STAR GODS OF THE MAYA
THE LINDA SCHELE SERIES IN MAYA
AND PRE-COLUMBIAN STUDIES
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STAR GODS
OF THE MAYA
Astronomy in Art, Folklore,
and Calendars
Susan Milbrath
University of Texas Press
Austin
Copyright q 1999 by the University of Texas Press
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America
First edition, 1999
Requests for permission to reproduce material from this work should be sent to
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j̀ The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Milbrath, Susan.
Star gods of the Maya : astronomy in art, folklore, and calendars / Susan Milbrath. — 1st ed.
p. cm. — (The Linda Schele series in Maya and pre-Columbian studies)
Includes bibliographical references.
ISBN 0-292-75225-3 (hardcover : alk. paper)
ISBN 0-292-75226-1 (pbk. : alk. paper)
1. Maya astronomy. 2. Mayas—Religion. 3. Maya calendar. I. Title. II. Series.
F1435.3C14 M55 1999
5208.972 — ddc21
99-6136
TO MY PARENTS, MARIANO, AND MARK
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION 1
2. NAKED-EYE ASTRONOMY 44
The Mesoamerican Calendar 2
Tracking the Solar Seasons 44
Decipherment of Maya Glyphs 8
Lunar Positions and Phases 47
Archaeoastronomy and Ethnoastronomy 8
Eclipses 48
Overview of Contents 9
The Planets 50
The Stars and the Seasons 55
1. CONTEMPORARY MAYA IMAGES
OF THE HEAVENS 12
The Seasonal Cycle 12
3. PRECOLUMBIAN AND COLONIAL
PERIOD MAYA SOLAR IMAGES 58
The Solar Calendar 15
The Seasonal Cycle and the Solar Calendar 59
Modern Maya Cosmic Diagrams 17
Solar Orientations in Architecture 65
How the Sun Moves and Transforms 21
The Sun God 23
The Sun in Precolumbian Maya Cosmic
Diagrams 70
Images of Eclipses 25
Concepts of the Sun’s Motion 74
The Lunar Rhythms 27
The Precolumbian Kin Glyph 78
Lunar Agriculture 30
The Celestial Pair 31
The Sun God in the Colonial and Postclassic
Periods 79
The Moon Goddess 31
The Sun God at Chichén Itzá 82
Venus among the Contemporary Maya 34
The Sun King 83
The Planets among the Contemporary Maya 36
Classic Maya Images of the Sun God and Earlier
Prototypes 87
Stars and Constellations 37
The Milky Way 40
Other Celestial Phenomena 41
Contemporary Maya Astronomy in Cultural
Context 42
The Monkey’s Sun 92
Solar Birds and Solar Fire 94
The Sun and Felines 95
Hunahpu and Hun Ahau 96
GIII: The Sun as the Middle Brother 100
The Sun in the Precolumbian Maya
Worldview 103
CONTENTS
4. PRECOLUMBIAN AND COLONIAL
PERIOD LUNAR IMAGES AND
DEITIES 105
5. VENUS AND MERCURY:
THE BODY DOUBLES 157
Lunar Calendars 106
Venus Observations among the Precolumbian
Maya 157
Colonial and Postclassic Eclipse Imagery 111
Venus in the Popol Vuh 159
The Dresden Codex Eclipse Table 113
Colonial and Postclassic Images of Venus 160
Classic Period Eclipse Imagery and Events 115
The Dresden Codex Venus Pages 163
Maya Moon Glyphs and Symbols 117
The Layout of Pages 46 –50 170
Lunar Symbolism of Fish, Frogs, Toads, and
Shells 119
The Seasonal Aspects of Venus 173
The Moon and Rabbits 119
Quetzalcoatl-Kukulcan: The Venus God from
Central Mexico 177
The Water-lily Jaguar 120
The Jaguar War God 124
The Jaguar Paddler: The Moon Paired with
the Sun 126
The Lunar Twin: Xbalanque 130
The Classic Period Moon God in Monumental
Art 135
The Young Moon Goddess in Colonial and
Postclassic Times 138
The Aged Moon Goddess in Colonial and
Postclassic Times 141
vii
Regents and Victims in the Venus Pages 174
Central Mexican Venus Symbols in the Maya
Area 186
Maya Glyphs and Symbols Representing
Venus 187
Venus Warfare 193
Lineage Founders and the Venus Cult 196
Tlaloc and the Storm God 197
Chac and God B in Colonial and Postclassic
Yucatán 199
Classic Period Images of Chac 204
The Moon in the Postclassic Murals at
Tulum 147
Chac and GI in the Classic Period 205
Lunar Deities at Chichén Itzá 148
Venus and the Moon 211
The Classic Maya Moon Goddess 150
Mercury in Maya Imagery and Calendrics 214
The Ever-changing Moon 155
The Inferior Planets in the Maya Worldview 216
The Sidereal Position of Venus 209
viii
CONTENTS
6. THE CELESTIAL WANDERERS 218
Colonial Period Images of the Superior
Planets 218
Mars among the Precolumbian Maya 219
Monkey Deities and the Planets 223
God K in the Colonial and Postclassic
Periods 227
The Classic Period God K and GII 231
Jupiter Events and God K on Classic Maya
Monuments 233
APPENDIX 1. Guide to Astronomical
Identities 295
APPENDIX 2. Table of Classic Period Dates,
Monuments, and Associated Astronomical
Events 296
APPENDIX 3. Table for Calculating the
Tzolkin Intervals 306
Classic Period Calendar Records Relating to the
Superior Planets 240
GLOSSARY 309
Assembly of the Gods 244
BIBLIOGRAPHY 313
The Celestial Wanderers as Planetary Gods 247
INDEX 339
7. STARS, THE MILKY WAY, COMETS,
AND METEORS 249
Comets, Meteors, and Supernovas 250
Images of Stars 251
The Maya Zodiac 254
The Pleiades 258
The Scorpion and Skeletal Snake
Constellations 264
Orion and Gemini 266
The Peccary Constellation 268
Bird Constellations 269
Cross Constellations and Stellar Trees 270
The North Star and the ‘‘Dippers’’ 273
Central Mexican Images of the Milky Way 274
The Cosmic Monster and the Milky Way 275
Serpent Forms of the Milky Way 282
Four Roads in the Sky and Four Itzamnas 283
Classic Period Monuments with Images of the
Milky Way 285
Rotating the Milky Way 288
The Maya in the History of World
Astronomy 291
PLATES following page 348
STAR GODS OF THE MAYA
THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK
INTRODUCTION
Astronomy in ancient Mesoamerica was not an abstract science; indeed, it was an
integral part of daily life, and so it remains today in the more traditional Maya
communities. In Precolumbian times, astronomy played a central role in calendars
and religious imagery. Art images and companion texts provide keys to understanding the thought processes of the ancient Maya. Rather than focusing on scientific
accuracy, many of the best documented astronomical images seem primarily concerned with divination. Maya astronomy is really astrology (Thompson 1972 : 77),
but not in the sense of personal horoscopes. The astrological texts in the codices
often deal with cycles of illness, the fate of crops, and weather. We may dismiss them
as fanciful, but there is a similar folk tradition in our Old Farmer’s Almanac.
People today often cannot appreciate why astronomy played such an important
role in ancient civilizations. For many of us, supplying our own food means cashing
a paycheck and going to the grocery store. Our indoor environments insulate us
from the more profound effects of the seasonal cycle. Our calendars tell us when the
seasons will change, and we feel no need to watch the sun and stars as they follow
their seasonal course. Indeed, it is often difficult to see the night sky. Light pollution
follows electricity, dimming the spectacular beauty of the stars.
Astronomical gods form the core of the Precolumbian Maya pantheon. In the
past, some Mayanists have suggested that the Maya did not worship gods; rather
they believed in spiritual forces. Karl Taube (1992b : 7– 8) refutes this position in his
study of the Maya pantheon. Stephen Houston and David Stuart (1996 : 295) point
out that Classic period Maya rulers claimed divine status by using the names of gods
as their personal names. And Patricia McAnany (1995a) shows that posthumous
royal portraits depict rulers merged with gods.
As the most highly developed ancient civilization in all of the Americas, the Maya
had a sophisticated astronomy that was integrated with their religion. Like the ancient Greeks, Romans, Hindus, Chinese, Mesopotamians, and Egyptians, the Maya
believed that the celestial luminaries were gods who influenced human destiny and
controlled events on earth. Whether Maya artworks show rulers dressed up as gods
or the gods themselves is sometimes debatable, but there is no question that the star
gods were invoked in Maya art for more than a thousand years. Precolumbian art,
calendric cycles, and modern folklore can be integrated to tell the story of Maya
astronomy, placing the Maya in their proper position as one of the great civilizations
of antiquity.
The Maya live in an area bounded by the Yucatán Peninsula to the north, the
2
INTRODUCTION
state of Chiapas to the west, and the area bordering
El Salvador and Honduras to the southeast (Pl. 1).
Numerous Maya language groups exist today, as in
times past. Yucatec, the dominant Maya language
in Mexico, is spoken in the Yucatán Peninsula.
The Kekchı́ language is found over the largest geographic area in Guatemala, but there are actually
more Quiché speakers. (For an overview of the
Maya, see Michael Coe’s The Maya and Robert
Sharer’s The Ancient Maya, which both provide details about contemporary language groups, the calendar, and the geographic and chronological range
of the Precolumbian Maya.)
The Maya live in the greater Mesoamerican area,
a large geographical region with its northern limit
at the tropic of Cancer (231⁄2 7N latitude) in central
Mexico and its southern limit in western El Salvador
(14 7N latitude). Because the 260-day calendar was
once found throughout the Mesoamerican area,
there are many cognitive parallels between the Maya
and other areas of Mesoamerica, especially central
Mexico. The central Mexican area, where Náhuatl,
Otomı́, and Totonac are spoken, spans the Central
Highlands and the mountains to the east, as well as
the adjoining coastal plain, and has its southern limits in the Balsas Basin (Carrasco 1969). The most
prominent Precolumbian cultures in central Mexico
are those of the Valley of Mexico, especially Classic
period Teotihuacán and the Late Postclassic Mexica,
the political group that dominated Aztec society at
the time of the European conquest in 1521. The
southeastern section of central Mexico, the PueblaTlaxcala area, seems to be the site of contact with the
Maya during the Classic period. This region also
produced one of the greatest masterpieces of Postclassic art, the Codex Borgia, which records a core of
ideas from central Mexico that may have influenced
Postclassic Maya cultures to the east.
THE MESOAMERICAN CALENDAR
In Precolumbian times, the Mesoamerican area
shared a 260-day calendar that was based on a repeating cycle of 260 days. The origins of the 260-day
calendar can be traced back to circa 900 –500 b.c.
The 260-day calendar was used to prognosticate human destiny according to the day of birth and to predict the appropriate days for the planting cycle. This
ritual calendar survives today among the Quiché of
Guatemala, and the daykeepers still use the calendar to prognosticate future events (Tedlock 1992b).
They explain that the calendar corresponds to the
human gestation period of nine lunar months (Earle
and Snow 1985). In fact, the interval is very close to
the length of the human gestation period, which biologists estimate to be between 255 and 266 days
(Aveni 1992b : 79). The 260-day period also approximates the length of the agricultural calendar in core
areas of Mesoamerica (Chapter 1). Indeed, it is possible that the 260-day agricultural cycle and the cycle
of human gestation were linked together at an earlier
time, and that the two cycles were used to develop
the unique 260-day calendar.
Over time, Mesoamerican cultures incorporated
other natural cycles in the 260-day calendar. Daniel
Flores (1989) notes that the 260-day calendar is well
suited to recording observations of Venus. Indeed,
the people of Precolumbian Mesoamerica observed
both Venus and the Moon in relation to the 260-day
calendar (Aveni 1992a). The cycles of Mars and other
planets were also important in this calendar, because
the 260-day period holds the key to correlating a
number of different planetary cycles (Justeson 1989 :
82). Around 1650, Jacinto de la Serna described the
260-day calendar of the Aztec as the ‘‘count of the
planets,’’ apparently referring to the seven classical
planets, among which we find the Sun, the Moon,
and Venus (Aveni 1991 : 310). Unfortunately, we do
not have such direct references to astronomy in historical descriptions of the Maya 260-day calendar.
Indeed, we do not even know the real name of this
calendar. Although it is usually referred to as the
Tzolkin (count of days), this term may be more
properly applied to the almanacs used for prognostications (Justeson 1989 : 76).
Like other people of Mesoamerica, the Maya had
a 52-year calendar called the Calendar Round. The
Calendar Round was formed by an interlocking cycle
of the 260-day ritual calendar and a 365-day year
(the ‘‘vague’’ year), divided into 18 ‘‘months’’ of
THE MESOAMERICAN CALENDAR
20 days each, plus an added five-day period. The
vague year only approximates the true length of the
solar year (365.2422 days). The interlocking cycle of
the Calendar Round repeats in the same sequence
every 52 years, because the least common multiple of
260 and 365 is 18,980 days, or 52 vague years. Both
forms of calendar were present by around 500 b.c.
in Oaxaca and probably also appeared relatively early
among the Maya, although actual documentation
exists only as early as 100 b.c. (Justeson 1989 : 78 –
79). The Calendar Round may have survived into
modern times, judging from a contemporary Chol
term (solq’uin) that refers to a cycle of 52 years related to the sun (Aulie and Aulie 1978 : 106). No
Mayan word for the Calendar Round is known, although Munro Edmonson (1988 : 14) suggests that
the Precolumbian Mayan name for the Calendar
Round is hunab.
Mayanists tend to follow the convention of using
Haab for the 365-day vague solar year and Tun for
the 360-day civil year of the Long Count, but John
Justeson (1989 : 77) cautions that the Tun in lowland
Maya probably refers to the end of a year of either
360 or 365 days. The Maya 360-day Tun was an integral part of the Long Count, a method of recording dates that allows dates to be precisely fixed in
time from a starting point around 3000 b.c. Although records of contemporaneous Long Count
dates begin around a.d. 250 in the lowland Maya
area, the Classic Maya clearly had a sense of mythological history, for some Long Count dates on stone
stelae of the Classic period refer back to events preceding the recorded epoch of the creation around
3000 b.c.
The oldest known Long Count inscription, dating
to 31 b.c. at Tres Zapotes in Veracruz, is actually
found outside the Maya lowlands. It belongs to the
Late Preclassic period (400 b.c. –a.d. 100), when the
Olmec civilization of the heartland in Veracruz and
Tabasco was in decline (Milbrath 1979). At this time,
early Maya centers began to flourish. On the Pacific
Slope of Guatemala, dates as old as the 7th Baktun
(Cycle 7) are known from Abaj Takalik and from El
Baúl, where Stela 1 bears a date of 7.19.15.7.12 correlating with a.d. 36 (Graham et al. 1978; Sharer
3
1994 : 102). Elaborate glyphic writing developed beyond the Maya area during the Protoclassic period
(a.d. 100 –250), as seen on the La Mojarra Stela
from Veracruz, which bears Mixe-Zoquean writing
and Long Count dates of a.d. 143 and 156 (Justeson
and Kaufman 1993; Sharer 1994, fig. 3.6).
Despite the early examples of glyphic writing outside the Maya area, the Long Count calendar saw its
greatest development in the Maya lowlands, where
more and more interlocking cycles were added to the
calendar over time. Traditionally, the Classic Maya
period (circa a.d. 250 –900) is defined as the time
when Long Count inscriptions were recorded in
monumental art in the Maya lowlands. By around
a.d. 350, the Long Count inscriptions were accompanied by lunar data of the Lunar Series (Chapter 4).
Somewhat later other cycles such as the seven-day
cycle and the nine-day cycle were added.
The Long Count inscriptions are invaluable in
studying the chronology of sculptures, and the patterning of dates has led to major breakthroughs in
our understanding of historical events (Proskouriakoff 1993). Prior to the 1960s it was believed that
many of the dates had a calendric function related
primarily to astronomical cycles and to a general
fascination with recording long cycles of time. The
historical perspective has revolutionized our understanding of the Classic Maya. Nevertheless, scholars
recognize that astronomy remains important in the
inscriptions, for Maya rulers were fascinated by astrology. As in the Old World, astrologer-priests correlated events in the lives of rulers with celestial
events (Chapters 5 and 6).
Classic Maya Calendar Round dates apparently involve no intercalation, and they are so closely keyed
to the associated Long Count inscriptions that scholars feel confident in reconstructing Long Count dates
in inscriptions that include only Calendar Round
dates. Such reconstructed Long Count dates are usually determined by linking the Calendar Round dates
to the reign of a specific ruler. This would seem to
be fairly clear-cut; any monument referring to the
ruler must be dated to the 52-year Calendar Round
that falls during the ruler’s lifetime. But the situation
becomes more uncertain if his death date is not
4
INTRODUCTION
secure, or if his life spanned more than one Calendar
Round, as in the case of Pacal II of Palenque and
Shield Jaguar I of Yaxchilán. Thus a certain amount
of caution must be exercised when using dates derived from Calendar Round inscriptions.
Although the Maya Long Count dates indicate
that there was no intercalation to keep the 365-day
calendar in accord with the seasonal events during
the Classic period, there does seem to be an interest
in the seasonal round, for a number of scholars have
detected sets of Calendar Round dates that focus on
specific solar events (Chapter 3). Furthermore, the
Long Count seems to be keyed to an ‘‘end’’ date
(13.0.0.0.0 4 Ahau 3 Kankin) on the winter solstice,
December 21, 2012 a.d., when the ‘‘odometer’’ turns
over and a new cycle begins (Edmonson 1988 : 119).
The Long Count records dates that involve sets
of days: the most basic unit being individual days
(Kins), followed by 20-day periods (Uinals), 360-day
periods (Tuns), Katuns (20 3 360 days), and Baktuns (20 3 20 3 360 days), a single Baktun referring
to a period less than 400 years (400 years minus 2100
days [20 3 20 3 5.25 days]). Some inscriptions are
to be read in simple vertical columns from top to
bottom (Pl. 2); others are written in two columns to
be read from left to right before moving down a row.
Occasionally, inscriptions are read from left to right
across horizontal rows, or more rarely from right to
left in a form of ‘‘mirror writing.’’ Usually the type
of reading order can be deduced from the calendar
dates.
When Long Count dates appear with an introducing element at the beginning of a text, they are
known as Initial Series dates (Pl. 2). On monuments
with multiple dates, the first date is usually an Initial
Series inscription. Such monuments usually include
a dedicatory date, often coinciding with a Katun
ending or subdivision of the Katun (Satterthwaite
1965 : 617). With the initial dedicatory date written
out in full, fixed as a ‘‘base date,’’ the Maya used distance numbers to count forward and backward to
other dates, often given as Calendar Round dates. The
distance numbers formerly were thought to be the
product of a calendar correction formula more accurate than our leap years (the determinant theory),
but these numbers are now known to be intervals
that can be distinguished from dates by the fact that
they are given in ascending order beginning with the
Kins (Sharer 1994 : 570 –571).
Most often the Classic Maya wrote dates in paired
vertical columns, beginning with the Baktuns on the
top, but scholars transcribe the dates horizontally
with the Baktuns on the far left. A date such as
9.9.0.0.0 marks the end of a Katun, meaning all the
smaller periods have flipped over on the chronological odometer so that 9 full Katuns of 20 3 360 days
have been completed. This is called a period-ending
date. With 9 Baktuns and 9 Katuns completed, the
date corresponds to the beginning of the Late Classic
Maya period (a.d. 600 – 800), or more precisely, to
May 7, 613, in the Julian calendar (O.S. [Old Style]),
or May 10, 613, in the Gregorian calendar (N.S.
[New Style]) adopted by Pope Gregory in 1582 to
correct for a slow slippage in the Julian calendar in
use from classical antiquity. All dates given in this
book are in the Julian, or O.S., calendar unless otherwise noted.
