounds, it
was a matter of making spaces for play rather
than reproducing its patterns. Like van Eyck,
Constant used a highly controlled abstract
geometry to facilitate an uncontrolled play’’
(Wigley 2001, p. 46). This was ‘‘designed
confusion’’ (2001, p. 31) or, as I would put it,
contrived indeterminacy.
In this way Constant embarked in his distinctive way on a program to find a means of
governance that we might call post-bureaucratic. In rejecting the existing modern bureaucratic institutions that had defined the social
order (and were implicated in the horrific war),
he and his contemporaries found an alternative
in childlike play. But Constant took a further
step and sought to work through how to
contrive such play, how to employ controlled
design that would prompt uncontrolled play
within the spaces of New Babylon. Such play
would embody a contradiction. It would be selfgoverning, to the extent that the use of the spaces
in New Babylon was completely under the
control of its residents. But this of course elides
the role of the designer, or anyone with access to
control over the conditions of the domain as a
whole. Just as only the tips of the automated
machinery can be glimpsed above ground everywhere, if one were to look, so the social position
of the maker, homo faber of a different order, is
everywhere and nowhere (Figure 2).
Play for Constant in his war-ravaged Europe
stood as a productive and morally innocent,
childlike force, one that could nonetheless
through design be prompted and contained in
order to remake the urban (in fact, all)
landscape.
Linden Lab and Second Life
Catherine de Zegher, director of the Drawing
Center during the 1999 symposium, drew out
some of the implications of New Babylon in an
era of networked technologies. While the web
had already arrived, Second Life was still four
years away (in fact, its founder Philip Rosedale
had at that point just quit his job as the Chief
Technology Officer of Real Networks in order
to found Linden Lab). But de Zegher’s comments seem prophetic, if at times they seem to
overstate the parallels between New Babylon’s
theoretical lack of constraints and the seemingly
unconstrained web (de Zegher 2001, p. 10):
Prefiguring the current debate about
architecture in the often placeless age of
electronics, Constant seems to have conceived of an urban model that literally
envisaged the World Wide Web. In the
network of sectors in New Babylon, one
configures his or her own space and can
wander in an unobstructed way from to
site, without limits. In this respect, Constant’s project represents the spatialization of a virtual world, where people can
move, meet, and interact anytime, anywhere. As an unlimited communication
system, the work is as radical as ever.
This could almost serve as a mission statement
for Second Life, which, like New Babylon,
sought to bring everyone (indeed, in aspiration,
everyone on the planet Earth) together in a space
where they would have freedom to play in an
unconstrained fashion and access to the tools for
creation. In a way, Second Life is New Babylon,
or an attempt as close as we may ever see.
What is Second Life? It is a virtual world, just
as de Zegher put it, but now that term has come
to denote a category of persistent online spaces
for social interaction. While the first ones were
text-based, the largest now have three-dimensional graphics, and users participate in them
through their avatars, representations of their
bodies in this virtual space. Many of them are
games in a foundational sense, that is they have
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Figure 2.
shared and established game objectives (such as
World of Warcraft, Ultima Online, Lineage II,
or Warhammer Online). World of Warcraft is
the largest, claiming more than 12 million
active subscribers. Others are sometimes called
‘‘social virtual worlds’’, and do not have shared
and established game objectives. Second Life is
one of these and has, by some accounts,
upwards of 500,000 active users. Second Life’s
distinctive feature is that all users have access to
3-D modeling, scripting (programming), and
texture-mapping ‘‘tools’’, ones that allow them
to make interactive objects in the world. Just as
important, users own the intellectual property
rights to their creations (which cost next to
nothing to reproduce), and can control how
they are distributed to other users, including
the possibility of market transactions in the inworld currency, Linden dollars. When I began
doing research at Linden Lab in December
2004, approximately 13,000 users had created
accounts in Second Life small by the standards of the virtual world industry (at the time
the original Lineage, a game primarily popular
in East Asia, boasted over two million users
worldwide), but this number was beginning to
rise at an increasing rate, and by the end of
2005 they had over 120,000 registered users.
Governance of Second Life is supposed to be
minimal as well. While Linden Lab provides the
landscape in the world, creating continents and
countless small islands, what is built on this
virtual land is left almost entirely up to the users.
This style of governance shares with Constant’s
efforts the distinction between those acting
freely within a domain and those with the
authority or access to architect that domain in
its entirety, but when we explore the ideological
and practical roots of Linden Lab’s approach,
the path could not be more different from
Constant’s Marxian views. Recent work has
charted how some of the most important developments in computing and networking technology in the United States were inextricably linked
to political and more broadly ideological
interests. Works by journalists (Kidder, 1981;
Hiltzik, 2000; Waldrop, 2001; Markoff, 2005)
and, more recently, academics (Thomas, 2003;
Turner, 2006) are helpful in filling out the
culturo-historical landscape from which computers emerged, particularly in the San Francisco Bay area. Specifically, these works reveal
how the development of these technologies and
their makers’ aspirations for them were inextricably linked to general attitudes to authority
that characterized the postwar period.
