The fate of the princeling of Chongqing, toppled on the Ides of March, bodes darkly for the rest of the leadership transition
By T.P. | BEIJING
IN A dramatic high-level political shake-up, China used the Ides of March to announce the removal of Bo Xilai from his post as the Communist Party boss of the south-western city of Chongqing. State media reported that Mr Bo has been replaced by Zhang Dejiang, who will also retain his spot as Vice Premier of the People's Republic.
Mr Bo was badly damaged by a scandal in which his key deputy, Chongqing's vice mayor and its top police official, Wang Lijun, spent a full day in an American consulate last month. It was apparent that he went seeking asylum. Turned out by the Americans, Mr Wang has since been placed under investigation—leading to widespread speculation as to whether his actions had to do with corruption, political infighting, or both.
Prior to that incident, Mr Bo had plausible hopes of being elevated to the Politburo's Standing Committee, the nine-member body that effectively rules China. The Politburo's new composition is due to be unveiled later this year at the Party Congress, an event which is held only once every five years.
It had appeared that Mr Bo might have survived the moment of crisis, when he made a very public appearance earlier during the 10-day parliamentary session. He used it to acknowledge “negligent supervision” in the matter of Wang Lijun, and also struck a populist note about China's growing inequality. At his chaotic press event, from which hundreds of reporters were turned away, he said that China's Gini coefficient had risen above 0.46. The central government has not reported its Gini figures, a standard measure of inequality, for years. Mr Bo said that “if only a few people are rich then we are capitalists, we've failed.”
Before taking over in Chongqing, not just a city but a sprawling province-level jurisdiction of 28m people, Mr Bo had served in a variety of high-level posts, including governor of Liaoning province and minister of commerce. He is one of the so-called “princelings”, the many senior Chinese officials who were born to politically prominent families. His father, Bo Yibo, was a founding hero of the 1949 Communist revolution and remained a top-tier leader for decades. The elder Mr Bo died in 2007, at 98 years of age.
Beyond his elite pedigree, Bo Xilai's prospects for promotion were buoyed further by the populist appeal of his campaigns to provide low-cost housing for Chongqing's less well-off, and to combat the city's rampant plagues of low-level corruption and organised crime.
He was also well known for promoting “red culture”, a nostalgic revival of songs and political themes from Mao Zedong's heyday. It did not bode well for Mr Bo when Mr Wen took multiple opportunities at Wednesday's press conference to criticise the mistakes of the Cultural Revolution.
Mr Bo's rather transparent attempts to harness popular support for his own advancement within the Party marked a sharp departure from the way top-level politics are handled in China. This too may have played a role in his downfall.
Readers of tea leaves will now be looking closely to see what becomes of Mr Bo: whether he is to be investigated, disciplined or prosecuted. The terse announcement of his dismissal provided few details, but did refer to him as “Comrade”, a sign that he has not been booted from the Party—or at least not yet.
It remains unclear also what this shake-up means for the delicate succession plans that have been laid for the rest of the country's leadership. Mr Bo's removal is one clear indication that the process is not entirely without turbulence. Should he be prosecuted, it would mark yet another sharp departure from tradition. Figures with family backgrounds like Mr Bo's tend not to be treated that way; it would be the sign of a great rift at the highest level.