To better understand the format of the inscriptions, let us look at the Initial Series date on the Leyden Plaque, transcribed as 8.14.3.1.12 1 Eb 0 Yaxkin.
It is designated with a vertical column of bar and
dot numbers paired with glyphs telling the type of
period (Pl. 2). The bars stand for five and the dots
for one, with the largest number on the top, here
referring to eight Baktuns (8 3 20 3 20 3 360 days),
followed in descending order by 14, 3, 1, and 12,
each with a zoomorphic glyph representing the
associated time period, progressing from Katuns
down to Kins or days. There follows the Tzolkin date
1 Eb (a dot with a skeletal jaw) and, three rows from
the bottom, the month Yaxkin, with an implied coefficient of 0, here shown as a small torso of a seated
figure representing the seating of the month in the
annual cycle of 18 months, which were numbered
0 to 19. Using the 584,283 correlation, the date
8.14.3.1.12 1 Eb 0 Yaxkin is equivalent to September 14, a.d. 320 (O.S.), or September 15, 320 (N.S.),
the difference between the Julian and Gregorian calendars being minimal nearer to the time the Julian
calendar was introduced in Rome in 46 b.c.
The Maya calendar was by no means static, nor
was it uniform throughout the lowland Maya area,
THE MESOAMERICAN CALENDAR
although there were times during the Classic period
when there was a higher degree of uniformity (Justeson 1989 : 87– 88). During Early Classic times (a.d.
250 – 600), the solar year may have been especially
important in calendar rituals, but by the Late Classic
period, rituals began to revolve around the Katun
cycle, especially at Tikal (Coggins 1980 : 736 –737).
The Long Count coexisted for a time with the
Short Count, which appears as early as 9.3.0.0.0 at
Caracol (Satterthwaite 1965 : 626). The Short Count
is not anchored to a base point, but repeats over and
over, as if we noted our years in an abbreviated fashion, such as ’96, without clarifying whether it is 1896
or 1996. The Short Count year was designated by the
Tzolkin date on which the Katun ended, and the Katuns always ended on a day named Ahau, because of
the mathematical relationship between the 20-day
Uinal and the Katun of 7,200 days. Each Katun bears
an Ahau date numbered two less than the preceding Katun, thus the Katun 13 Ahau is followed by
11 Ahau, and so on over the course of 256 years
(13 3 7,200 days or 256.26 years).
Between a.d. 800 and 900, a number of sites
stopped recording Long Count inscriptions on monuments, one symptom of the ‘‘Maya collapse,’’ a
rather sudden decline of political stability in the
southern Maya lowlands brought on by a variety
of factors. Endemic warfare seems to be evident
throughout the Maya area during this period (Demarest 1997; Sharer 1994 : 346 –347). Political instability and warfare may have been triggered by an
extended drought (Hodell et al. 1995).
The last Long Count inscriptions were recorded
on public monuments during the Terminal Classic
period (a.d. 800 –1000; Sharer 1994 : 48). In the
southern Maya lowlands, monuments recording
dates in the Long Count notation are found at relatively few sites during the span from a.d. 830 to
909 (10.0.0.0.0 to 10.4.0.0.0; Proskouriakoff 1993).
Around a.d. 900, there is evidence of a shift toward
interest in year-ending ceremonies of the Postclassic
type (Justeson 1989 : 113 –114). For example, at
Machaquila and at Jimbal dates in the last month
of the vague year are designated as ending the year,
indicating the 365-day year was becoming more
important.
5
By the Early Postclassic period (a.d. 900/1000 –
1250), the intellectual center of Maya culture had
shifted from the southern lowlands to the northern
area of Yucatán. Rather than being a period of intellectual decline, the Postclassic was a time when political and social changes brought calendar reform.
In the Terminal Classic period, an expanded type of
Short Count was introduced; the Calendar Round
date was noted, as in the past, but the inscriptions
added the number of the Katun and the Ahau date
on which a current Katun would end (Thompson
1960 : 197–200, fig. 38, nos. 1–3; 1965 : 650). These
dates lack Initial Series inscriptions, period-ending
designations, and distance numbers. This type of
dating is seen at Chichén Itzá in inscriptions dating
between a.d. 860 and 900, but this type of inscription apparently disappeared by the time Chichén
Itzá was abandoned near the end of the Early Postclassic period.
During the Early Postclassic period, the Maya still
used Long Count dates to note dates of astronomical
significance, but they no longer recorded historical
events involving Maya rulers and city-states. The
Long Count base dates in the Dresden Codex, one
of the few surviving painted books from the Maya
area, serve as historical reference points for astronomical cycles. The earliest recorded date is a.d. 623
(9.9.9.16.0) and the latest is a.d. 1210 (10.19.6.1.8),
a date presumed to be roughly contemporary with
when the codex was painted (Thompson 1972 :
21–22). In Long Count inscriptions of the Dresden
Codex, the month glyph often appears in a separate
column from the Long Count notation. Of the
twenty-seven Long Count inscriptions recorded in
the codex, only five appear to record the months
accurately. Four appear to have mistakes in the
month position, and eighteen lack references to the
months entirely. It seems that the close link between
the Long Count and the Calendar Round dissolves
during the Early Postclassic period.
The Dresden Codex has a number of Calendar
Round dates that presumably followed a pattern like
that of the Classic period. The Venus pages of the
Dresden Codex use Calendar Round dates to accurately note Venus events between a.d. 1100 and 1250
(Chapter 5). Apparently at this time the months still
6
INTRODUCTION
shifted through the solar year. After the epoch of the
Dresden Codex, however, we cannot be sure that the
Calendar Round continued in the same fashion.
In the Late Postclassic period (a.d. 1250 –1550),
the Yucatec Maya festival calendar may have had
some form of intercalation to keep it in correspondence with the seasons. At this time, the Yucatec
Maya calendar revolved around a festival cycle like
that recorded by Friar Diego de Landa around 1553
(Tozzer 1941: vii, 151–167). Possibly this calendar
involved an intercalation that was introduced into
the area as a result of contact with central Mexico.
By the time the Aztecs founded their capital in
a.d. 1325 at Tenochtitlan, the festival calendar probably was locked in with the cycle of the seasons. This
calendar was widespread in the Valley of Mexico and
extended beyond the Aztec realm to Tlaxcala in the
east (Milbrath 1989). The monthly festivals in the
Valley of Mexico described at the time of the conquest
incorporate a number of seasonal events, and the festival names themselves sometimes reflect seasonal activities (Aguilera 1989; Broda 1982; Milbrath 1980a;
Tena 1987 : 68 – 69). The months were not part of calendar dates inscribed on Postclassic Aztec monuments because these do not record true Calendar
Round dates. Instead, Aztec inscriptions incorporate
days from the 260-day calendar (Tonalpohualli) and
year-bearer dates that show a specific position in the
cycle of fifty-two years known as the Xiuhmolpilli
(year bundle). Since the festivals (20-day ‘‘months’’)
were not locked into these calendar dates, they could
have been adjusted when they began to shift too far
from the associated solar event. Indeed, the chronicles say that certain astronomical rituals could take
place in one month or the next, indicating a flexibility
that allowed them to shift within a 40-day period
comprising two ‘‘months’’ or festivals. Such flexibility
is also evident in the fact that specific activities from
one festival often extended into the next month, and
a number of festivals were paired by a specific pattern
of naming, such as Tecuilhuitontli (small feast of the
lords) followed by Hueytecuihuitl (great feast day of
the lords), and Miccailhuitontli (small feast day of the
dead) and Hueymiccailhuitl (great feast day of the
dead; Milbrath 1997 : 196; Nicholson 1971).
The Long Count was not used in the Late Post-
classic period, when the Maya recorded historical
events in the Short Count. They referred to a specific Katun by noting the Ahau date that marked the
Katun end in the cycle of 13 Katuns (approximately
256 years). Such inscriptions are seen in the Postclassic Paris Codex and in the Colonial period (1550 –
1821). The Chilam Balam books of the Colonial epoch place the events within a twenty-year period, but
they usually do not furnish enough information to
give precise dates, naming only the Tun in a specific
Katun. These books indicate the Katun cycle was also
used in prophetic history, for the texts imply that
similar events would repeat in Katuns of the same
name (Coe 1999 : 121). For example, the histories
speak of the Itzá being driven from their homes repeatedly in Katuns bearing the name 8 Ahau (Roys
1967 : 136 n. 3).
The codices express the same interest in past,
present, and future events seen in the Colonial period Chilam Balam books, but while astronomy is
mentioned only obliquely in the Colonial period
books, the Postclassic codices include many astronomical cycles. The codices seem to date to different periods, and they each show somewhat different
forms of recording astronomical events. The Grolier Codex is a fragment that incorporates records
of Venus that are quite different from those in the
Dresden Codex. The Grolier Codex is probably the
latest of the manuscripts, and may be Postconquest
in date. It is not analyzed in this book, as it will be
the subject of a separate study in the future. The
opening pages of the Paris Codex, depicting the Katun cycles, pair month glyphs with Katun notations.
This suggests a specific record of time that requires
study in the future. As will be seen, the intervals
of approximately twenty years expressed by individual Katuns may relate to astronomical events (Chapter 6). The Paris Codex apparently dates around a.d.
1450 (Love 1994 : 13). The Madrid Codex is slightly
earlier, painted between a.d. 1350 and 1450 (Chapter 4). The Dresden Codex was probably painted between a.d. 1200 and 1250 (Chapters 4 and 5). There
seems to have been a dramatic change in the calendar from the time when the Dresden Codex was
painted to when the Madrid Codex was painted, for
by the time the Madrid Codex was painted in the
THE MESOAMERICAN CALENDAR
Late Postclassic period, the Long Count was no
longer used.
The latest known Long Count dates, all before the
beginning of the 11th Baktun in a.d. 1225, are found
in the Dresden Codex eclipse table. Presumably
these dates are roughly contemporary with when the
codex was painted (Chapter 4). The astronomical
tables also record Long Count dates referring to
events hundreds of years in the past, as well as
to contemporary events. They also incorporate Calendar Round dates that follow the pattern seen in the
Classic period, when there was clearly no attempt to
intercalate the cycle of months to keep them in the
same seasonal position, for the months were subordinate to the Long Count, a more precise form of
recording dates.
It would seem that the Maya Long Count calendar
provides an easy tool to search for astronomical
dates of importance, but it is all too easy to find
such astronomical events. Eric Thompson (1974 : 90)
warns that ‘‘anyone can get plenty of planetary data
if one allows oneself sufficient latitude in deciding
what length the Maya accepted for the synodic revolution of a planet.’’ Furthermore, because there are
huge quantities of numbers to ‘‘play with’’ on Classic
Maya monuments, the chance for coincidence is a
very serious problem for those interpreting dates in
relation to astronomical events (Thompson 1974 :
96). This was a problem especially in the 1930s
through the 1960s when astronomers made interpretations based on dates alone, often adjusting the
correlation factor to make the dates fit the astronomical events they considered significant, with
little or no knowledge of the glyphs and iconography
on the monuments. Today astronomical interpreta
tions are enhanced by other lines of evidence, but
still the caution must remain. If one proposes a
connection between a date, an astronomical event,
and specific images or glyphs, the best approach is
one that investigates the calendric cycles associated
with all known examples of that image or glyph.
Even though studying the patterning of astronomical
events in relation to dates, glyphs, and iconography
provides a fruitful line of research, we must recognize that some astronomical images emphasize emblematic symbolism rather than actual astronomical
7
events. We cannot expect that dates on the monuments will always be useful in testing an association
with a specific astronomical event, but general patterns can serve as a guide to our interpretations.
The lack of agreement on the appropriate Maya
calendar correlation has been a long-standing problem in the study of calendric events. Today, the generally preferred correlation involves adding 584,283
or 584,285 days to the total number of days indicated
by a Long Count inscription in order to arrive at the
appropriate Julian day number in our astronomical
calendar, which is then translated into a date in the
Gregorian or Julian calendar. Various authors have
reviewed the complex issues involved (Aveni 1980 :
204 –210; Satterthwaite 1965 : 627– 630; Thompson
1960 : 303 –310). Anthony Aveni and Lorren Hotaling (1994 : S25) are convinced that the 584,283 correlation is the correct one. This is the Goodman,
Martı́nez, Thompson correlation (GMT2), the one
preferred by Thompson (1960; 1974 : 85) in his later
work, and endorsed by Linton Satterthwaite (1965 :
631) and more recently by Sharer (1994). On the
other hand, Justeson (1989 : 120) says that the issue
remains debatable, citing David Kelley’s (1983) critique of current correlations. Beth Collea (1982) cautions that there may have been different correlations
at different sites, or there may have been a break
point between the Classic period calendar and the
Colonial period records used to reconstruct the correlation point. More recently, Kelley (1989) notes
that only discovery of new historical documents or a
better understanding of Mesoamerican astronomy
will resolve the correlation question.
I use the GMT2 (584,283) correlation throughout, but in the Classic period there are some cases in
which a correlation factor placing the events two or
three days later seems to work better, particularly in
the case of Classic period eclipses. Except in the case
of events involving the moon, shifting the recorded
event by a few days will not substantially alter the
interpretations. Moreover, local conditions could affect the day an event was observed. For example,
the day Venus first became visible after a period of
invisibility in conjunction with the Sun may have
been recorded a few days later due to local weather
conditions.
8
INTRODUCTION
DECIPHERMENT OF MAYA GLYPHS
Maya dates most often appear embedded in glyphic
texts that can now be read with varying degrees of
accuracy. It is hoped that future study of the texts can
serve as an independent test of the interpretations
presented here; however, we should bear in mind
that even though the text and image are complementary, they need not be identical in content.
Michael Coe’s Breaking the Maya Code (1992)
provides a good synthesis of the current state of
knowledge about Maya hieroglyphic writing. After
the initial phase of cataloguing the glyphs and studying the context (Thompson 1962), the first major
breakthrough in Maya writing came from recognizing a relationship between text and image, most notably expressed in Tatiana Proskouriakoff ’s (1960)
landmark study that revealed essential components
of Classic Maya dynastic history. More recently,
Maya glyphic workshops have sprung up across the
country, modeled after one founded by Linda Schele
at the University of Texas. A number of scholars today pursue decipherment using a phonetic interpretation based on work developed by Yurii Knorozov
(1982). All agree that the writing system is basically logosyllabic (logograms and syllabic signs), and
great progress has been made in developing a syllabary. Nonetheless, some of the readings currently accepted are bound to be revised. Indeed, Heinrich
Berlin (1977 : 24 –28) cautions that because a reading
is generally accepted by a group of scholars does not
mean that it is a correct reading.
The varying orthographic systems used by different scholars to transcribe Mayan languages also
present a problem. Up until around 1992, many
scholars followed the orthography used in Thompson’s extensive publications, which was derived from
Colonial Yucatec. Recently, there has been a move
to revise the orthography, based on a system developed in 1989 by the Maya in Guatemala (Freidel
et al. 1993 : 17), which is closely akin to the one developed by the linguists Robert Blair and Refugio
Vermont-Salas (1965). The main innovation in the
Guatemalan orthography involves a series of substitutions for certain consonants: k for c; k’ for k; p’
for pp; q’ for q; s for z; t’ for th; tz’ for dz; and w
for u in situations where the sound mimics English
w. The modern Yucatec dictionary compiled by
Alfredo Barrera Vásquez (1980) follows a similar
orthographic system. When referring to published
works, I use the orthography of the cited source.
Consequently, I often use an orthography based
on Colonial sources, popularized by Thompson,
because much of this book involves a synthesis of
material published at a time before the new orthography was in use.
ARCHAEOASTRONOMY
AND ETHNOASTRONOMY
The field of archaeoastronomy is helping to rediscover the role of astronomy in ancient societies;
ethnoastronomy reveals that the changing sky still
plays a central role in the cosmology of contemporary indigenous cultures throughout the world. In the
last thirty years, archaeoastronomy and ethnoastronomy have developed as interdisciplinary fields. Astronomers are learning about anthropology, and anthropologists are learning about astronomy. Over the
last twenty-five years, Anthony Aveni, an astronomer-turned-anthropologist, has led the way for anthropologists to understand the significance of astronomy in the patterning of culture. Calendars and
architectural orientations remain central to the study
of archaeoastronomy, but scholars are expanding
their studies to link astronomy with the political and
religious imagery, especially in studies of the Precolumbian Maya. Art historians and epigraphers are increasingly involved in such research. In a 1975 article
highlighting the role of astronomy in ancient Mesoamerican cultures, Michael Coe called for ethnographers to go to the field and gather information on
current beliefs about astronomy, noting that some
important keys to the past are still preserved in the
present. Over the last decades, ethnographers have
recorded astronomical beliefs that indicate astronomy still guides the more conservative Maya communities (Tedlock 1992a, 1992b). Such fieldwork has
greatly increased our understanding of contemporary Maya astronomy and has provided important
clues about Precolumbian Maya astronomy.
OVERVIEW OF CONTENTS
Michael Coe’s brilliant article led me to begin
my study of astronomical imagery in ancient Mesoamerica. In 1979, I was awarded a Tinker Postdoctoral Fellowship to conduct research on astronomical symbols in the Aztec festival calendar. At Yale
University, Michael Coe gave me access to his extensive library. Anthony Aveni at Colgate University
served as my mentor. Over the course of the fellowship, I became interested in comparative data from
the Maya area, and I began to explore the role of
astronomy in the Postclassic Maya calendar and in
calendars preserved among the Maya today.
My scope broadened considerably in 1980, when
Anna Roosevelt, then curator of the Precolumbian
collections at the Museum of the American Indian
(now part of the Smithsonian Institution), offered
me the opportunity to curate a traveling exhibit focusing on New World archaeoastronomy and ethnoastronomy. With funding we secured from the
National Endowment for the Humanities, the exhibit opened at the American Museum of Natural
History in 1982 and toured nationally through 1984.
Star Gods of the Ancient Americas highlighted the
celestial luminaries cross-culturally, comparing imagery of the sun, moon, stars, and planets in the
Americas over many centuries. In addition, four sections of the exhibit synthesized the astronomical imagery of different areas: the U.S. Great Plains and the
Southwest, the Maya area, and the Valley of Mexico,
home to the Aztecs. The approach taken in the Star
Gods exhibit has helped shape this book, but here
I have the opportunity to fill out what could only be
presented in fragmentary form in the exhibit. By focusing on one culture area, I am able to bring out
many more patterns, and provide a more complete
picture of how archaeoastronomy and ethnoastronomy can help to enhance our understanding of ancient New World cultures.
This book has also been shaped by the input from
many scholars, both in published works and unpublished studies. In addition, I have benefited from
discussions with Anthony Aveni, Harvey Bricker,
John Carlson, Michael Coe, Clemency Coggins, Esther Pasztory, Weldon Lamb, Edward Krupp, and
Andrea Stone. The time these individuals have taken
to help me improve the work is greatly appreciated.
9
I would also like to thank Regina Cheong, Ule Crisman, and Kathryn Reed, who created the figures, and
Carl Henriksen, who compiled the appendices.
OVERVIEW OF CONTENTS
When I first began this book in 1991, I intended to
include comparative chapters on central Mexico, but
I was not prepared for the overwhelming amount of
literature on Maya astronomy generated in the last
few years. Add to this the fast-breaking news from
Maya epigraphers, and I began to see myself as a
reporter latching on to the latest story. Furthermore,
I am not sufficiently well versed in Maya writing to
judge the relative merits of different readings proposed for the texts. For this reason, I have chosen
to emphasize the relationship between astronomy,
calendar dates, and Maya imagery. I also include a
comparative study of astronomical images from Precolumbian central Mexico to strengthen the iconographic analysis. I often refer to my previously
published studies on central Mexican astronomical
imagery by way of comparison. The reader is also
directed to El culto a los astros entre los Mexicas
(1975), by Yólotl González Torres, an excellent overview of Postclassic central Mexican astronomy.