In these works there is a common theme:
among this emerging culture one finds a remarkable and mutually confirming combination of a
deeply held skepticism toward ‘‘top-down’’ decision-making with a corresponding resistance to
(and even resentment of) the institutional control
of technology and a deep faith in the ability of
technology to provide solutions when made
widely available. The contrast here is with computing as it existed in institutions through the
1960s: mainframe computing demanded specialized and controlled access to the most powerful
tool in an institution, and its enduring image is
that of the mainframe in the glass room, accessible
only by a priesthood of those empowered to tend
it. The attitude that arose in reaction against this
image, these books suggest, reflects the antiestablishment politics of the period and found
purchase in the distinctive disposition of engineers
toward new technologies, corporate organizations, and a particular version of libertarianism.
As Coleman put it (2004, pp. 511512):
Programmers over decades of intense
interaction come to viscerally experience
the computer as a general purpose machine that can be infinitely programmed
to achieve any task through the medium
of software written by humans with a
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computer language. The technological
potential for unlimited programmable
capabilities melds with what is seen as
the expansive ability for programmers to
create. For programmers, computing in a
dual sense, as a technology and as an
activity, becomes a total realm for the
freedom of creation and expression.
The issue of creation and engineering is central
to Linden Lab’s project in particular, as the
making of the world of Second Life stands in a
strange and mutually constructive relationship
to the making in the world on the part of its users.
But there is another strand of this thought
that has a direct bearing on Linden Lab, and it
brings us back to the issue of play and games:
emergent properties and how legitimate they
are as a basis for self-governance. A new style of
work practice came out of the Second World
War and the cold war to follow, with that era’s
constant demands on the United States to
innovate in a number of areas (the atomic
bomb being the most famous example). In
places like MIT’s Radiation Lab, members of
the military, industry, and academe had to find
a way to work together despite the fact that no
single vertical institution governed them all
(Turner, 2006). The successes produced by such
collaborations resonated with ideas put forth
by some of their members. Norbert Wiener and
Julian Bigelow, through war-related research
on systematizing anti-aircraft weaponry, had
begun to apply the metaphor of computing on
a grand scale to humans and their society. As
Turner writes, ‘‘Wiener and Bigelow offered up
a picture of humans and machines as dynamic,
collaborating elements in a single, highly fluid,
socio-technical system. Within that system,
control emerged not from the mind of a
commanding officer, but from the complex,
probabilistic interactions of humans, machines,
and events around them’’ (2006, p. 21).
We see already a contrast with the European
scene, as many historians have noted. Whereas
Europe was left ravaged and broken by the
Second World War, the United States emerged
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confident and masterful, the new superpower
on the world stage. It should not surprise us,
then, that a tracing of ideas about play as they
influenced Second Life has a very different
tenor. For an understanding of Linden Lab,
one effect of the rise of this thinking about
socio-technical systems and controls was the
implicit legitimacy that such emergent effects
seemed to have. The suggestion (and it is one
that can be traced all the way back to Adam
Smith’s ‘‘invisible hand’’) is that the emergent
properties of complex interactions enjoy a
certain degree of rightness just by virtue of
being emergent. The emergent effects that
complex spaces like virtual worlds generate
depend on this open-endedness, the lack of
determinacy in the environment and participants’ actions in it, and this open-endedness is
to a certain extent contrived.
In thinking about how these ideas connect to
the American conversation about urbanism
specifically, it becomes worthwhile to note the
link to the ideas of Jane Jacobs, who lodged her
own strong critique of modernist urban planning in her landmark The death and life of great
American cities (1961). Jacobs argued that great
cities, like New York, were great because of
how the contingent and at times inefficient led
to a social vitality. The jumble of inherited
practices, architectural styles, and larger projects (subway liens) threw people together in a
mix of circumstances. Here, too, is a faith in the
emergent, in this case the aggregate and
historical processes that generate governance
organically. The targets of Jacobs’s critique
were in some ways the same as Constant’s
and the Situationists’: those presuming a topdown form of rationalized control was the best
hope for achieving social goods. Jacobs’s book
and its ideas circulated around Linden Lab,
and formed the touchstone for a number of
initiatives that sought to promote Second Life’s
self-governance (for an extended discussion of
the influence of Jacobs’s ideas on Linden Lab,
see Malaby, 2009). But the contradiction is not
hard to see. Jacobs celebrated the uncontrived,
and showed up the folly of the modernist
project in aspiring to a kind of total planning.