By synthesizing the literature on Maya astronomy,
I present an overview to set the stage for presenting
new interpretations. Following the trend of my past
research, I link astronomical images and calendar
cycles to show how the seasonal round is represented
in art. In addition, I explore the astronomical attributes of Maya deities and the astronomical regalia
associated with Maya rulers. Appendix 1 gives an
overview of the suggested astronomical identities for
different gods. Appendix 2 summarizes the Classic
Maya dates and the associated astronomical events
discussed in the text. Appendix 3 allows the reader
to calculate intervals between Tzolkin dates.
In light of my belief that the modern Maya still
hold the keys to our understanding of ancient astronomical imagery, I begin the book with what the
contemporary Maya say about astronomy and the
astronomical gods. In subsequent chapters, I often
refer back to Chapter 1 as a touchstone to emphasize
that the Maya today have provided important in-
10
INTRODUCTION
sights into the past through a core of knowledge preserved from Precolumbian times.
The second chapter focuses on what ancient astronomers could see with the naked eye, emphasizing what one actually sees in the sky. When reading
this chapter, those unfamiliar with astronomy may
want to consult H. A. Rey’s The Stars: A New Way to
See Them, an introductory book focusing on nakedeye astronomy, as well as Edward C. Krupp’s Echoes
of the Ancient Skies. Anthony Aveni’s Skywatchers
of Ancient Mexico and Conversing with the Planets
should be companion texts for Chapter 2 and subsequent chapters, for they contain a great deal of
information on the Maya calendar, architectural orientations, and the codices.
The third chapter focuses on solar themes, including the solar calendar and orientations in architecture that reflect the seasonal position of the sun.
This chapter also explores how imagery of the Sun
God evolved over time. It examines solar gods that
express different relationships with the sun, including underworld aspects of the sun and animal deities
connected with the sun, such as the macaw.
The fourth chapter investigates lunar imagery, including eclipse representations that involve death aspects of the sun and moon, and images that pair the
sun and moon, such as the Paddler Twins. Animal
images of the moon include the rabbit on the moon,
apparently the counterpart for our ‘‘man on the
moon.’’ Other animals may embody the moon at
different times of year, such as the Water-lily Jaguar
associated with the rainy season and the Jaguar War
God linked with the dry season. Another complex of
images reflects the lunar phases, with the waxing
moon represented by a youthful female and the waning moon by an aged goddess who can transform
into a crone threatening the sun with solar eclipse
at the time of the new moon. This chapter also explores the iconography of male lunar deities, noting
that the male gender may reflect an association with
the full moon.
The fifth chapter treats Venus imagery, including
Postclassic Venus deities representing the seasonal
cycle in the eight-year Venus Almanac. In the analysis of the Dresden Codex, we see that God L takes the
role of the Morning Star in January; Lahun Chan is
an aspect of the Morning Star linked with August;
the howler monkey is the Morning Star of April; the
central Mexican Fire God represents the Morning
Star in November at the onset of the dry season; and
a blindfolded god from central Mexico represents
the Morning Star in June. Influence from central
Mexico is also evident in imagery of the feathered
serpent, Quetzalcoatl, and of Tlaloc, a central Mexican rain god who seems to be linked with the Yucatec rain god Chac. Both may be related to Venus,
sharing the patterning in sets of five reflecting the
Venus Almanac.
Chapter 6 explores what little we know about
planetary gods, proposing that God K, one of the
Triad at Palenque, represents the planet Jupiter. The
Mars Beast seems specifically associated with Mars.
Another planetary god is a monkey, possibly related
to the Postclassic God C. Images depicting an assembly or group of gods may represent the sun, moon,
and five planets.
The final chapter deals with stars, the Milky Way,
and other astronomical phenomena, such as comets
and meteors. A zodiac-like sequence from Yucatán
reveals specific animal constellations recognized in
the Postclassic period. The constellations on the sky
band are linked specifically with imagery of the
ecliptic crossing the Milky Way. In the Classic period, the Milky Way is depicted by the Cosmic Monster, with his two heads symbolizing the crossing
points of the ecliptic. Another Milky Way image is
seen in Itzamna, a god with a quadripartite nature.
His four different-colored bodies find their counterpart in the Popol Vuh, a creation legend describing
four different-colored roads that apparently represent two sides of the Milky Way and the two sides of
the ecliptic.
Chapters 3 –7 present a number of new interpretations and identifications, many of which require
further testing in the future. My method has been to
explore the ideas in a variety of ways, usually beginning with the sixteenth-century Colonial period. I
work backward through time to trace the history of
the astronomical images in the Classic period. Dates
on Classic period monuments provide data for testing the interpretations. Using the historical data developed by scholars in the last decades, a new picture
OVERVIEW OF CONTENTS
of Classic Maya astronomy emerges. It seems that
Maya rulers manipulated celestial imagery to make
themselves central to the cosmos. Different rulers or
lineages claimed descent from the Sun, the Moon,
and Venus. Jupiter seems to be the paramount planet
of rulers in the region of Palenque and Yaxchilán.
Indeed, after his death, King Pacal was transformed
into a god linked with Jupiter, an apotheosis that
11
carried the ruler to heaven. Other rulers were transformed into Venus after death. They traveled on the
soul’s road, the Milky Way, to reach their celestial
abode. The Precolumbian Maya, like other great
civilizations, believed their stars were gods, and their
rulers derived power from their connection with the
cosmos in life and in the afterlife.
1
CONTEMPORARY MAYA IMAGES
OF THE HEAVENS
Study of Precolumbian Maya astronomical imagery must begin with an understanding of the contemporary Maya worldview, because we cannot hope to penetrate the
ancient beliefs without an understanding of what the Maya say about the heavens
today. We are fortunate that many Maya groups remained isolated from the European colonists and still retain a measure of isolation today. They are able to pass
down their knowledge to new generations and to scholars who find this information
invaluable in the study of ancient traditions. Certainly there have been great changes
in the religious system over the past five hundred years as a result of European
contact, but those beliefs linked to seasonal cycles and agriculture most probably
reflect ancient concepts useful in interpreting Precolumbian astronomy. Scholars
studying ancient Mesoamerica see a striking continuity from the Colonial period up
through modern times, especially with respect to beliefs about geography, climate,
astronomy, agricultural activities, and curing practices (Broda 1989 : 145). Indeed,
religious symbols seem to have an enduring relationship to the natural environment
(Stone 1995b : 12). Despite more than twenty-five different languages in the Mayan
language family (Pl. 1), there is a widely shared notion that the sun and the moon
control agriculture.
THE SEASONAL CYCLE
Agricultural events are a main focus of the seasonal solar calendar today, as they
were at the time of the conquest in the sixteenth century. Many Maya Indians follow
the practices of their ancestors, clearing the fields before the rainy season and using
a digging stick to plant maize (corn), an important part of their diet. The first maize
crop, considered to be the principal crop, matures at the height of the rainy season.
At this time the ears are bent, which not only allows the maize to dry out, but also
hastens maturity and minimizes damage from insects, fungus, and animals (Salvador 1998). The bent ears may be left in the field for harvest with the second crop at
the onset of the dry season. Frequently a second maize planting takes place, interspersed with squash or beans, during the brief dry spell in late July and early August.
The new tender kernels (elotes) appear around twelve weeks later, and the mature
maize is ready to harvest around the onset of the dry season. Variations in practice
relate primarily to the altitude and latitude of the fields. Although the annual rainfall
varies across the Maya area, there is a rather uniform division of the year into a rainy
THE SEASONAL CYCLE
season beginning in April or May and a dry season
beginning in late November (Aveni and Hotaling
1996, fig. 1; Malmström 1997, figs. 2, 17, 32 –34). In
Mesoamerica, March is usually the month of least
rain and September is the most rainy month (Vivó
1964 : 201).
It is common practice among the Maya to fix
dates for sowing and harvesting by observing the two
annual zenith passages of the sun (B. Tedlock 1992b :
173, 189). They use a gnomon, a vertical staff or
pole, or even their own bodies to determine the solar
zenith by watching for the day that the sun casts no
shadow at noon (Girard 1962 : 147). The first solar
zenith in May is very important among a number of
Maya groups because it coincides with the onset of
the rains, when the primary maize crop is planted in
the lowlands. The date of the first solar zenith is dependent on latitude, but occurs sometime in May
throughout much of the Maya area (Pl. 1; Isbell
1982, fig. 1). There may be a second planting at the
second solar zenith, ranging in date from late July
in Yucatán to mid August in the southernmost Maya
area in western El Salvador. In some highland areas,
the harvesting of valley maize begins shortly after
the second solar zenith in August (B. Tedlock
1992b : 189).
The Yucatec Maya, living in the northern Maya
area, clear the new milpas of brush at least three
months before the ‘‘burn,’’ when the fields are set on
fire to clear them and to provide fertilizing ash. The
burn usually begins in March and runs through the
first part of May. The date of the burn is determined
by a form of divination known as xoc kin (Redfield
and Villa Rojas 1962 : 44 n. 1). This usually begins in
late May just before the rains or in early June just
after the onset of the rains (Pérez 1942 : 17; 1946).
They weed the fields once before the ears ripen. The
early maize (x-thup-nal) ripens in ten to fifteen
weeks, whereas late corn (u-nuc-nal) takes four and
a half months. The ears dry on the stalks, and the
harvest begins in November at the beginning of the
dry season and continues through the following
months. By March they finish gathering late maize
before clearing the fields.
The agricultural calendar of the Kekchı́ in Belize
13
begins in January when each man selects his milpa,
and the milpa is consecrated with religious ceremonies (Schackt 1986 : 35 –36). They clear the fields
during February and March and set fire to the underbrush a few days before sowing. The green corn
is harvested around the beginning of August; the
main harvest begins in late September and lasts
throughout much of October.
The Quiché of Momostenango in the department
of Totonicapán, Guatemala, plant both the mountain maize and the valley maize according to a calendar that combines solar and lunar observations
(B. Tedlock 1992b). The crops grow during the warm,
wet season, which runs from late April or early May
through October. The solar events seem to be more
important in the valley, where planting is begun
shortly after the first solar zenith on May 1 or 2 and
harvesting is begun after the second solar zenith on
August 11 or 12. At higher altitudes, they plant maize
and beans in March and harvest 260 days later in
December.
Among the Mam-speaking Maya of Santiago Chimaltenango in the highlands of Guatemala, the agricultural cycle begins in February, and the fields
are planted in March, long before the rainy season,
because the corn grows more slowly at these high altitudes (Watanabe 1992 : 37– 41). They plant their
main crop in the more temperate valley slopes below
the village, where the fields are cleared in April in
anticipation of rains in May. They plant beans and
squash alongside the young stalks of corn during
July, the time of a brief dry spell called canicula, a
term derived from Latin that refers to the dog star,
Sirius, prominent at this time of year. After canicula
the rains resume, reaching their peak in September.
The newly ripened corn can be picked as early as
September, but the main harvest takes place in January after the corn dries on the stalk.
In 1943 –1944, Miguel León-Portilla (1988 : 145 –
148) recorded a Tzeltal solar calendar at Oxchuc in
highland Chiapas. The calendar of eighteen twentyday months plus five nameless days (Haab) shows a
fixed relationship to the solar year and associated
agricultural activities. The Haab began in Batzul
(December 26 –January 14) with light agricultural
14
CONTEMPORARY MAYA IMAGES OF THE HEAVENS
activities, such as clearing the brush. By Mac (February 24 –March 15), the sowing began in the cold
uplands. The native religious leaders were responsible for this calendar and the church fiestas, indicating the two were linked together.
The Tzotzil of Zinacantán, Chiapas, plant highland maize in March, but in the lowlands, where the
temperatures are higher, they wait until the rains begin in May (Vogt 1990 : 69 –70). Weeding takes place
in June and July. The highland harvest takes place in
October. Harvesting in the lowlands begins in November and continues into December and January.
Among the Tzotzil of Chenalhó in Chiapas, the
agricultural year runs from February to November (Guiteras Holmes 1961 : 32 –35, 44 – 45). The
agricultural cycle follows the seasonal pattern, with
planting beginning around the onset of the rainy
season in late May; the rains reach their first maximum in June, followed by a dry spell (canicula) in
the last two weeks of July and the first week in August, then the rains resume until the next dry season
begins in November (Guiteras Holmes 1961 : 7, 34).
In September, they bend the stems of the maize ears,
leaving them on the stalk; by the end of October the
maize is ready for harvesting. Not all the maize is
brought in at once; rather, some is left to dry so that
it will not rot when it is stored. Their agricultural
year is guided by the 365-day calendar and by a fixed
260-day ritual year equivalent to thirteen months
beginning in Sisak and ending in Pom. In two separate field seasons in 1944 and 1955, Sisak began on
February 5 and Pom ended on November 16, which
suggests that the 365-day calendar remains fixed in
the year. The tenth of Sisak marks the beginning of
the 260-day ritual year and the agricultural cycle.
Following Sisak, there are five days of carnival, the
five ch’aik’in (uncounted days) that round out the
365-day calendar. This may be when the calendar is
adjusted for leap year, for there is only a one- or twoday difference when comparing the modern calendar
to a Tzotzil calendar recorded in 1688 (Berlin 1967).
The Tzotzil of Chamula in highland Chiapas divide the year into two halves, with the ‘‘right hand’’
direction symbolizing the rainy season and day sky,
and the ‘‘left hand’’ direction representing the dry
season and the night. Gary Gossen (1974b, fig. 2)
places the transition points at the equinoxes, even
though the seasonal transition actually occurs somewhat later.
A seasonal duality is also apparent in divisions of
the year among the Chortı́ of Guatemala. This is expressed in a fixed 360-day cycle that is divided into
two halves (Girard 1962 : 79 – 80). The first solar zenith on April 25 divides the year into a light half and
a dark half. The dark half is associated with the rainy
season, the light half with the dry season. This division of the year forms two 180-day sets that can be
divided further into periods of 9 days or 20 days, intervals that echo subdivisions in the Precolumbian
Maya calendar.
The solar zenith has a complementary solar event
known as the solar nadir, spaced six months from
the solar zenith. The November solar nadir marks
the beginning of the dry season. Barbara Tedlock’s
(1992b : 189) work with the Quiché of Momostenango (at 157048N) indicates that the full moon passing overhead at midnight shows the approximate
time of the two annual nadirs of the sun (early November and early February).
The Maya designate the changing length of the
days and the associated seasonal changes with different terms. For example, the Tzotzil of Zinacantán
say that months from January to June are called
‘‘long days,’’ whereas the months from July to December are referred to as ‘‘short days’’ (Laughlin
1975 : 177, 249, 500). Similarly, the sharp division in
the year between the rainy season and the dry is
designated with appropriate seasonal names. The
Tzotzil refer to the dry-season sun as k’ak’al ’osil (fire
or sun sky) and k’inal k’ak’al (fire or sun days),
whereas they say that the rainy season is jo’tik, meaning ‘‘expanse of water’’ or ‘‘expanse of rain’’ (Laughlin, personal communication 1988). The day itself is
k’ak’al, meaning ‘‘sun or heat’’ (Vogt and Vogt 1980 :
503). The seasonal cycle of the Tzotzil solar calendar
is integrated with the four directions (Gossen 1974b :
33 –35, fig. 2). The east is associated with the period
between the winter solstice and the vernal equinox,
when the days begin to grow longer. The direction
of ‘‘up,’’ rising heat, and the masculine principle are
ascendant at the spring equinox. The time from the
vernal equinox to the summer solstice is linked with
THE SOLAR CALENDAR
north and the beginning of the rains and the growing season, a time of year associated with the sun’s
vertical path at noon. The autumn equinox symbolizes waning heat, the female principle, the west, and
incipient death. The shorter days between the autumnal equinox and the winter solstice represent the
end of the growing season and the south, associated with the concept of the nadir and the sun at
midnight.
Often, the solstices seem to be regarded as transition points in the sun’s path. The Tzotzil of Chenalhó
say that the sun changes its path twice a year, and at
the transition points the old men stand at dawn and
command the sun ‘‘to take its proper place.’’ On the
first of Batzul (January 16), the sun moves north and
the days become longer, and on the first day of ’Elech
(June 30) the sun moves south and the days become
shorter (Guiteras Holmes 1961 : 32, 36). The Quiché
also refer to the winter and summer solstices as
‘‘change of path’’; the most important change in direction takes place at the winter solstice when the
high-altitude corn is harvested (B. Tedlock 1992b :
180). The summer solstice is more important than
the winter solstice among the Chortı́, but both solstices play a pivotal role as the corners in the cosmic
diagram embodying the yearly cycle (Girard 1962 :
245, 247, 297). Nonetheless, the Chortı́ say that the
sun changes its path in April and May, a time linked
with the first solar zenith falling on April 30 or May 1
in the Chortı́ area (Fought 1972 : 386; Girard 1962 :
79, 244, 251). This is the time when the rainy season
begins, the half of the year ruled by the weather god
Santiago. The dry half of the year, on the other hand,
is ruled by the Sun God.
A number of Maya people have a fixed 260-day
agricultural calendar. The Chortı́ have a fixed cycle
of 260 days in their agricultural calendar running
from February 8 to October 24, but they apparently
shift the beginning of the agricultural year to coincide with the first crescent moon (Girard 1962 :
328 –342). Eric Thompson (1930 : 41) records that
the Mopan Maya of San Antonio in Belize also begin their agricultural year on February 8; this suggests that they also have a fixed agricultural cycle of
260 days. Barbara Tedlock (1992b : 190) suggests that
the nine-month growing period of mountain maize,
15
approximating the length of the human gestation
period, helps account for the 260-day length of the
sacred almanac.
The balance of nature depends on the sun following its course, both in the daily cycle and in the annual agricultural calendar. Today its seasonal course
is reinforced by rituals and offerings, as it was in the
past. The Maya people are anxious for the sun to
take its proper place in the sky to open the agricultural season, but they are also concerned that there
be the correct balance of sun and rain. Too much sun
is most damaging to the crops, for it brings drought
and then famine. The codices show us that the balance of sun and rain was also very important in Precolumbian times (Chapter 3). Similarly, there is evidence in the codices of a fixed 260-day agricultural
cycle running from February to November, with special rituals relating to planting in May (Chapter 3).
THE SOLAR CALENDAR
The solar calendar used by the Maya today interfaces
with the seasonal cycles. Many Maya people share a
365-day solar calendar of eighteen months of twenty
days that ends with a short period of five days, a
calendar derived from Precolumbian times that is
known as the Haab. Although the Haab is found
today in a number of communities throughout
Chiapas and Guatemala (but not in Yucatán), only
around thirty-four communities in northwestern
Guatemala preserve both the Haab and the Tzolkin
(Bricker 1981 : 8). These two calendars together form
a cycle that repeats every fifty-two years. A name for
the fifty-two-year cycle, solq’uin, is preserved among
the Chol (Aulie and Aulie 1978 : 106).
The 365-day year operates separately from the
260-day divination calendar, but there is a certain
coordination because only four days of the 260-day
calendar fall in a position that makes them yearbearers, meaning that they are days that can begin
the year. As noted in the introduction, the interlocking cycles of 365 days and 260 days forming the Calendar Round would not seem to allow for any form
of intercalation. Nevertheless, in certain communities it is clear that some sort of adjustment is made
to keep the festivals in accord with the seasons.
16
CONTEMPORARY MAYA IMAGES OF THE HEAVENS
Heinrich Berlin (1967) analyzed the 365-day festival calendar preserved today among a number of
different Tzotzil communities, comparing it with an
early version of the Tzotzil calendar recorded by
Friar Juan de Rodaz in 1688. Today, as in the past,
the year begins in Batzul in early January. Berlin
notes that since 1688 there has been a total shift in
the Tzotzil festival calendar of only two days, and he
believes this indicates that a calendar correction to
account for leap years has been made, though he
could not ascertain how this was done. Calixta Guiteras Holmes (1961 : 153) was also unable to find out
how the calendar was adjusted among the Tzotzil of
Chenalhó, but it clearly follows the seasons. It is
likely that the Maya today link the festivals to Catholic saints’ days to keep in time with the seasons (Evon
Vogt, personal communication 1997).
The Tzutujil Maya of Guatemala say that the sun
dies each year (Tarn and Prechtel 1986 : 174 –178).
They conduct ceremonies to bury the old year
around the time of Carnival before Lent or Holy
Week (the week before Easter). In preparation for
the New Year ceremonies, they bury an effigy of the
Mam representing the old year (Taube 1989b : 375;
Thompson 1970a : 472). This synchronization with
the Catholic calendar suggests the Tzutujil may use
a combination of solar and lunar observations, for
the year end must precede Easter, which occurs on
the first Sunday after the full moon falling on or
after the spring equinox.
The Quiché name their solar year with the day
name and number combination that begins the year,
known as the year-bearer (B. Tedlock 1992b : 35, 91,
99 –104). The new year gradually shifts in the calendar, for there is no apparent adjustment to make the
new year fall at a specific time of year. Only four of
the twenty day names can act as year-bearers (known
as Mam), with Quej being considered the first and
most important. Each of the four Mam is associated
with a different mountain, and they are greeted at
the beginning of the year at their respective mountain shrines at Quilaja, Tamancu, Socop, and Pipil.
The five days at year end, associated with the old
Mam, are considered very dangerous.
The Ixil Maya also combine the 260-day calendar
and the 365-day calendar to name the year-bearers
in a system that is essentially the same as that of the
Quiché (Aveni 1980 : 43; Lincoln 1942). The new
year in their solar calendar is not intercalated, but
prior to the early eighteenth century, there may have
been some form of correction because the month
names incorporate seasonal and agricultural activities (Colby and Colby 1981 : 47).
Knowledge of the solar calendar is widespread
among the Tzotzil of Chamula (Gossen 1974a : 246;
1974b : 27). The first month of the calendar usually
begins in late December around the winter solstice.
The people of Chamula link the seasonal cycle to
the traditional Mesoamerican calendar of 365 days.
However, Gossen notes that they do not allow for a
leap year in their calculations. Apparently, they coordinate their festivals with the Catholic festival calendar. Ceremonies dedicated to the Sun God are
sometimes fused with the Catholic festival calendar
at Chamula. Christ’s birthday is celebrated as the rebirth of the sun on the winter solstice, the longest
night of the year (Gossen 1974b : 39). Synchronizing
the solar and lunar calendars also appears to be important in the Festival of Games at Chamula. Here
the sun and Christ are equated with the bull killed
just prior to Easter (Gossen 1986 : 241).
The Tzotzil of Zinacantán honor their patron
saint, San Lorenzo, in a festival between August 7
and 11 (Vogt and Vogt 1980 : 516). This period incorporates the date of the second solar zenith at this
latitude of 16 7N (pl. 1). Eva Hunt (1977 : 226 –227)
notes that the Festival of San Lorenzo coincides
with the position of the sun straight overhead at
the latitude of Zinacantán, and she equates the saint
with the summer solstice and the solar zenith, even
though these two events are separated by more than
a month. At the other end of the year, the Festival of
San Sebastián embodies the winter solstice sun, according to Hunt (1977 : 226 –228).
The saints’ days are often used as guides for planting. The ‘‘dı́a de San Marcos’’ (April 25), involving
an eight-day ceremony ending on May 2, is important for timing the Chortı́ planting cycle (Wisdom
1940 : 462 – 463). The Day of the Holy Cross on
May 3 is a rain-making ceremony that is expected to
bring the first rains on the first day of the planting
festival. The Chortı́ link this festival to the position
MODERN MAYA COSMIC DIAGRAMS
of the zenith sun at the center of a cosmological cross
marking the intersection point of the Milky Way and
the ecliptic (Girard 1949 : 456; Milbrath 1980a : 291).
The ‘‘dı́a de Santiago’’ (July 25) marks a temporary
suspension of the rains (canicula) when the Chortı́
prepare the fields for a second planting (Girard
1962 : 251–252, table facing page 328).
Robert Redfield and Alfonso Villa Rojas (1962 :
82 – 83) point out that the agricultural year underlies
and controls aspects of the church calendar among
the Yucatec Maya of Chan Kom. For example, the
great emphasis placed on festival activities on the
Day of the Cross in early May relates to a lull in agricultural activities at this time.
In some cases the Catholic festivals have been
changed to accommodate Precolumbian Maya beliefs. In the department of Suchitepéquez, Guatemala, the Maya of San Bernardino celebrate Corpus
Christi Day in July, rather than the traditional Catholic day in springtime. Jeanne Pieper (1988 : 28 –30)
points out that these festivals are thinly disguised
New Year festivals similar to Precolumbian dances
that took place in July in Yucatán. The Corpus
Christi dance is called the Dance of the Tun. The
dance maestro carries a wooden deer head, symbolizing a sacrificed deer, at the beginning of a disorderly dance on Saturday, which is followed on Sunday by a procession to the church with stops at four
small chapels decorated with mirrors, colored paper,
and a statue of a saint.
The Maya festival cycle links the Catholic saints’
days with ancient solar rituals in a way that may
seem surprising. This syncretism is just one more
way the Maya have maintained core beliefs in the
face of rapid change. Such syncretism is facilitated by
the fact that the Catholic festivals are timed by seasonal positions of the sun and phases of the moon,
the same bodies observed by the Maya in their festivals and planting cycles.
MODERN MAYA COSMIC DIAGRAMS
The cosmic directions may be associated with different colors, as among the Tzotzil of Zinacantán, who
link east with red and the ‘‘upward’’ direction, and
west with black and the ‘‘downward’’ direction (Vogt
17
and Vogt 1980 : 504 –506). At San Andrés Larraı́nzar,
the colors of the cardinal directions are associated
with different Tzotzil gods (Holland 1964 : 16). The
east is white and is linked to the god of rain; the
north is also white but is associated with the god of
maize; the west is black, linked with the god of death;
and the south is red, where the god of wind resides.
The four corners of the heavens are intercardinal directions where the cargadores (bearers) reside. The
Tzotzil at Chenalhó relate the north to the color
white, the west to black, the south to yellow, and the
east to red (Guiteras Holmes 1961 : 287). They link
three of the colors to scarcity of maize (famine);
black represents famine related to women, red famine to men, and white famine to children; but yellow
is a color associated with an abundance of maize.
During the Colonial period, Friar Diego de Landa
recorded similar color directions associated with
varying fates of maize in the four-year cycle of the
year-bearers; for example, Cauac years, linked with
the west and the color black, were characterized by
a hot sun that would destroy the fields of maize
(Tozzer 1941 : 148).
Just as all roads led to Rome in classical antiquity,
all directions lead to the sun in Maya cosmology. A
Yucatec prayer recorded in the nineteenth century
refers to the sun as the ‘‘master of the east’’ who carries prayers to the four extremes of the sky and the
four extremes of the earth (Villa Rojas 1969 : 272).
The Maya cosmos is delimited by the sun’s apparent
motion. The east and west are often defined as entry
and exit points for the sun (B. Tedlock 1992a : 22;
1992b : 173 –177). Many Mayan languages reflect
concepts of time and space based on the daily and
annual movements of the sun (Watanabe 1983).
A quadripartite arrangement also refers to the
daily course of the sun in some contexts. A Tzotzil
cosmic diagram marks four principal positions of
the sun in its daily course (Fig. 1.1a). At the Festival
of Games in February in Chamula, the head of Sun /
Christ is represented by four metal flagpole tips attached to poles (the skeletons of Sun /Christ) and
banners (the body of Sun /Christ), which symbolize
the four positions of Sun /Christ: rising, zenith,
setting, and nadir (Gossen 1986 : 232). Analysis of
Chamula astronomical concepts indicates that the
MODERN MAYA COSMIC DIAGRAMS
19
primary axis is an east-west direction based on the
sun’s daily path (Sosa 1986 : 196, table 1). Even
though they recognize that the zenith position is
overhead, the east is visualized as the ‘‘up’’ direction
and the west as ‘‘down.’’
East and west indicate the directions where the
sun rises and sets in Mayan languages, but the two
other directions are not recorded in many dictionaries. When north and south are named, they are variously linked with the right and left hand of the Sun
God, the direction of prevailing winds that bring
rain, the topographical distinctions between highland and lowland, and the notion of above and below or zenith and nadir (B. Tedlock 1992b : 176 –
178). Barbara Tedlock interprets the basic structure
of Mayan directional symbolism as a reflection of the
daily path of the sun, with north and south representing the noon and midnight positions of the sun,
loosely linked with zenith and nadir. However, her
data from the Quiché also suggest that north and
south are the sides of heaven, with south corresponding to the left hand of the rising sun and north
to the right hand, whereas east is ‘‘the sun’s rising
place’’ and west is ‘‘the sun’s falling place’’ (Tedlock
1992a : 23). Similar notions occur among the Tzotzil
and Lacandón Maya, who say that north and south
are sides of heaven (Köhler 1980 : 586).
When speaking of the cosmic directions, there is
disagreement as to the location of the ‘‘corners’’ of
the cosmos. Ulrich Köhler (1980 : 585 –586) notes
that among the Tzotzil, Lacandón, and Quiché, the
sky-bearers hold up the heavens at the four intercardinal directions associated with the year-bearer days,
which he links with the sun’s solstice extremes. In
Quintana Roo, the Yucatec Maya of X-Cacal place
the great Chacs at the corners of the world associated
with true cardinal directions, but an informant from
the village of Tusik describes the corners of the sky
as being located at the intercardinal points (Villa Rojas 1945 : 102 n. 12). The Maya of Yalcobá, Yucatán,
say that the corners of the cosmos are located at the
intercardinal directions, whereas the cardinal directions refer to the sides of heaven (Sosa 1985 : 419 –
420, Fig. 10; 1989 : 132 –137, Fig. 9.2). The hmèen
(native priest /shaman) says that the sun reaches the
corner of lak’in saman (our northeast) in June, and
it moves to lak’in nohol (our southeast) by December. The beginning direction is east (lak’in), the
‘‘up’’ direction positioned between two of the corners of a quadrilateral cosmos defined by the annual
and daily solar motion. In a like fashion, Colonial
period Yucatec maps place the eastern direction at
the top, indicating the ‘‘up’’ direction (Marcus 1992,
fig. 6.16).
In some accounts, the corners of the universe are
intercardinal points identified with the extreme horizon positions of the sun at the solstices (Girard
1962 : 40, 45, 247; Gossen 1982, fig. 2; Villa Rojas
1988 : 128 –131). Girard points out that the cosmic
cross of the Maya is often mistakenly referred to as a
representation of the cardinal directions, when in
fact the Chortı́ indicate that it marks the intercardinal horizon positions of the sun at the solstices. An
idealized diagram of the Maya cosmos traces out a
quincunx of five points, with the four corner points
linked to the solstices, and the center point marking the equinoctial line (Villa Rojas 1988, fig. 2). In
other cosmograms, the center point can be the noon
position of the sun. The Yucatec Maya of Yalcobá
say that the u hol gloryah (the hole in the middle of
the sky) corresponds to the noon position of the sun,
when there is a cosmological conduit to the sun
(Sosa 1985 : 315, 346, 368 –369, 393 –395, 435; 1989 :
139). There is a complementary hole in the earth
marking the underworld position of the sun around
midnight.
Evon Vogt (1964 : 198) reports significant variation in the cosmological worldview from one Tzotzil
town or municipio to the next, and even internal
variations within municipios. In Zinacantán, the
FIG. 1.1. a: Contemporary Tzotzil conception of universe
(after Vogt 1969, fig. 192).
b: Contemporary Lacandón conception of universe (after Rätsch and Ma’ax 1984 : 44 – 46). Layer one is heaven
of Wandering Gods; layer two is heaven of Kak’och; layer
three is heaven of T’uup, layer four is heaven of Hachäkyum, layer five is heaven of vultures, layer six is Earth, layer
seven is underworld of Sukunkyum.
20
CONTEMPORARY MAYA IMAGES OF THE HEAVENS
earth is a cube, and men live on top of the cube; at
the lower corners of the cube are four pillars of the
world, conceived of as animals or gods (Vashakmen)
holding up the earth (Vogt 1969 : 297–298). Above
the surface of the earth there is a quadrilateral space
with three layers. The huts at Zinacantán have three
roof joists to mirror the three-layered heavens, collectively known as Vinahel, meaning ‘‘sky’’ or ‘‘heavens’’ (Vogt 1976 : 58). On the other hand, the Tzotzil
of San Andrés Larraı́nzar say that the sky is a pyramid supported by a giant ceiba, and the sun rises by
six steps to the top and descends in six steps to mark
the thirteen hours of daylight (Fig. 1.1a; Holland
1964 : 14 –15; Laughlin 1969 : 175). The stepped aspect of the sun’s course seems to have more to do
with a count of hours in the day; however, the thirteenth hour is not at sunset, but instead is at noon,
being equated with the thirteenth step overhead at
the ‘‘heart of the sky’’ (Holland 1964 : 14 –15, 17).
The sun, the moon, and the Catholic saints are positioned in the thirteen levels of the sky.
Maya cosmologies report layered heavens ranging
from three to fifteen. A Tzotzil cosmic model recorded in Zinacantán places the moon in the lowest
layer, the stars in the middle layer, and the sun in the
upper layer (Vogt 1976 : 58). The Maya of Chamula
also visualize a three-layered heaven, with the sun
moving in the highest layer. The first layer is the
visible sky, the second is where the stars and moon
are located, and the third is where the sun (Christ),
the bright constellations, and St. Jerome are located
(Gossen 1974b : 21, Fig. 1). Data collected in the
Yucatec Maya settlement of X-Cacal indicate that the
universe has fifteen layers, seven above the earth and
seven below, with a giant ceiba linking the layers together through its roots, trunk, and branches; similar traditions are known from the region of Valladolid (Roys 1972 : 73; Villa Rojas 1945 : 154; 1969 : 275).
Five layers are found in the Lacandón universe,
according to Jon McGee (1990 : 61, 107–108). The
first layer is the underworld; the second is the surface
of the earth; the third is the sky, where Hachäkyum,
Our True Lord (the creator god), and other celestial
gods live; the fourth is the home of Kak’och, the
creator of the gods; and the fifth layer is the most
remote, the sky of Chembel K’uh, translated as ‘‘minor gods’’ (but see below). Gertrude Duby and Frans
Blom (1969 : 295) record the same three sky levels,
noting that the lowest is a sort of paradise where
the dead go and live happily. Another Lacandón account, recorded by Christian Rätsch and K’ayum
Ma’ax (1984 : 44 – 46), has seven layers, each formed
by a round disk (Fig. 1.1b). The layers, numbered
from top to bottom, place the chembel k’uho’, or
‘‘Wandering Gods’’ (the planets), in the highest
heaven. The second layer is the abode of Kak’och,
also called ‘‘two-monkey.’’ Here is where Hachäkyum placed the sun, but this layer already contained
a sun made by Kak’och to shine for Hachäkyum and
the two suns together were too bright, so the sun that
illuminates the earth is now in a separate layer. The
third layer, suspended from the layer above, is the
heaven of T’uup (the Little One), a spider monkey
who is said to be lord of the sun. The fifth layer, the
heaven of the vultures, hangs in a similar fashion
from the fourth layer, the heaven of Hachäkyum.
The sixth layer is formed by the earth, and the seventh layer, the underworld of Sukunkyum, hangs
from stone columns attached to the earth.
In sum, the sun’s motion defines the diagram of
cosmic space. The earth often takes a quadrilateral
form because its horizon is circumscribed by the
motion of the sun forming an intercardinal cosmic
diagram at the horizon extremes of the solstices. Another cosmic diagram marks the rising and setting
points to the east and west, and the north and south
are true cardinal directions apparently equated with
the north and south side of the heavens or, alternatively, the above and below positions relating to the
daily course of the sun. The noon sun can define
both the overhead and central position, especially in
constructs linking above and below with a central
vertical axis. Although the noon sun is overhead, the
‘‘up position’’ is sometimes linked with the rising
sun in the east. The cosmos may also be divided vertically by the sun’s path along steps to the noon position. Another construct divides vertical space in
layers. The highest layer is reserved for the planets in
some accounts, but when few layers are mentioned,
the sun is usually in the highest of the layers.
HOW THE SUN MOVES AND TRANSFORMS
HOW THE SUN MOVES
AND TRANSFORMS
Because the sun seems to shift its position during the
day and over the course of the seasons, it is seen as
a dynamic force in the earth-centered cosmos of
traditional Maya communities. The Maya use different names for the changing positions of the sun,
and they visualize the sun taking a journey or transforming over the course of the days and nights of
the year.
The daily movements of the sun are noted with
different terms. According to the Quiché, the sun
bears different names in the morning, at noon, and
in the afternoon, with the noon sun identified as a
two-faced god called Jakawitz (sometimes given as
Cawach, Cakwitz, or Caguach; Carmack 1981 : 275;
León 1945 : 45). Another source notes that the
Quiché say that the sun has four faces, but it is not
clear whether these express different times of day
(Alvarado 1975 : 51). In Lacandón terms defining
time, ‘‘fire base sun’’ describes noon, ‘‘half base sun’’
refers to one–two hours after sunrise, ‘‘nose base
sun’’ to midmorning and midafternoon, and ‘‘no
sun’’ to sunset (McGee 1990 : 54, table 5.4).
In the nineteenth century, Pı́o Pérez recorded
names for the time of day in Yucatec Mayan, noting
that the name for the time around midday was a
contraction of chumuc-Kin, or ‘‘center of the day’’
(Sosa 1986 : 196). Similarly, the Tzotzil of Zinacantán
say that the noon sun is the ‘‘center,’’ ‘‘middle’’ or
‘‘halfway sun’’ (Laughlin 1975 : 64).
Apparently the sun ages over the course of the
day, a notion in keeping with a time-space continuum in which celestial positioning equates with
passage of time. The Tzotzil call the noon position
the sun’s maturity or aging (syijil k’ak’al; Laughlin
1975 : 385). Some names for the afternoon sun and
the sun at sunset imply that the sun is old; others
indicate that the sun dies after sunset (Lamb n.d.b).
The aged sun evokes Precolumbian images of the
aged Sun God (Chapter 3). Names for the solar designs on men’s trousers among the Quiché indicate
that the sun ages like a human being, for the infant
sun represents the child; the young sun symbolizes
21
the young man; and grandfather sun represents the
elderly (Girard 1979 : 299).
The sun’s nightly passage through the underworld
is certainly an important event to the Maya, but
there seem to be many different views on what happens to the sun at night. Some accounts involve
death and rebirth, as among the Chortı́, who say that
the sun dies at sunset and is reborn every day at dawn
(Girard 1962 : 723). On the other hand, the Chol say
that the sun goes inside his house at night (Josserand, cited in Bassie-Sweet 1992 : 172). A Tzeltal term
for the west is ‘‘the sleeping place of the sun,’’ implying that the sun goes to sleep at night (B. Tedlock
1992b : 176 –177).
A Lacandón source says that an underworld Venus
god, known as Sucunyum (Sukunkyum, or Lord Elder Brother), carries the sun on his shoulders in his
journey through the underworld (Fig. 1.1b; Rätsch
and Ma’ax 1984 : 45; Thompson 1970b : 240, 303).