Linden Lab, however, was engaged in the
attempt to contrive this vital open-endedness,
just as Constant was; this was not top-down
rationalist planning, but it bespoke the same
will to govern the conditions for action. And
just as Constant departed from the Situationists over the issue of the imperative to act from
an authoritative position, even in a postbureaucratic fashion, so we find a similar
tension in Linden Lab’s embrace of Jacobs’s
ideals in the midst of its own deep authority.
But we can go further, and recognize a
different kind of play in this formulation of
socio-technical systems. Ken Kesey and the
Merry Pranksters, staples of the 1960s counterculture and close to Stewart Brand of the
Whole Earth catalog, made use of games in
their efforts to overcome vertical authority. As
Turner describes (2006, p. 65):
[Ken] Kesey and the Pranksters turned to
various devices to distribute and, ostensibly, level . . . power. One of the devices
was a simple spinner. The Pranksters
regularly played a game in which a number of them would sit in a circle. Someone
would spin the spinner, and whoever it
pointed to would then have full power over
the group for the next thirty minutes.
Another example is a game they played with the
I Ching; a person would toss a set of coins and
then consult the book for a correlating bit of
text, which would then be taken as guiding
action. Thus, the Merry Pranksters sought to
invest power in game-like processes, aided
by technology. It was game design that they
engaged in the combining of constraining rules
and sources of indeterminacy (the coins, the
spinner). Kesey and Pranksters had only familiar, ‘‘analog’’ sources of stochastic contingency
ready to hand, the accessible computers that
followed soon after allowed for a vast multiplication of both controls and contingencies.
Downloaded By: [Malaby, Thomas M.] At: 14:15 1 April 2010
The implication, I suggest, is that play for
both projects was central to the conception of a
post-bureaucratic form of governance. But
whereas play in Europe for projects like Constant’s was imbued with the child and the
primal, in the United States, for an important
strand of thinking and practice as related to
technology, play was imbued with notions of
individual mastery over a complex system. A
core idea exemplified in Brand’s Whole Earth
catalog was of an individual, amid a complex
system of affordances, pursuing enlightened
self-interest, and contributing to collective and
emergent effects that were thereby legitimate.
On this view, authority is collectively generated
out of many individuated acts of agency within
a system. With the spinner and I Ching games
the Pranksters sought to architect that circumstance. That is, they sought not only to provide
‘‘tools’’ to people in the unbounded world of the
everyday, but to set up a circumstance of
constraints and possibilities within which that
individual pursuit of enlightened self-interest
would take place. But something very important
changes when it is no longer simply the provision of tools which is the aim, but rather the
broader project of contriving (and providing)
the conditions the system, in a sense in which
those affordances are encountered and used.
This line of thinking about play as a kind of
individual mastery can be traced to an important thinker about play who developed
Huizinga’s ideas on the American side of the
Atlantic, Mihalyi Csikszentmihalyi (1990). For
Csikszentmihalyi, play can be found wherever
people face an ongoing mixture of pattern and
unpredictability that demands a practiced
mastery of performance (what he calls ‘‘flow),
such as for the factory worker who happens to
confront the properly engaging mixture of
constraint and (perhaps dangerous) possibility
in manipulating multiple machines and objects. Practiced makers of cedar shingles, for
example, deftly handle the slight variations in
every piece of wood that comes their way as
they coordinate their bodily movements in
extremely close proximity to two open and
spinning saws. Csikszentmihalyi’s focus on a
state of mastery aligns well with the ideas of
Wiener and others who saw individuals as
active and performative participants in complex systems. To a certain extent, then, when
many Lindens imagined their users, they
imagined game-players in this way. They were
gamers in a highly individualistic sense. For
many Lindens a game constituted, at root, a
challenge to an individual to act within an
open-ended system, whether that game involved other players or not.
Both of these projects, appearing in such
different times and places, reveal themselves as
not so different in their final aspirations, or so
different in the hopes they invested in productive play. But the productive play for each was
so different, coming to these designers through
such vastly different paths, that we are left
reconsidering how universal and transhistorical
the idea of play could possibly be. Instead we
may find it more useful to consider play in a
way similar to how William James saw religious
experience, never found in some universal form
but rather appearing in great variety, reflecting
the myriad of times and places for human life
(James, 1902). Here, the turn to a primal and
innocent child’s play in Europe seems a completely different move from the appeal to a
masterful, individual gamer in the United
States, yet both were held to be productive,
and embodied the hopes of designers for
generative action in post-bureaucratic eras.
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