Each day the sun grows tired; he is transformed into
a skeletal form at night and at dawn he is resurrected
(McGee 1990 : 62 – 65, 116). Thus the night sun is involved in both transformation and a journey to the
underworld. Another Lacandón account says that
the sun enters the underworld each night by climbing down the trunks of trees and through the roots
(Thompson 1960 : 71). This echoes Precolumbian
imagery showing the Sun God climbing up a tree
emerging from the underworld (Fig. 3.4c).
A translation for chik’in, meaning ‘‘west’’ in Yucatec, is ‘‘eaten sun,’’ which implies that the sun is devoured at night. Who does the devouring is not clear,
but it could be the Earth Monster with a gaping cave
mouth. The Yucatec Maya of Yalcobá say that the sun
goes into a cave at night (Sosa 1985 : 423, 446 – 447).
This image may involve water, because caves are
associated with underground rivers. Yucatec terms
note that the sun is diving toward water in the afternoon (Sosa 1985 : 426 – 427). A Yucatec term used for
the setting sun is t’ubul, meaning ‘‘to sink or be submerged in water or a hollow object’’ (Barrera Vásquez 1980). The Chamula Maya say that the sun
travels in a wide-mouthed gourd when it sets into
the ocean at night (Gossen 1974b : 264). Another
Chamula tale says that when the sun sets it dries up
22
CONTEMPORARY MAYA IMAGES OF THE HEAVENS
the ocean, again indicating that the sun passes into
the waters of the underworld (Gossen 1980 : 144).
In some Tzotzil accounts, the sun passes through
an underworld inhabited by small people. Because
the sun passes so close to them, these dwarfs must
wear mud hats to protect themselves from the heat,
according to Zinacantán cosmology (Vogt 1969 :
298). The accounts of Chenalhó say that the helpers
of the sun kneel to hand over the sun to small people
waiting in the underworld to carry the sun through
the underworld (Guiteras Holmes 1961 : 152 –153,
268). The sun dries up the ocean where it enters the
underworld, but the rivers replenish the waters.
When moving across the sky overhead, the sun
undergoes a variety of transformations and uses
many different modes of transport. The Ixil in Guatemala believe that the Sun God (Kub’aal q’ii) has
twenty different manifestations and that he moves
across the sky seated in a chair carried by four bearers; two other bearers carry his large headdress
(Colby and Colby 1981 : 38). The Tzeltal of Chiapas
say that the sun walks across the sky (Nash 1970 :
311). On the other hand, the Quiché note that the
sun is a young traveler who cannot walk in space, so
an immense feathered snake known as K’ucumatz
carries the sun up to its noon position (Carmack
1981 : 275). This same serpent also carries the sun
over the ocean (León 1945 : 45 – 46). The serpent’s
name, K’ucumatz, may embody the two seasons of
the solar year, for the dry season is identified with
the serpent (cumatz) and the wet season with the
quetzal bird (k’uk’; Carmack 1981 : 356).
The Tzotzil of Chamula say that the sun rides in a
chariot or a two-wheeled cart, clearly reflecting a European mode of transport (Gossen 1974b : 263 –
264). Another Chamula account notes that when the
days are short, the sun goes in a truck so he can move
rapidly across the sky, whereas when days are long,
he rides a burro and moves slowly across the sky.
A more ancient Maya tradition found among the
Cakchiquel says that a swift-moving deer draws
the sun across the sky on the short days around the
winter solstice, whereas two collared peccaries
(jabalı́) convey the sun more slowly on the long days
around the summer solstice (Thompson 1967 : 38).
These images all seem to have their counterparts in
Precolumbian solar images, as will be seen in Chapter 3.
Mopan folklore about the Sun God carrying a
deer or deerskin expresses a related form of solar imagery. To impress the Moon Goddess, XT’actani, the
sun carries a stuffed deerskin, pretending he has just
killed the deer. The skin bursts open and XT’actani
laughs at him, so he changes himself into a hummingbird and continues to court her until he convinces her to elope (Thompson 1967 : 31–32; 1970b :
363 –364).
Similarly, in a Cakchiquel tale, the sun comes to
woo his lunar lover in the form of a hummingbird
(Thompson 1970b : 365 –366). Another legend, recorded by Wirsing among the Kekchı́, has the young
Moon Goddess weaving when the sun visits her in
the guise of a hummingbird (Thompson 1970b : 370).
The sun’s aspect as a bird provides a natural explanation for how the sun moves through the sky.
The hummingbird’s taste for flower nectar, especially from red-colored flowers, may be another
reason for the connection with the sun, for flowers
themselves symbolize the sun among the Tzotzil
(Vogt 1976 : 128). Because hummingbirds are believed to hibernate during the dry season, the hummingbird’s return is a seasonal metaphor for the
return of the sun in spring in Tzotzil folklore (Hunt
1977 : 61– 62, 68, 254). Hunt notes that the hummingbirds are not merely like the sun, they are the
sun. As we shall see, the Precolumbian Maya also visualized the sun as a hummingbird (Chapter 3).
Occasionally, the solar bird is an eagle, a bird
noted for its pattern of flight circling the sky and its
ability to look directly at the sun. The Lacandón say
that Hachäkyum created the sun out of limestone
and painted a brilliant harpy eagle on his clothes,
and this is why the sun is so bright (Rätsch and
Ma’ax 1984 : 42).
Birds are not the only animal transformations
symbolizing the sun flying across the sky. A butterfly
in a diamond design represents the sun and the center of the cosmos for Tzotzil weavers of Magdalenas
in highland Chiapas (Morris 1986 : 57; Morris and
Foxx 1987 : 110).
Whereas the sun itself flies across the sky as a
winged creature or is carried by an animal or a
THE SUN GOD
wheeled vehicle, sun beams are shot to earth as projectiles. The rays of the Lacandón solar god Äk Tet
(our father) are sun arrows with flint tips (Rätsch
and Ma’ax 1984 : 42). The Chol call the solar rays
‘‘arrowshafts of the sun’’ (Thompson 1960 : 142).
The Tzotzil compare a sunbeam to a shaft, a bodkin,
or a needle (Lamb n.d.b). In Mopan folklore, the
sun shoots an arrow, killing his grandmother, Xkitza
(Thompson 1967 : 23). The Sun God or a ruler impersonating the sun carries darts in Precolumbian
Maya imagery (Fig. 3.5g).
In sum, an animal or a vehicle carries the sun,
or the sun itself is a winged creature that can fly.
Dwarfs convey the sun through the underworld in
some accounts. In others, the sun travels through
water or down a sacred tree. Although most of the
contemporary Maya cultures have been influenced
by Catholicism to varying degrees, there seem to be
a number of core beliefs that reflect Precolumbian
concepts, such as the sun’s rays as arrows. The notion
that animals carry the sun or that the sun transforms
into an animal seems to have counterparts in Precolumbian times. Similarly, the sun’s descent into
the underworld on a tree seems to be reflected in
Precolumbian imagery.
THE SUN GOD
The sun rules the cosmos for most Mayan speakers,
who describe the sun as a human or godlike figure
with a brilliant round face (B. Tedlock 1992b : 173,
178). Generally the sun is male, but there are some
instances of a female sun, as among the Chol (Iwaniszewski 1992 : 133). When the sun is male, he is usually identified with God or Jesus Christ in the indigenous form of Catholicism.
There is considerable variety in how the sun relates to the higher powers. A generalized link with
God the Father may be expressed in the name ‘‘father
sun’’ used by the Yucatec Maya of Quintana Roo
(Villa Rojas 1969 : 272). Among the Tzotzil, the sun
is variously identified as Our Lord Sun, Jesus Christ,
the Child Jesus, God, or God the Father (Gossen
1982 : 29, Fig. 1; Guiteras Holmes 1961 : 152, 186,
313; Holland 1964 : 15). The Tzotzil of Chamula say
that the sun is Christ, ‘‘our honorable father,’’ who
23
lives with his father, San José, and carries a candle
representing the Morning Star (Gossen 1974b : 21,
23, Fig. 1; 1982 : 29, Fig. 1). The Tzotzil of San Andrés Larraı́nzar associate the sun with both Jesus
Christ and San Salvador (Laughlin 1969 : 175). The
Pokomchı́ say the Sun God admits them into the
presence of God, like the saints who are also advocates with God (Mayers 1958 : 16). Apparently here
the Sun God is not identified with God, but his role
as a mediator between man and God suggests he is
identified with Jesus.
In Zinacantán, the Tzotzil identify the sun with
Señor Esquipulas, representing Christ on the cross;
however the sun is not directly identified with Jesus
Christ (Vogt 1969 : 360 –361, 367–368). Ornamental
reflecting mirrors hung on Señor Esquipulas may
denote the ancient link between the sun and mirrors
(Chapter 3). His image is positioned in the east of
the chapel in accord with the position of the rising
sun. In the year renewal rites, three silver necklaces
are placed around his neck during the daylight hours,
apparently to evoke sunrise (Vogt 1976 : 128).
Maya metaphors link the sun or Sun God with
fire. The Tzeltal say that the sun carries fire from his
milpa around the sky (Nash 1970 : 311). The Tzotzil
of Chenalhó say that the sun is fire and light (Guiteras Holmes 1961 : 152, 292). Chamula names describing the Sun God relate him to heat and fire, and
one of his names is Our Father Heat (Gossen 1974b :
31). On the fourth day of the five-day Festival of
Games in February, Chamula’s Carnival officials run
back and forth along a path of burning thatch in a
fire walk that dramatizes the first ascent of the Sun /
Christ into heaven (Gossen 1986 : 229 –230, 246 –
247, figs. 1–2). Solar heat naturally evokes an image
of solar fire, a metaphorical link also seen in Precolumbian times (Chapter 3).
Under certain conditions, the sun is associated
with death. Winahel, located in the sun, is the abode
of young children when they die, and of people
struck by lightning or drowned as well as of women
who die in childbirth, according to the Tzotzil of
Chenalhó (Guiteras Holmes 1961 : 143, 258). Similarly, Aztec accounts record that women who died in
childbirth are the companions of the sun until it
reaches the western horizon.
24
CONTEMPORARY MAYA IMAGES OF THE HEAVENS
The Sun God also influences human health. The
Tzotzil pray to the sun at sunrise and sunset for good
health (Thompson 1970b : 238). The Yucatec Maya
of Yalcobá say that when the sun is rising or at an
overhead position at noon, it can send disease; the
hmèen disposes of illness by sweeping it into a cave
on the western horizon so that the sun will carry it
off to the underworld at sunset (Sosa 1985 : 447). The
Yucatec Maya of Maxcanú say that the spirits linked
with death and sickness come out at noon. When the
sun reaches its midnight position, it is ‘‘in the earth’’
and the danger of the night has passed away as the
sun moves toward sunrise (Armador 1995 : 313). As
we will see, a similar belief is recorded in Yucatec
sources from the Colonial period, for in times of
pestilence people made offerings to the sun at noon
to prevent illness (Chapter 3). The noon sun may be
connected with illness because the sun’s rays are dangerously strong at this time.
Originally, the sun made by Kak’och only illuminated the upper heavens, but then the creator
god made the sun Äk Tet to bring light to the earth
(Bruce 1976 : 77). Another Lacandón solar god,
Äk’inchob (cross-eyed lord), is the husband of the
moon and the god of the milpa. A Tzotzil account
from Chamula says that the sun gave mankind maize
from his body as a hot food that came from his groin
(Gossen 1974b : 40). The Sun God is frequently mentioned in relation to Maya agriculture, reflecting the
essential link between the sun and maize.
A Chol tale says that the moon had two children,
and the younger one became the sun of our world
(Cruz Guzmán 1994). Before he was transformed
into the sun, the younger brother was a hunter
whose older brother was lazy and jealous. He lay in
his hammock when the younger brother went out to
hunt birds. While hunting, the future sun found a
tree filled with honey, which led to discord between
the brothers. As a result, the world order was
changed. The younger brother was transformed into
the sun, and the world became what it is today. At
this point, the sun introduced maize agriculture.
In most Maya tales that involve three brothers, the
sun’s relationship with one or both of his siblings is
not harmonious. A Tzotzil tale from Chenalhó has
Jesus Christ in the role of the sun, and his mother,
the Virgin, is the moon. Tired of his two older brothers teasing him, he transforms them into pigs (Guiteras Holmes 1961 : 183 –186). A Chol tale identifies
the moon as the mother of three boys, and the sun
is the youngest of the brothers, as in the Tzotzil legend (Whittaker and Warkentin 1965 : 35 – 42). Here
the sun’s older brothers are maize farmers. Because
they mistreat him, the future sun kills his elder
brothers, so he has to learn how to plant maize from
an old man. The sun clears his field during the day,
but finds that each night the brush has grown back.
By staying up all night he finds out that a rabbit is
causing the plants to grow back, so he captures the
rabbit and gives it to his lunar mother. But he gets
tired of planting and decides to climb up the beam
of the house to the sky. He carries a chicken with
him, and his mother follows him carrying her rabbit;
then they become the sun and the moon. Here the
solar bird is a domesticated one introduced from Europe, but more commonly the avian transformation
of the sun is a hummingbird, a solar image that can
be traced back to Precolumbian times (Chapter 3).
In a tale of three brothers from the Cakchiquel of
San Antonio, the sun and the moon are elder brothers who are farmers (Thompson 1970b : 357). They
turn their younger brother into a monkey when he
tells their grandmother they are using magical hoes
to do the work. Then they kill their grandmother by
throwing her into a sweat bath and then into a fire.
A Mopan tale from Belize makes the three brothers blowgun hunters who provide their grandmother
with meat (Thompson 1970b : 355 –356). When she
does not share it with them, they kill her, after turning their younger brother into a monkey because he
refuses to go along with the scheme. In Thompson’s
(1930 : 60 – 63, 120 –125) earlier versions of the tale,
the eldest brother is Lord Xulab, or Nohoch Ich (Big
Eye), identified as both the planet Venus and the
Morning Star; the middle child is the Sun (Lord
Kin), and the youngest brother is T’up, who was to
become Mars or Jupiter. The three hunt with their
blowguns, bringing the dead birds to their grandmother (the aged moon?), who gives the meat to
her tapir lover. The elder brothers (Venus and the
Sun) plot to kill her, because she gives them nothing
to eat. In another Mopan account, the elder and
IMAGES OF ECLIPSES
younger brother of the Sun are both aspects of Venus, representing the Morning Star and the Evening
Star (Thompson 1970b : 343). The tale of a celestial
family with Sun as the middle brother is also seen in
Precolumbian times (Chapter 3).
A Chol tale is very similar, but there are some
interesting substitutions (Thompson 1967 : 30 –31).
The moon had seven children by a father who died.
The widowed mother sends her children to work in
the milpa so that she and the sun can have intercourse. She becomes pregnant, and the son of the sun
is born wearing a small red hat and red trousers, carrying a machete in hand. His jealous half-brothers
kill him, but he revives and returns home carrying a
peccary. The same thing repeats the next day. On the
third day they take him to the forest, where Son of
the Sun asks his brothers to climb up and fetch some
honey from the tree, but they throw down only wax.
Angered, he gets the moles to eat the tree roots, felling the tree and smashing the brothers. Later the
dead brothers are converted into animals.
A Tzeltal astronomical tale describes how Yax
Kahkal (Green or First Sun) chops up his brother,
the youngest in the family (Thompson 1967 : 28 –
30 n. 7). Marianna Slocum (1965a) records a similar
account, translating the older brother’s name as Blue
Sun. The wasps and bees collect the pieces, restoring
the younger brother to life. The younger brother asks
Blue Sun to climb a tree and throw down some
honey, but he only throws down wax. Angered, the
younger brother cuts down a tree, and Blue Sun is
smashed to pieces that become the animals of the
forest. The grandmother tried to seize the animals,
but was only able to capture the rabbit, so that is
what you see today on the face of the moon.
Another Tzeltal version of the tale makes Grandmother Moon the mother of three boys. Here it is
the two elder brothers who climb the tree, angering
their younger brother (the future sun) because they
throw down only wax, which in Tzeltal is the same
as the word for excrement (Nash 1970 : 198 –201).
The tree falls and the elder brother turns into a pig;
the second brother is transformed into a wild boar
(peccary). The youngest brother becomes the sun
when he picks up the fire from his milpa and goes
up into the sky to walk around; the moon follows
25
him, which is why the day walks in front and the
night walks behind. This is when time began.
The sun brings order and continuity to the world.
Among contemporary Yucatec Maya, each dramatic
break in history is a ‘‘new sun,’’ the current sun or
world age being that initiated by the Spanish conquest (Armador 1995 : 316). Similarly, the Tzotzil say
that the fourth creation took place about four hundred years ago (Gossen 1974a : 221).
We can conclude that in many tales the sun is a
culture hero who is accorded great respect, sometimes even assigned the role of the supreme deity.
The Sun God brings maize agriculture to the world
or he produces maize in a more conventional fashion. The sun is hardworking and possesses many
other personality traits considered to be positive.
Occasionally, the sun has negative qualities, as when
it sends disease at noon, an image that warns people
about the dangerous rays of the noonday sun. Some
tales say that the sun kills his brothers. Sibling rivalry
translates into astronomical imagery that pairs the
sun with an elder brother embodying the moon or
the Morning Star, rivals of a younger brother representing another planet or the Evening Star.
IMAGES OF ECLIPSES
The dependence the Maya feel on the sun is reflected
in their great fear of solar eclipses. The sun is the
lifeblood of the people, and even a temporary loss of
light is threatening. In traditional Maya communities, the people make as much noise as possible to
avert calamity during an eclipse (Redfield and Villa
Rojas 1962 : 206 –207; B. Tedlock 1992b : 184). The
noise scares off the agent of the eclipse, usually identified as some sort of animal monster devouring the
sun. People abstain from all normal activity during a
solar eclipse. For example, in the Yucatec community of Maxcanú, women will not make tortillas and
men will not farm or hunt; the animals may change
their character during an eclipse, and the implements of work (digging sticks, knives, machetes) can
come to life and attack their owners unless they are
marked with a cross (Armador 1995 : 314).
The Maya believe that solar eclipses are more dangerous than lunar eclipses (Ilı́a Nájera 1995; Rem-
26
CONTEMPORARY MAYA IMAGES OF THE HEAVENS
ington 1977 : 79). Some say that the world will come
to an end during a solar eclipse. According to the
Chortı́, an eclipse of the sun that lasts more than a
day will bring the end of the world, and the spirits of
the dead will come to life and eat those on earth
(Fought 1972 : 428 – 429). The Yucatec of X-Cacal
say that Don Juan Tutul Xiu will destroy the earth on
the day that the sun is covered by a black curtain
(eclipsed) if the Maya do not maintain their independence from the conquerors (Villa Rojas 1945 :
154). The Lacandón believe that the destructions of
the world in previous eras all began with an eclipse,
and a total eclipse will precede the end of this world
(Closs 1989 : 393). They say an earthquake will come
with an eclipse at the end of the world, and Kisin will
awake and kick the pillars of the earth, splitting the
earth so that the jaguars come out and eat most of
the people (Perera and Bruce 1982 : 114 –115). The
moon is also threatened, and she carries loom sticks
to protect herself against the jaguars that will be let
loose from the underworld when this world comes
to an end (Thompson 1970b : 246).
The most common explanation for eclipses among
the Maya is that there is an animal devouring the sun
or moon. Michael Closs (1989 : 390 –398) notes that
the agent of solar and lunar eclipses is the same in
most cases. Sometimes the animal is a jaguar or a
tigre, but more often it is an ant. Precolumbian Maya
images show animals biting the symbol for solar
eclipse; however, none represent ants (Chapter 4).
Accounts of lunar eclipses frequently mention a
feline. The Chol describe a lunar eclipse as ‘‘red
moon,’’ when a tigre seizes the moon (Iwaniszewski
1992 : 131). The Chontal Maya say that a jaguar devours the moon during an eclipse (Villa Rojas 1969 :
236). The Tzotzil of Chenalhó say that Poslob eats
the sun or the moon during an eclipse; he is a jaguar
who appears as balls of fire (Guiteras Holmes 1961 :
152, 227, 292). The Yucatec Maya say that lunar
eclipses are caused by a jaguar or an ant called Xulab,
a name for Venus in some Maya folktales (Redfield
and Villa Rojas 1962 : 206; Thompson 1970b : 235).
Xulab can be translated as ‘‘to cut,’’ suggesting the
leafcutter ant and the semicircular bite they take
out of leaves, apparently evoking the image of an
eclipse (Lamb, personal communication 1996). Mi-
chael Closs (1989) concludes that Venus is an eclipse
agent among the Maya today, as in Precolumbian
times. The Lacandón accounts say that the creator
god, Hachäkyum, attacks the moon, causing a lunar
eclipse; the moon defends herself with her loom, but
her strength is not sufficient, and she is finally covered (Rätsch and Ma’ax 1984 : 43).
Terms for eclipses in Yucatec Mayan reveal specific symbolism (Barrera Vásquez 1980; Ilı́a Nájera
1995). The term chi’bil (bite) is apparently used for
partial eclipses, an expression that makes sense in
light of what one sees during a partial solar eclipse.
For total solar eclipses the Yucatec Maya say tupa’an
(put out the flame) and tupa’an u wich k’in or tupul
u wich k’in, meaning to ‘‘blind or erase the sun.’’ The
term tupul u wich u’ is used for a lunar eclipse, evoking parallels with Precolumbian imagery of lunar
eclipses showing the Moon Goddess with her eyes
shut (Chapter 4). The Tojolabal Maya of Chiapas describe a solar eclipse with the term cha’ k’ab’u, referring to the end of the sun, implying that the sun dies
(Ilı́a Nájera 1995 : 323).
Thompson (1960 : 11, 231) notes that the widespread Mesoamerican belief that eclipses are fights
between the sun and the moon is not shared by the
Maya; nevertheless, a number of Maya accounts use
this explanation for eclipses. The Tzeltal, Tzutujil,
and the Pokomchı́ believe that eclipses are caused by
fights between the sun and the moon. Precolumbian
Aztec images suggest that the sun and the moon are
fighting during eclipses (Milbrath 1995b, 1997). Images that account for eclipses as fights suggest an understanding that the relative position of the sun and
the moon causes eclipses.
Some Tojolabal accounts say that the sun and the
moon come together in a sexual union at the time of
an eclipse (Báez-Jorge 1988 : 244). Others say that the
moon is furious and bites the sun during a solar
eclipse, but they attribute lunar eclipses to an attack
by black ants (Ilı́a Nájera 1995 : 323). Such a distinction between the causes of lunar and solar eclipses
suggests observations made of the relative positions
of the sun and the moon, for the new moon passing
in front of the sun makes it look as if the moon takes
a bite out of the sun; but because lunar eclipses occur
when the sun and the moon are at opposite sides of
THE LUNAR RHYTHMS
the sky at the full moon, the Tojolabal invoke a third
party as the cause of lunar eclipse.
A number of Maya communities say that the
eclipsed body is ill in some respect, considerably
weakened or dying. The Cakchiquel believe that the
sun and the moon die during an eclipse (Remington
1977 : 79). The Tzotzil Maya of Zinacantán say that
the moon blackens or dies during an eclipse, and
similar descriptions are applied to the sun during
a solar eclipse (Laughlin 1988 : 388). A related belief about the moon is recorded among the Tzotzil
of Chenalhó (Guiteras Holmes 1961 : 152). On the
other hand, the Chortı́ say that the Moon Goddess
loses her powers of fecundity during a lunar eclipse
(Wisdom 1940 : 400).
Throughout the Maya area, eclipses are believed
to cause illness and death and to be particularly dangerous to pregnant women (Ilı́a Nájera 1995 : 325).
The Tzotzil of Chenalhó ascribe different kinds of
illness to eclipses associated with different directions
and colors (Guiteras Holmes 1961 : 36). In Zinacantán, eclipses forecast famine and death and occur
when the souls of evil people try to kill the sun or
the moon (Laughlin 1975 : 58). The Lacandón say
that if there is a solar eclipse, a man will die; if there
is a lunar eclipse, a woman will die (Bruce 1979 :
181). Lunar eclipses are also linked with the death
of Tzotzil women at San Pedro Chenalhó (Guiteras
Holmes 1961 : 152, 292). People of this village say
that great birds of prey can come down and take out
your eyes during a solar eclipse (Guiteras Holmes
1961 : 153). This metaphor expresses the belief that
solar eclipses cause blindness, no doubt a warning
about the real dangers of watching a solar eclipse.
Despite fears that eclipses bring famine, illness,
and death, the Lacandón and Quiché watch the reflection of eclipse events in containers of water (B. Tedlock 1992b : 184). During a lunar eclipse, the Tzotzil
of Zinacantán place a bowl of water outside so that
the moon can ‘‘wash her face.’’ In Precolumbian
times, eclipses were probably also observed in stone
basins and bowls of water, and in mirrors made of
reflective stones.
The Maya fear eclipses because they are irregular
events that are often linked with predictions about
the end of the world. Eclipse events cannot be pre-
27
dicted without access to sophisticated tables unknown to traditional Maya communities. The eclipse
agent is an animal, sometimes the same one that will
devour people at the end of the world. In some cases,
fights between the sun and the moon cause eclipses,
an explanation that apparently recognizes that the
relative position of the sun and the moon causes
eclipses. Accounts that make an ant the cause of
eclipses seem to refer to Venus as the third party responsible for eclipses (see below).
THE LUNAR RHYTHMS
There are a number of different explanations for
why the moon disappears during conjunction (new
moon). The Chortı́ believe that the new moon is visiting the land of the dead (Girard 1949 : 467– 468).
The Tzotzil of Chenalhó say that the new moon is
dead, and evil is rampant because the protecting
light of the moon is lacking (Guiteras Holmes 1961 :
35). Thompson (1960 : 111, 238) concludes that the
Yucatec Maya, past and present, share the belief that
when the moon disappears in conjunction, she goes
to the land of rain, the abode of the Chacs, or she
goes to a lake, a well, or a cenote.
Although the Quiché of Momostenango count the
lunar month from the first appearance of the crescent after conjunction, farmers and midwives prefer
to count the months from full moon to full moon
because of the difficulty of sighting the first crescent (B. Tedlock 1992b : 182 –183). Köhler (1980 :
593) maintains that among contemporary Maya the
month is usually counted from first visibility. However, Thompson (1960 : 236) notes that some Tzeltal,
Chol, and Tzotzil villages of Chiapas begin the month
when the moon disappears in conjunction.
One persistent problem is that Maya terms for the
first visible crescent seem to be counterparts for our
term new moon, referring to the invisible moon during conjunction. This terminology has led to confusion in the literature with the English term new
moon. For example, the Tzotzil of San Andrés Larraı́nzar use the term ’ach’ hme’tik (new our mother)
to refer to the first visible crescent. Similarly, an Early
Colonial period dictionary of the Tzotzil of Zinacantán refers to first visibility with the phrases ’ach ’u
28
CONTEMPORARY MAYA IMAGES OF THE HEAVENS
(new moon) and nach’ ’u (have new moon appear;
Köhler 1991a : 319 –320).
The Quiché name nic’aj ic’ (half moon) applies to
the phase we call the first quarter, which seems appropriate because the moon is half illuminated at this
time (B. Tedlock 1992b : 183). The waxing gibbous
moon is chak’ajic (maturing or ripening). According to Guillermo Sedat (1955), the waxing moon in
Quiché is sa’xca xq’uic, a name that alludes to the
goddess Blood Woman. The term for the full moon
is xoroc li po, meaning ‘‘to make the moon round.’’
The Quiché also say that the full moon is masculine,
identifying it as the nocturnal equivalent of the sun,
because its movements at this time resemble those of
the sun (B. Tedlock 1992b : 183).
Maya descriptions of lunar phases often imply
that the moon ages over the course of the month,
and the Maya sometimes refer to the first visible
crescent as a baby or child. The Tzotzil of Zinacantán compare the full moon to an old person or old
corn (yih; Laughlin 1975 : 74, 385). The Quiché say
that the waxing moon is ‘‘our mother,’’ and the
waning moon is an old woman called ‘‘our grandmother’’ (B. Tedlock 1992a : 31; 1992b : 183 –184).
The Zoques, living just beyond the Maya area in
Chiapas, assign age grades to the lunar phases, for
they relate the new moon to people who are three
years or under, whereas the waning moon is related
to people who are sixty-five years or older (BáezJorge 1988 : 247). In a similar fashion, the Precolumbian Maya Moon Goddess has both a youthful
and aged aspect, apparently related to lunar phases
(Chapter 4).
Among the Tzutujil, the lunar months are linked
with the Marı́as and Martı́ns, representing a femalemale dichotomy with twelve females or twelve males,
or six females and six males (Tarn and Prechtel 1986 :
175 –176, 180 –181). The festivals of female saints
(Marı́as) dominate the dry season, whereas the Martı́ns are associated with the wet season. The thirteenth month is the intercalary month identified
with the demonic Francisca Batz’bal.
Although the Zoques of Chiapas are not Maya,
their proximity to the Maya area provides an interesting comparative dimension. They divide the lunar
months into three seasons: the months with cold (December–February), the months with wind and rain
(June–October), and the months with heat (March–
May; Báez-Jorge 1983 : 388 –389, 1988 : 247).
During the waxing moon, animals, plants, trees,
and people are considered to be tender, thus the
Quiché avoid butchering, harvesting, woodcutting,
and sexual relations. During the waning moon, however, these activities become propitious (Tedlock
1983 : 66 – 67). This is the time that the moon is mature or hard, and she remains that way until she is
‘‘buried’’ (conjunction).
Cycles of illness are connected with the changing
lunar phases. For example, the Tzotzil say that broken bones become painful during the waning moon
(Laughlin 1975 : 74). In Quintana Roo, the Yucatec
Maya say that the full moon induces epileptic fits
and the waning moon is dangerous to those who
are gravely ill (Báez-Jorge 1988 : 256). They say that
in life-threatening disease, if the patient makes it
through the period of the waning moon, there will
be improvement during the waxing moon (Villa
Rojas 1945 : 136; 1969 : 275). On the other hand, tumors and pustules grow larger as the moon waxes,
according to the Yucatec Maya of Dzitas (Thompson
1972 : 50). The Tojolabal say that the waxing moon
infects wounds, whereas the waning moon cures
wounds (Báez-Jorge 1988 : 248 –249). For this reason, the Moon Goddess is the patroness of medicine
or disease among a number of Maya cultures, such
as the Cakchiquel and Kekchı́ (Thompson 1970b :
243; 1972 : 50 –51). It comes as no surprise, therefore, that the Moon Goddess appears in a number of
Precolumbian Maya medical almanacs (Chapter 4).
The relationship between the moon and events
on earth can be seen in tides that affect fishing and
salt harvesting. Even in highland communities far
from the coast, there seems to be a connection between the moon and salt, as among the Tzotzil,
who call the Virgin (the moon) ‘‘our lady of the salt’’
(Laughlin and Karasik 1988 : 205).
It is noteworthy that the Maya believe a number
of different cycles in nature respond to the lunar
phases. The strongest relationship can be noted in
the cycles of plants, discussed at length in the section
THE LUNAR RHYTHMS
on lunar agriculture (see below). Other important
lunar cycles are noted in beekeeping. For example,
the Tojolabal say that the waning moon ‘‘conserves
honey and wax,’’ hence they extract honey at this
time (Báez-Jorge 1988 : 248 –249).
Many agree that the moon is linked with rain, although the phase associated with rainfall differs from
group to group. The Tojolabal Maya say that the new
moon ‘‘brings water,’’ whereas at the time of the full
moon ‘‘rain goes away’’ (Báez-Jorge 1988 : 248). The
Chortı́ Maya explain that the waning quarter moon
is a pot tipped over that allows water to spill out,
whereas the full moon is a full pot that retains water, except that a red full moon brings rain (Fought
1972 : 387; Girard 1949 : 466, 1962 : 134). Similarly,
the Yucatec Maya call the full moon ‘‘full pot moon’’
(Redfield and Villa Rojas 1962 : 205). The Quiché
and Cakchiquel say that the rains are most abundant
during the new moon and full moon (Remington
1977 : 80 – 81). These beliefs may be based on observations of nature, for scientific evidence also suggests
a link between the lunar phases and variations in
rainfall. One study published in Science noted a peak
in rainfall near the middle of the first and third
weeks of the synodical month, especially on the third
to fifth days after the new moon and full moon
(Bradley et al. 1962).
Color is another aspect of the moon that the Maya
watch with great interest. Generally, the moon is visualized as white, but changes in color are deemed
significant. The Chol of Buena Vista say that the
rains come when there is a ‘‘red moon,’’ and they
believe a ‘‘blackened moon’’ will also bring rain
(Iwaniszewski 1992 : 131).
A number of Maya groups link changes in the position of the crescent moon to variations in rainfall.
The Achı́ of Cubulco, who speak a Quiché dialect,
describe the lunar position in different seasons by
using hand gestures. They say that the moon is ‘‘upright’’ during the dry season, with the crescent form
turned in such a way that the water is unable to get
out. When it is rainy, the moon is ‘‘lying on its side’’
with the crescent turned sideways so the water can
spill out, which they show by using their hands to
imitate the crescent moon tipping over to pour water
29
(Neuenswander 1981). Hand gestures are also part
of the terminology for phases of the moon among
the Tzotzil (Köhler 1991b : 238). They say that when
the crescent moon is horizontal, it does not have water, but when it shifts to the right it carries water. The
tipped orientation certainly indicates a rainy seasonal position. The Tzutujil say that the moon holds
rainwater and slowly turns sideways as the rainy season approaches until the water spills out in the form
of rain (Tarn and Prechtel 1986 : 176). The position
of the newly emerged crescent moon is directly related to the seasons. In fact, modern astronomical
charts show that the first visible crescent moon is
‘‘tipped’’ over from June to November, which corresponds roughly to the Mesoamerican rainy season
(Ottewell 1990).
Contemporary Maya people observe the moon in
relation to the solar seasons. The Achı́ of Cubulco in
Alta Verapaz divide the year into two seasons, and
they say that in the rainy season, the moon is full of
water (Neuenswander 1981). They believe that the
moon’s water content determines the beginning and
end of the rainy season.
The Quiché track the sidereal cycle of the moon
through the background of stars, noting the moon’s
positions in relation to the day names of the 260-day
calendar (B. Tedlock 1992b : 191–196, fig. 37). They
count off a triple set of sidereal lunar months (3 3
27.32167 days 5 81.96501 days), reckoning this figure as 82 days. They visit different mountain shrines
in accord with this period and a 65-day count that
runs simultaneously. During these visits, they look at
both the phase and sidereal position of the moon.
Our month tracks the moon’s changing phases,
but the Maya recognize many other lunar rhythms.
They observe the position of the crescent and the
color of the moon as well as the lunar phases to
predict rainfall. The lunar cycles are linked to the
rhythms of the seasons, especially in relation to the
changing position of the first crescent moon. Lunar
phases are also believed to influence cycles of illness.
There is a widespread belief that the phase of lunar
conjunction (new moon) involves a visit to the underworld, often linked with a watery place, such as a
cave or a well. Other lunar rhythms are built into
30
CONTEMPORARY MAYA IMAGES OF THE HEAVENS
imagery of the Moon Goddess, who ages over the
course of the month.
LUNAR AGRICULTURE
The moon’s role in the agricultural cycle may be one
reason it has such a great importance among the
Maya today. Quiché farmers count from full moon
to full moon (B. Tedlock 1985 : 84 – 85, 87; 1992a : 30;
1992b : 183, 185, 189 –190). The calendar begins with
clearing the fields around the full moon in February.
The maize crop is named for the calendar day in the
260-day count that corresponds to the full moon in
March, when sowing must be complete. They determine the date of the maize harvest by a calendar
count from the full moon that follows planting. The
first and second weeding must be performed at the
time of the full moon. They harvest black beans and
the first ears of corn at the time of the full moon.
The waxing moon, when the moon is female, is the
appropriate time for the annual planting of dried
maize kernels and black beans (B. Tedlock 1992b :
185). The fact that most aspects of the Quiché maize
cycle are timed by the full moon, which is male, may
account for the imagery of the moon merged with
the Maize God in Classic Maya iconography (Chapter 4).
The nine-month growing period of mountain
maize among the Quiché parallels the nine-month
period for human gestation (B. Tedlock 1992b :
190). Ideally, the crops will come to fruition on the
same day number and name in the 260-day calendar
as when they were sown. The Quiché identify the
260-day cycle as the lunar agrarian year (Alvarado
1975 : 76; León 1954 : 38). This may be linked with
the fixed 260-day agricultural calendar found in a
number of Maya cultures.
There is considerable variety in the beliefs about
lunar agriculture among the Yucatec Maya. The full
moon after the first rains is the optimum planting
time for maize, according to some accounts (Pérez
1942 : 17–18). The people of Chan Kom say that
maize can be planted during any lunar phase; vines
should be planted at the new moon, and the best
time for planting fruit trees and root crops is when
the moon is full or three days after the moon has
been ‘‘buried’’ (the waxing crescent; Redfield and
Villa Rojas 1962 : 205 –206). Another account says
root crops are best planted three days after full moon
(Sosa 1985 : 456). One Yucatec Maya lunar calendar
calls for maize, beans, and squash to be planted on
the full moon of May or June, but all other activities
that involve the crops are to take place during the
waning moon (Pérez 1946 : 204).
The Tzotzil of Chenalhó say that seeds will not
sprout if planted during the new moon, for when
the moon is dead and she is walking with her son
(the sun), the seed will never be returned (Guiteras
Holmes 1961 : 35, 41, 45). They prefer to plant maize
around the full moon, at the time of the ‘‘mature
moon’’ (which lasts three days). This is also the time
to plant squash and beans. The mature-moon phase
can be extended to include both the waxing and waning gibbous moon, allowing for nine days of agricultural activity. The mature moon is also the preferred
time for felling trees and for bending the maize stalks,
although there seems to be a tendency to bend the
maize stalks during the waxing phase (Guiteras
Holmes 1961 : 35, 153). On the other hand, a Tzotzil
text from Chamula recorded in 1968 notes that they
wait until the full moon to double over the corn as the
first phase of the harvest (Gossen 1974a :252). Similarly, the Tzotzil of Zinacantán say that harvesting of
the maize must be done only when the moon is full,
which is also the time to fell trees so that the wood will
not be attacked by insects (Vogt 1997).
Other Maya groups show similar variations in their
beliefs about lunar agriculture. Some of the Chortı́
say that the best time for planting is four days before
lunar conjunction; others say the four days after the
first appearance of the moon are the best, or they
recommend planting during the waxing moon so
that the seed will have the best chance of germination (Girard 1949 : 466; Wisdom 1940 : 400). A contrary notion is expressed by the Tojolabal Maya, who
say that the waxing moon ruins the seeds, whereas
plants grow rapidly during the waning moon, the
preferred time to plant maize and beans (Báez-Jorge
1988 : 248 –249). The Pokomchı́ say that maguey and
yucca and all sorts of plants are best planted by the
full moon, which is also the best time to cut poles for
the houses (Mayers 1958 : 38 –39). The waning moon
THE MOON GODDESS
is not good for cutting wood or planting because the
produce will be wormy. On the other hand, the Chol
of Buena Vista say that planting and woodcutting
should be avoided during the waxing moon, and the
full moon is appropriate for planting tomatoes, but
most other crops do better planted during the waning moon, except for maize, which can be planted
in any phase of the moon (Iwaniszewski 1992 :
131–132).
We can conclude that the lunar phases best suited
for different activities clearly vary from group to
group. Nevertheless, all seem to share a belief that
the moon and agriculture are closely linked, and
observation of the phases of the moon are especially important in timing agricultural activities. The
most commonly preferred time for planting maize is
around the full moon, and a number of other events
in the maize cycle are timed by the full moon.
THE CELESTIAL PAIR
The sun and the moon, being very close in size at the
time of the full moon, form a natural sky pair. Maya
legends underscore a close relationship between the
sun and the moon, with the sun ruling day and the
moon ruling night. The notion of a day mirror and
a night mirror representing the sun and the moon
respectively is seen in a Kekchı́ Maya tale from Belize. The legend tells us that long ago the sun placed
a mirror in the center of the sky. Each day the Sun
God traveled from the east to the center and retraced
his path back to the east, but the mirror made it seem
that he continued to the west; at night the mirror
image of the moon traveled across the sky in the
same manner (Thompson 1930 : 132). The Kekchı́
tale goes on to explain that the moon’s light was too
bright for people to sleep, so Lord Kin gouged out
one of the moon’s eyes. Similarly, a Mopan legend
from Belize recounts that when the sun and the
moon ascended into heaven to take up their duties,
they were equally bright, but people complained
they could not sleep, so Sun took out one of Moon’s
eyes so she would not shine too brightly at night
(Thompson 1967 : 35). These legends pair the sun
and the full moon, but indicate that the moon is not
as bright because it has only one eye.
31
Other sets of oppositions involve the sun and the
moon. They are often paired as husband and wife
in Maya folklore; indeed, when they are married
they can share the same Ahau title in some highland cultures. The moon and the sun as mother and
son is another common pairing of opposite genders
(Thompson 1967). An opposition of genders and
qualities of temperature is seen in a Tzotzil account
that says the male sun created maize, which has the
quality of being hot; the female moon produced
beans, which are cold (López-Austin 1994 : 108). The
sun gave humankind maize from his groin, whereas
the moon gave potatoes (her breast milk) and beans
(her necklace).
Many accounts indicate that the moon existed before the sun. Often the female moon is older than
the sun, as indicated by the moon’s role as mother
of the sun and the common titles Father Sun and
Grandmother Moon. Even when the pair are husband and wife, the moon seems to have priority,
for the marriage of the Moon Goddess takes place
in darkness before the sun and the moon take up
their celestial duties (Thompson 1960 : 230; Watanabe 1983 : 724 –725).
The Quiché and Cakchiquel traditions involve
brothers who are the sun and the moon, apparently
an ancient tradition that can be traced back to the
Popol Vuh, a narrative recorded in Quiché sometime after the conquest and translated into Spanish
around 1701 (D. Tedlock 1985 : 28; Thompson 1967 :
22). In the Popol Vuh, the sun and the moon are
twin brothers, which indicates a pairing of like beings rather than paired opposites. In this case, the
lunar twin may represent the full moon (Chapter 4).
We can see that when the moon and the sun are
paired together in primordial times, something usually happens to the moon to darken it. The sunmoon pair establishes a series of oppositions: daynight, young-old, male-female, light-dark, and even
hot-cold.
THE MOON GODDESS
The moon is often associated with motherhood,
sometimes playing the role of the mother of the Maya
people, as among the Chortı́, who refer to the moon
32
CONTEMPORARY MAYA IMAGES OF THE HEAVENS
as ‘‘our mother’’ (ka tu’; Wisdom 1940 : 400 n. 30).
More often the moon is the sun’s mother, and sometimes her duties as a mother are specified, as seen in a
tale from Chamula recounting that the moon is responsible for feeding the sun maize gruel each morning on the eastern horizon (Gossen 1974b : 40).
Sometimes the moon is linked with the Virgin
Mary, the archetypal mother. The Virgin has multiple aspects in Maya Catholicism ideally suited to a
variety of lunar images. Seasonal festivals dedicated
to the Virgin may honor the moon at different times
of year. The seasonal cycle of the Virgin in Maya festivals has yet to be explored in relation to lunar
imagery.
The Moon Goddess influences the female body as
patroness of fertility, pregnancy, and childbirth. The
Tzotzil pray to the moon, the ‘‘Holy Mother,’’ for
fertility, and they believe that a woman is most fertile
at the full moon. Tzotzil women note the lunar phase
when they miss their period, because they will give
birth after nine lunar months (Köhler 1991b : 241).
According to the Quiché, the feminine moon rules
over birth; it gives women their menstrual cycle and
stops the flow of blood during the nine lunations
of pregnancy (Earle and Snow 1985 : 243 –244).
Among the Quiché Maya, menstruation is ‘‘the
blood that stems from the moon’’ (Furst 1986 : 72).
And the Itzaj Maya say ‘‘her moon lowered’’ when a
woman menstruates (Hofling, personal communication 1995). The Tzotzil say the moon menstruates
at the new moon (López-Austin 1994 : 111). Those of
Chenalhó say the moon and menstruation are related (Guiteras Holmes 1961 : 106). The Maya word
ú means ‘‘moon’’ and ‘‘menstruation’’ (Barrera Vásquez 1980).
Although the moon is predominantly female,
there are some instances of gender transformation. Data collected among the Quiché show that the
moon is generally female, but it becomes male at
the time of the full moon (B. Tedlock 1992b : 183).
Some images suggest that the moon is a female version of the sun, as among the Lacandón, who describe the moon as a howler monkey, specifically a
female howler monkey known as ‘‘mother-sun’’ or
‘‘lady-sun’’ (na’-k’in; Bruce 1979 : 141). Among the
Chol from Buena Vista in Chiapas, the female sun is
the mother of the male moon, but the moon takes
on a feminine quality when identified with the Virgin (Iwaniszewski 1992 : 133). This gender shift is explained by beliefs that the moon’s waxing period is
female and its waning is male. Gender ambiguity is
also a characteristic of the moon in Precolumbian
times (Chapter 4).
Jaguars may be connected with the moon among
the Quiché, especially the full moon (D. Tedlock
1985 : 368 –369). The jaguar may also be a lunar image among the Tzotzil. The Sun God and his jaguar
companion are lifted up toward heaven to symbolize resurrection in the Carnival festival of Chamula
(Gossen 1986 : 244). The timing of Carnival, based
on both lunar and solar observations linked with
Easter, may encode a relationship between the sun
and the jaguar as a representative of the moon. In
a like fashion, there seems to be a link between
the moon and jaguars in Precolumbian times (Chapter 4).
Often the Moon Goddess has a rabbit, or the rabbit itself is seen on the moon. A number of tales explain how the Moon Goddess acquired her rabbit.
The Chol say that the sun gave the rabbit to his lunar
mother when he found the rabbit making the weeds
grow in his garden at night (Whittaker and Warkentin 1965 : 35 – 42). They note that even when the
moon is invisible, the rabbit remains in the sky
(Iwaniszewski 1992 : 133). The Lacandón say that
the creator god Hachäkyum made Äkna’ (the Moon
Goddess), giving her a rabbit as a house pet and
painting a rabbit on her clothes. Precolumbian Maya
art often shows the moon deity with a rabbit.
According to the Lacandón, Äkna’ has a weaving
loom that is very bright: the loom is her light and
her fire, but her fire is very cold (Rätsch and Ma’ax
1984 : 43). Another lunar goddess, Ixchel, is the
daughter of Hachäkyum (the creator god) and the
wife of the ‘‘squint-eyed lord’’ (the sun); she is also
the goddess of childbirth, weaving, and the moon
(McGee 1990 : 65 – 66). Although nowhere is this explicitly stated, Äkna’ and Ixchel may represent different lunar phases because the term t’äläkbal äkna’ refers specifically to the full moon (Bruce 1979 : 228).
Other ethnographic accounts from the Maya area
link the moon with weaving. The Quiché goddess of
THE MOON GODDESS
embroidery is Ixchel; they say that she inspires designs in weaving that represent astronomical symbols (León 1945 : 43). The Tzotzil recount that the
moon, the mother of the sun, is a poor woman who
spins and weaves in exchange for corn (Báez-Jorge
1988 : 243). To revive the weaving tradition, the
Tzotzil weavers in Magdalenas prayed to the lunar
Virgin to teach them to weave (Morris and Foxx
1987 : 113). A legend recorded among the Kekchı́ in
the Mopan area says that the young moon was weaving when the sun visited her in the guise of a hummingbird, inspiring her to brocade this bird on the
cloth (Thompson 1970b : 370). Among the Tzutujil,
all things connected with weaving are female and are
linked to Grandmother Moon (Prechtel and Carlsen
1988 : 123, 131). The thirteenth month represents
Francisca Batz’bal, the grandmother, the thread
maker, and the spindle itself. Twelve females named
Marı́a, like the Virgin, represent the lunar months
and the parts of the loom (Tarn and Prechtel 1986 :
176 –178). In a similar fashion, Precolumbian Maya
imagery links the Moon Goddess with weaving
(Chapter 4).
The Moon Goddess is widely connected with water, including rainfall and water stored in jars traditionally carried by Maya women. The Lacandón refer
to September, the most rainy month, as ‘‘much rains
our Lady moon’’ (hahakna’; Bruce 1979 : 154). The
Tzutujil say that the moon contains water that becomes rain; the moon is the ‘‘lady of the stored water,’’ meaning the water jar, and she picks up water
and pours it over her body when it rains (Tarn and
Prechtel 1986 : 174 –176). They note that the Moon
Goddess wears a serpent rainbow on her head when
there will be rain. Their beliefs are confirmed by meteorologists, who note that a halo around the moon
is a sign of rain (Hazen 1900).
In addition to rainfall, the moon is also closely
linked with bodies of water. The Tzutujil say that
Lake Amatitlán was formed when some boys broke
the water jars belonging to the twelve Marı́as, who
represent the lunar months born out of the moon
(Orellana 1977 : 194 –195; Tarn and Prechtel 1986 :
174 –176). The people of the Tzotzil community of
Chenalhó say that the moon is in some way related to
all lakes, and they throw clothing into the lake as an
33
offering to the Virgin (Guiteras Holmes 1961 :203,
292). The Cakchiquel say that the Moon Goddess
owns Lake Amatitlán (Thompson 1960 : 238). At the
end of the dry season, the Pokomam Maya pray at
Lake Amatitlán for the Virgin Mary (the Moon Goddess) to bring rain (Berlo 1984 : 181). For people living in Yucatán, the Moon Goddess is connected with
both the cenote (well) and the sea, associations also
recorded in Colonial period documents. For example, the eighteenth-century Ritual of the Bacabs refers to the moon as ‘‘she in the middle of the cenote’’
and ‘‘lady of the sea’’ (Thompson 1970b : 244 –245).
There is also a relationship between rainfall and
the Virgin in her aspect as the moon. Among the
Yucatec Maya, when the hmèen prays to the Chacs
for rain, he invokes the Moon Goddess in her guise
as the Virgin Mary (D. Thompson 1954 : 28). The
Maya of Quintana Roo say that she rides forth on
horseback as one of the Chacs.
The moon’s monthly union with the sun is often
visualized as a marriage, but despite her condition as
a married woman, the moon has a licentious nature
in Maya folklore (Thompson 1970b : 243). In a Mopan tale from Belize, the sun suspects his wife is having an affair with his elder brother, Xulab (the future
Morning Star), and to punish the couple he feeds
them a tamale filled with a mixture that makes them
vomit (Thompson 1967 : 34 –35).
A number of tales involve the sun’s longing for the
moon, imagery that evokes the union of the sun and
the moon during conjunction. There are a variety of
tales among the Kekchı́, Mopan, and Cakchiquel
that tell about the lovesick sun capturing the moon
(Preuss 1995; Thompson 1970b : 365). In a Mopan
tale, the sun transforms into a hummingbird to
court the Moon Goddess (XT’actani), but after he is
felled by her grandfather’s blowgun, he resumes his
human form and persuades her to elope with him in
a canoe during the night (Thompson 1967 : 31–32;
1970b : 363 –364). To escape, the sun hides the crystal
or jade (the sastun) that allows the grandfather to
sees everything and everywhere, but the old man enlists the aid of one of the Chacs, who hurls a thunderbolt at the couple. At that moment, the sun turns
himself into a turtle and the moon into a crab. The
sun escapes injury, but the moon is killed. She is
34
CONTEMPORARY MAYA IMAGES OF THE HEAVENS
restored to life in thirteen days after dragonflies collect her flesh and blood in thirteen hollow logs.
When she comes to life again, she has no vagina, so
Lord Kin calls on the deer to step on her to make an
imprint that forms her vagina (Thompson 1930 :
126 –129). But this was not such a good idea because
shortly thereafter she had an affair with his brother,
the Venus god Lord Xulab!
We can conclude that the Maya believe that the
moon controls fertility in plants and people, cycles
of agriculture, disease, menstruation, and all forms
of water, including rainfall. The Moon Goddess is
often connected with water-carrying, motherhood,
and weaving—female activities appropriate to the
moon’s female gender. The moon is predominantly
female, but it can change gender, especially at the
time of the full moon. Although the moon has affairs
with other planets, her monthly union with the sun
is often visualized as a form of marriage.
VENUS AMONG THE
CONTEMPORARY MAYA
When we look at contemporary Maya terms for Venus we cannot help but be impressed by how many
variants there are. No doubt these names reflect
subtle differences in various aspects of the planet.
For example, the Lacandón say that the Morning
Star is ‘‘white earth’’ and the Evening Star is ‘‘white
sun,’’ located in the center of the earth (Rätsch
1985 : 37–38). Alternate translations for the Morning Star’s name include ‘‘white lord of the earth’’ or
‘‘false lord of the earth’’ (äh säh kab; Bruce et al.
1971 : 15; McGee 1990 : 54 –55). Thompson (1970b :
250) notes that the Morning Star is Ah Ahzah Cab
(awakener) in both Lacandón and Yucatec. The Evening Star is ‘‘false sun’’ (äh säh k’in; Bruce et al. 1971 :
15) and ah ocsah kin, a Yucatec expression for ‘‘he
who makes the sun enter,’’ implying that the Evening Star is responsible for the setting sun (Stone
1983 : 232).
Names for Venus often refer to its large size or
brilliance. Among the Quiché of Rabinal, Venus is
‘‘great star,’’ and a similar meaning is conveyed by
the terms for Venus among the Manche Chol, Chuh,
Tojolabal (Chaneabal), Mam, and Ixil (Thompson
1960 : 218). The Chol name for Venus in both morning and evening aspects is lucero (luminary one),
which can be applied to other planets if Venus is absent from the sky (Iwaniszewski 1992 : 132).
Catholic saints can also be connected with Venus.
Santiago, a native war chief who speaks only Quiché,
is the ‘‘great star’’ (nima chumil; Cook 1986 : 149).
This is intriguing because among the Chortı́, Santiago is the god of thunder and lightning who has
flames and fire as a war shield (Girard 1962 : 251).
Precolumbian images also link Venus with a cult of
warfare associated with Tlaloc (Chapter 5).
Venus is also linked with the scorpion in Lacandón names recorded by Blom and La Farge (1926 –
1927, 2 : 469, 472; Carlson 1991). Another variant of
the insect theme is seen in the Yucatec Maya name
for Venus, xux ek’, or ‘‘wasp star,’’ used for both the
Morning Star and the Evening Star (Barrera Vásquez
1980). Colonial period accounts from Yucatán mention Venus as the ‘‘wasp star’’ (Roys 1972 : 96). Venus
is ‘‘the great destroyer’’ (nah xulaab), a species of
ant, among the Lacandón (Bruce 1979 : 247; Bruce
et al. 1971 : 15). Yucatec Maya accounts say that evilsmelling red ants or the king of leaf-cutting ants is
an eclipse agent (Closs 1989 : 391, 398).
In a Mopan tale already discussed, Lord Xulab, or
Nohoch Ich (Big Eye), is a bearded god who is the
eldest of three brothers (Thompson 1930 : 60 – 63,
120 –125, 129; 1970b : 250, 355 –356). Venus as the
elder brother of the sun represents a direct link between the sun and Venus through kinship. Lord
Xulab is the rival of the sun for the affections of the
Moon Goddess. The Morning Star is a sort of ‘‘master of the animals’’ among the Kekchı́ and Mopan.
Thompson (1970b : 250) suggests that Xulab is the
‘‘keeper of wild animals,’’ and that he is a god of
hunting linked to dawn because that is the best
hunting time. Everything connected with hunting
and fishing is under the care of Xulab (Villa Rojas
1969 : 272).
Venus is usually assigned the role of elder brother,
which presumably would give the planet a position
of honor, but he is neither a model of good behavior
nor of physical perfection (Thompson 1930 : 119 –
140; 1960 : 218; Villa Rojas 1969 : 272). A number of
folktales describe Venus as ugly or lazy. A Chol tale
VENUS AMONG THE CONTEMPORARY MAYA
recounts that Venus, the elder brother of the Sun,
is jealous and so aggressive that his mother (the
Moon) has to protect the young Sun from him
(Guzmán et al. 1986). Venus is also lazy, and he lies
in his hammock all day while his younger brother
goes hunting. This image probably reflects observations that the Morning Star is ‘‘up’’ (visible) for only
a few hours in the morning, while the Sun works
hard all day.
Among the Kekchı́, the Morning Star (Kaacwa
Cakchahim) is not lazy, but he is ugly (Schackt 1986 :
59, 176 –178). The Morning Star was originally the
‘‘owner’’ of all wild animals. Also known as Señor
Lucero, the Morning Star was a very good hunter
who went out every morning and did not return until late at night. Because of the hours he kept, his wife
did not know how ugly he was. His face was covered
with warts, and his hands and clothes were covered
with blood from all the animals he hunted. He got
angry when she tried to see him at night, and he
threw all the animals away, and cursed women so
that they could eat only chili peppers.
A number of Venus images express a relationship
with the sun. The Kekchı́ refer to the Morning Star
as a dog running ahead of the sun (Thompson
1970b : 250). The Quiché say that Venus as the Morning Star is the ‘‘carrier of the day’’ or the ‘‘carrier of
the sun,’’ and Venus is the ‘‘sun passer’’ in the ancient Quiché tale of the Popol Vuh (Edmonson 1971 :
170; D. Tedlock 1991). The Tzotzil Maya of Chamula describe Venus as ‘‘our lord sun /Christ’s
candle’’ (Gossen 1982 : 29, Fig. 1). The role as a
candle of the sun suggests an image of Venus, for this
planet never strays far from the sun (Chapter 2).
Some Maya accounts incorporate Venus as a
Catholic saint or, more often, as the fallen angel, Lucifer. Various Tzotzil communities link Venus with
Saint Thomas (Köhler 1991c:252). Venus takes the
role of Lucifer, or the ‘‘devil,’’ in a number of accounts (Closs 1989; Preuss 1995). At San Pedro Chenalhó, a Tzotzil village, Lusibel (Lucifer) seems to be
related to Venus (Lamb 1995 : 275). He had been one
of two suns a long time ago, but was replaced by the
Christ child (kox) because he did not give sufficient
heat (Guiteras Holmes 1961 : 186). The notion of
Venus as a ‘‘sun’’ in a previous world age evokes a
35
link with the central Mexican image of Quetzalcoatl
(quetzal-serpent), the Venus god who was the sun of
a previous epoch (Codex Rı́os, folio 6r).
The Tzotzil of Zinacantán visualize the Morning
Star as having both female and male aspects (Laughlin 1977 : 253 –254; Laughlin and Karasik 1988 : 249;
Vogt 1969 : 316 –318). They say that Venus is ‘‘he
who eats the river snail,’’ indicating a masculine
gender and possibly a specific seasonal aspect. Vogt
(1997) notes that they refer to Venus as ‘‘eats snails’’
during Lent. The Morning Star is also an ugly girl
who is the ‘‘elder sister.’’ Vogt (1969 : 316 –317) also
observes that another name for the Morning Star is
the ‘‘sweeper of the path,’’ who prepares the way for
the rising sun. Although the star appears to be red, it
is really a black Chamulan girl. Perhaps the gender
shift has to do with comparing Venus to a woman
in the role of the household sweeper. The imagery
also evokes comparisons with the Venus god of the
Aztecs, Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl, who wears black body
paint and is described as the ‘‘sweeper of the path of
the sun’’ (Sahagún 1950 –1982, 7 : 8). At Zinacantán,
Ehecatl appears in the Festival of St. Sebastian, which
takes place at the end of January, about one month
before Carnival (Bricker 1981 : 138, 140, Fig. 21). He
is represented with a maize cob in his beak, and details of the imagery suggest a quetzal bird, perhaps
an embodiment of the fertility aspect of Venus associated with maize.
A serpent aspect of Venus is known in Chiapas.
One Tzotzil source identifies a Venus serpent known
as mukta ch’on (big serpent; Holland 1964 : 14 –15).
Nonetheless, Robert Laughlin (personal communication 1995) notes that in Tzotzil the plumed serpent
is k’uk’ul ch’on and Venus is muk’ta k’anal or ‘‘great
(big) star,’’ and there is no apparent connection between the two. Generally, the Tzotzil seem to distinguish Venus from the feathered serpent, a counterpart for Venus in central Mexico.
Another serpent form of Venus is known from
Yucatán. The term for Venus, kan ek’, has a double
meaning. Ek’ signifies both ‘‘star’’ and ‘‘black,’’
and kan means both ‘‘snake’’ and ‘‘four’’ (Barrera
Vásquez 1980). This suggests a quadripartite nature, perhaps linked with the four phases of Venus (Chapter 2). The name could also mean ‘‘star
36
CONTEMPORARY MAYA IMAGES OF THE HEAVENS
snake.’’ The Precolumbian serpent aspect of Venus
in Yucatán is well known as the feathered serpent,
Kukulcan.
Another possible serpent image of Venus is seen
in the Chortı́ Chicchan serpent, which is half-feathered and half-human, and sometimes wears four
horns. Charles Wisdom (1940 : 393 –397, 410 – 411)
suggests that the Chicchan serpent is equivalent to
the ancient Maya feathered serpent. There are four
sky Chicchans that produce most of the sky phenomena; each lives in one of the four world directions at the bottom of a large lake. Some say the
Chicchans are actually pairs, and that at the north
there is a fifth pair, the most important of the Chicchans. The northern Chicchan draws up the rains at
the time of the first solar zenith (May 1 in the Chortı́
area), a date closely linked with the Day of the Cross,
celebrated on May 3 (Girard 1949 : 422, 456; Milbrath 1980a : 291). Similarly, Tzotzil accounts of the
horned serpent link it with water and the Day of the
Cross in early May (Laughlin and Karasik 1988).
These serpents could refer to Venus in a guise similar
to Kukulcan.
A modern Yucatec tale describes a snake boy who
grew up to become Kukulcan, a feathered snake with
a (rattle?) tail. Colas is a boy who was born as a
snake. He kept growing larger and larger, until it
became apparent that he was the feathered serpent
known as Kukulcan (Burns 1983 : 246). Like the
horned serpent of the Tzotzil, Colas causes earthquakes. Every year the snake flies out of its cave to
cause an earthquake in the middle of July. Although
not stated in the tale, Colas means ‘‘tails’’ in Spanish,
and one wonders whether this plural form refers to
the multiple rattles on the feathered serpent’s tail
seen in Precolumbian imagery. As will be seen in
Chapters 5 and 7, the ancient feathered serpent is Venus, and his rattle tail seems to be the Pleiades, a
constellation still known as the ‘‘rattlesnake’s rattle’’
in Yucatán. The Pleiades disappears from the sky in
May during conjunction and can be seen at dawn in
June. By July the constellation is well above the horizon, at the time Colas (the Pleiades tail of the
Feathered Serpent?) emerges from the cave.
Among the Lacandón, K’uk’ulcan, the feathered
serpent, is a giant malevolent serpent who is the pet
of Hachäkyum (McGee 1990 : 63). Although not
explicitly connected with Venus in modern lore, it
seems that the feathered serpent in Lacandón and
Yucatec lore is the counterpart of Kukulcan, a Precolumbian Venus deity (Chapter 5).
The Maya sometimes refer to the dual nature of
Venus, assigning different roles depending on the
time of visibility. The Morning Star is mentioned
more often than the Evening Star. Usually Venus is
ugly, stupid, or lazy. Sometimes he has a heavy beard,
a trait that is not typical of the Maya. Occasionally
Venus is adulterous, a sin not to be taken lightly,
given that the ancient punishment for adultery in
Yucatán was disembowelment (Tozzer 1941 : 32).
Animals associated with Venus include a dog, an ant,
and a serpent. Venus is also often closely linked with
the sun, a natural image based on the fact that Venus
always is seen relatively close to the sun. The great
variety of names applied to Venus reflect the planet’s
multiple aspects. As we shall see, in Precolumbian
times Venus had multiple personalities related to different seasonal cycles (Chapter 5).
THE PLANETS AMONG
THE CONTEMPORARY MAYA
We would expect that the planets would play a major
role in the Maya legends and folk astronomy, but
apart from Venus, very little is mentioned about the
planets. Mercury, the planet closest to the sun, seems
not to be named in ethnographic accounts, and
names for Saturn also seem to be lacking. Information on Mars, the red planet, is surprisingly scanty.
Mars is a blood-red star that moves in the sky and
sends eye diseases, according to the Tzotzil (Hunt
1977 : 144). Only a few names are known for Jupiter.
In some cases, it may be too late to collect the information, because as far back as 1930 Thompson had
difficulty getting any information on the superior
planets, those in outer orbits beyond Earth’s orbit.
There are some tantalizing fragments of information about Jupiter. Some of the Tzotzil of San
Pablo Chalchihuitán identify the estrella Domingo
(St. Dominic?) with a large planet (rominko k’anal),
possibly Jupiter (Köhler 1991c : 253; Lamb 1995 :
271, 276). In Zinacantán, Jupiter is known as ‘‘el-
STARS AND CONSTELLATIONS
der brother star’’ or ‘‘senior star’’ (Laughlin 1975 :
79, 458).
A monkey appears prominently in a planetary
tale. Apparently, the arboreal nature of monkeys
evokes the connection with planets seen overhead.
The sun’s younger brother is transformed into a
monkey representing a planet, identified in one Mopan account as Mars or Jupiter, but in another he is
the Evening Star (Thompson 1930 : 120 –123, 138).
The youngest brother (T’up) is made to climb a tree
wearing a blanket hanging down like a tail. He is told
to imitate the sounds of a spider monkey, and he is
transformed into a monkey who is the ancestor of all
the monkeys. His name evokes a connection with
T’uup, the Lacandón spider monkey who is lord
of the sun (Bruce 1979 : 203 –204). T’uup resides in
the third tier of the layered cosmos described earlier
(Fig. 1.1b).
Sometimes general terminology links the different planets. Among the modern Quiché, Venus or
any other planet appearing as a bright star in the
east before dawn is called the ‘‘sun carrier,’’ and
when any planet takes the role of Evening Star, it is
called rask’äk, meaning ‘‘of the night’’ (B. Tedlock
1992b : 180).
General terms can also refer to stars and planets.
The Quiché refer to the planets as cak ch’umil, meaning ‘‘red stars’’ (B. Tedlock 1992b : 180). The Tzotzil
of Zinacantán use one term, k’anal (yellowish one),
to refer to stars, planets, and constellations (Vogt
1997 : 112 –113). They modify the term to refer to
specific planets, calling Venus ‘‘elder yellowish one,’’
while ‘‘red star’’ (tsahal k’anal) can refer to Mars or
the star Arcturus in Bootes.
Other terms seem to distinguish the ‘‘wandering’’ planets from the fixed stars. The contemporary
Chortı́ say that the planets are ‘‘watchers over the
earth’’ that travel, whereas the fixed stars are fires
that are not seen traveling (Fought 1972 : 428). The
highest heaven of the Lacandón is reserved for the
planets, the ‘‘wandering gods’’ (Fig. 1.1b). A similar
notion is seen in a 1698 Quiché dictionary by Domingo Basseta, which includes a term that may refer
to a planet as cabauil ichabera, glossed as ‘‘wandering
star’’ (estrella vaga; Basseta 1698 : 71v).
It is clear that the Maya recognize planets as being
37
different from fixed stars. Nevertheless, planetary information is scarce in published ethnographies. This
leads one to suppose that the planets are not of interest, but this may be a misconception. More likely,
information about planets is specialized knowledge
that is still useful to religious specialists such as
shamans, but it is not commonly passed down
among the general populace. Modern folk tales involve planets, but the identities of specific planets
have been lost. This is seen in the case of the monkey
character who takes a similar role in a number of
tales, but his planetary identity is given as Jupiter or
Mars, or even in one case as the Evening Star.
STARS AND CONSTELLATIONS
Maya accounts link stars to lights in the night. The
Chortı́ say ‘‘those [stars] which we do not see traveling are said to be fires, so that it does not become
completely dark on earth’’ (Fought 1972 : 428). The
Pokomchı́ say that the stars serve as aids to the travelers, for they light up the trail (Mayers 1958 : 42).
To the Lacandón, stars symbolize funerary candles;
therefore, to dream of stars prophesies death (Bruce
1979 : 149; McGee 1990 : 117). The Yucatec Maya of
Yalcobá say that a number of constellations have
‘‘their fire,’’ representing a bright or large star that
defines their arrangement in the night sky (Sosa
1985 : 431).
When referring generally to stars, the Tzotzil use
the term ‘‘the yellow ones’’ (k’analetik) and describe
them as being located in a layer of the sky above the
clouds but below the paths of the sun and the moon
(Vogt and Vogt 1980 : 506). Their knowledge of rising stars and constellations is derived from predawn
observations rather than the dusk observations common in Western astronomy (that is, derived from the
Greco-Roman tradition brought over from Europe)
(Vogt 1997 : 114).
Watching the stars is important in contemporary
Maya timekeeping. Among the Quiché, different
constellations take the role of ‘‘sign of the night’’
as they move into a position opposite to the sun
and become visible for the longest period of time
(B. Tedlock 1985 : 84). During the dry season, the
sign of the night in December is Orion. Mid-January
38
CONTEMPORARY MAYA IMAGES OF THE HEAVENS
is associated with Gemini, late February with Regulus, mid-March with the Big Dipper, and early April
with Acrux of the Southern Cross (B. Tedlock
1992b : 182).
Regulus in Leo is quite important in the Quiché
agricultural calendar. If the field is to be newly
planted, men go out and fell the trees, burn the undergrowth, and begin turning the soil in February
when Regulus is the sign of the night (crossing the
meridian at midnight). Sowing of the mountain
corn, which requires a longer season, begins in
March, at the time when the waxing moon passes
Regulus, then near its zenith (B. Tedlock 1985 : 85).
The Quiché visualize the classical constellation
Aquila (the eagle) as a hawk (xic; B. Tedlock 1985;
1992b : 187–189). They link the southward migration of the Swainson’s hawk with the movements of
Aquila. Near the onset of the dry season the hawks
are seen in great flocks of more than two thousand
birds heading south to the pampas of Argentina. In
the fall, Aquila drops the ‘‘dry-season cross’’ (Sagittarius) into the sea, reflecting the fact that Sagittarius
sets some two hours before Aquila. Near the beginning of the rainy season, the hawks migrate north
over Momostenango en route to Canada, appearing
just around the time of the first thunderstorms. At
this time, the hawks are said to lift the ‘‘wet-season
cross’’ (Southern Cross) out of the sea.
Maya people observe the Pleiades to regulate their
agricultural calendars. The Lacandón burn the cornfields in preparation for planting when the Pleiades
have reached treetop level at dawn (Thompson 1974 :
93). The Chortı́ observe the Pleiades to predict the
Sun’s passage over zenith around planting time (Girard 1949 : 453; 1962 : 78). Among the Quiché, the
planting season for high-altitude maize is timed
by observing the evening setting of the Pleiades in
March, whereas planting of the low-altitude maize is
timed by the conjunction of the Pleiades with the
Sun in May (D. Tedlock 1985 : 343). In a new field,
they burn the undergrowth and turn the soil in February when the Pleiades reach the meridian shortly
after sunset, and their conjunction with the Sun coincides with the zenith passage of the Sun and the
onset of the rains (B. Tedlock 1992b : 185, 189).
In Yucatán, the Pleiades (tzab) are the ‘‘rattle-
snake’s rattle,’’ suggesting a cluster of rattles. They
are said to rise at dawn on June 13, at the time the
heavy rains begin (Redfield and Villa Rojas 1962 :
206; Sosa 1985 : 431, 454). A similar name is recorded among the Lacandón and the Manche Chol
(Bruce et al. 1971 : 15; Thompson 1974 : 93). The
Quiché call both the Pleiades and the Hyades ‘‘handful’’ (mots or motz); the Pleiades represent a handful
of maize kernels and the Hyades a handful of beans,
and their setting corresponds to the time when these
plants are sown (Alvarado 1975 : 62; B. Tedlock 1985;
1992b : 181). The Tzotzil of Zinacantán describe the
Pleiades as chak shonob, literally ‘‘high-backed ceremonial sandals’’ (Vogt 1997 : 112). A number of
Tzotzil groups refer to the Pleiades as a sandal
(sonom’; Köhler 1991c:252), as do the Chol and the
Tzeltal.
Few terms are recorded for the Little Dipper in
Ursa Minor or its North Star (Polaris), the first star
in the handle of the Little Dipper. Polaris is a large
celestial candle, according to the Tzotzil of Chamula
(Sosa 1986 : 189). However, Polaris is apparently not
recognized among the Tzotzil of Zinacantán, and
they simply refer to it as one of many stars in
an amorphous mass of stars called ’epal k’analetik,
meaning ‘‘many stars’’ (Vogt 1997 : 112 –113). Polaris is the ‘‘corner star’’ to the Quiché (B. Tedlock
1985 : 86; 1992b : 181). The Lacandón say that Polaris
is ‘‘the north star’’ (xämän ek’) and the Little Dipper
is ‘‘the crocodile’’ (el lagarto; Bruce et al. 1971 : 15).
The Maya link the number seven with the Big
Dipper (in Ursa Major) because of its seven bright
stars. This number does not seem to be a result
of European influence, but instead reflects a clear
grouping of seven stars. The Yucatec Maya call the
Big Dipper the ‘‘seven sacraments,’’ and they warn
that counting them will result in the death of one’s
spouse. The Tzotzil of Zinacantán recognize a turtle
constellation that includes stars in Ursa Major,
Bootes, and Leo, called vuku-pat, referring to the
bent back of a turtle or a bent-over old man (Vogt
1997 : 112).
The Quiché link the Big Dipper, or Ursa Major,
to a bird whose name incorporates the number
seven, but the Big Dipper is also a cupped hand or a
spoon (B. Tedlock 1983 : 65; 1992b : 181; D. Tedlock
STARS AND CONSTELLATIONS
1985 : 360). They watch for the rising and setting of
the bowl of the Big Dipper. The descending position
of the Big Dipper is important in timing the hurricane season from June through October (D. Tedlock
1991 : 169 –170).
The scorpion constellation appears to have a
number of different astronomical identifications in
the ethnographic literature. Among the Tzotzil of
Zinacantán, Scorpius is tsek k’anal (scorpion constellation), and the brightest star, Antares, is the
‘‘heart of the scorpion’’ (Vogt 1997 : 112 –113). In
Yucatán and Quintana Roo, Scorpius is also a scorpion constellation (Grube, cited in Love 1994 : 97;
Redfield and Villa Rojas 1962 : 206). On the other
hand, John Sosa (1985 : 431) records an account
identifying the Yucatec Maya term sina’an éek (scorpion star) as a large constellation composed of stars
from Orion to Sirius. The scorpion (tzec and xok) is
Ursa Major among the Tojolabal (Chaneabal) and
Kekchı́ (Girard 1949 : 456; Thompson 1974 : 93).
Lacandón folklore mentions Orion, noting the
name for a number of individual stars (Bruce et al.
1971 : 15; Rätsch 1985 : 37–38). The peccary (puerco
de la montaña or kitam) is linked with three bright
stars in Orion. However, the configuration does not
seem to include the first-magnitude stars, for Rigel is
the ‘‘little woodpecker’’ (tunsel), and Betelgeuse, a
red star, is the ‘‘red dragonfly’’ (chäk tulix). Three
other stars of lesser magnitude are the peccary’s piglets, probably positioned close to their mother. Sirius
represents the ‘‘big woodpecker’’ (äh ch’uhum), apparently the companion of the ‘‘little woodpecker’’
nearby.
Not surprisingly, Orion is commonly connected
with the number three, because the three bright stars
in Orion’s Belt are easily seen, even with the full
moon nearby. The Tzeltal refer to Orion’s Belt as
‘‘three king[s]’’ (oktu rey), and they say Orion is
the ‘‘cross star’’ (Slocum 1965b : 169). The Tzeltal
‘‘three-star’’ (oxkot-ek) constellation may refer to
Orion’s Belt (Villa Rojas 1990 : 746). The Chortı́ say
that the belt of Orion is formed by the ‘‘three Marı́as’’ joining with Orion’s sword to form the ‘‘seven
Marı́as.’’ The Tzotzil of Zinacantán identify the three
stars in Orion’s Belt (Delta, Epsilon, and Xi) as ‘‘the
trio,’’ or the ‘‘three Marı́as,’’ whereas the sword is
39
a ‘‘trio of robbers’’ or a ‘‘group of eavesdroppers’’
(Laughlin 1975 : 70; 1980 : 139 n. 35). Vogt (1997 :
112) records that Alnitak, Alnilam, and Mintaka, the
three stars in the belt of Orion, are called ’osh-lot
(three together). Among the Quiché, Orion is called
‘‘dispersed fire,’’ and Orion’s Belt is the ‘‘tail of the
three fire lords,’’ serving as the sign of the night in
December (B. Tedlock 1985 : 86; 1992b : 181; D. Tedlock 1985 : 261). Alnitak in Orion’s Belt is also
grouped with Rigel and Saiph to form a sort of celestial triangle in Orion called the ‘‘three hearthstones.’’
Castor and Pollux in Gemini are ‘‘two stars that
go together’’ to the Quiché, who say that they are the
sign for January when they rise at sunset (Remington
1977 : 84). They are also the ‘‘two sparks’’ or ‘‘two
shiny ones’’ (B. Tedlock 1985 : 84; 1992b : 181, 189).
They mark the northern horizon extreme of the Sun
at the summer solstice, the time of the heaviest rains.
Gemini is the ‘‘turtle’’ and the three stars lying in
a straight line in the middle are its intestines, according to the Yucatec Maya of Chan Kom (Redfield and
Villa Rojas 1962 : 206). The Lacandón also identify
Gemini as a turtle (Baer and Baer n.d.). However,
Thompson (1960 : 111, 116) notes that one Yucatec
Maya account identifies the square of Orion as a
turtle constellation called ac.
Trees also represent constellations in the sky. Sosa
(1985 : 432) records a Yucatec prayer that refers to a
great roble or oak tree (ti noh bèek) on the white road
(sak beh) in the sky, probably referring to a constellation representing a tree on the Milky Way. The Lacandón Maya identify the Southern Cross, at the
southern end of the Milky Way, as a ceiba or cork
tree (Ochromoa lagopus; Bruce 1979 : 155).
The distinctive crosslike form of the Southern
Cross is expressed in a number of different names.
The Yucatec of Quintana Roo say that it is the ‘‘cross
star,’’ the ‘‘cross which tops the tower of Jerusalem,’’
or the ‘‘cross rising over Jerusalem’’ (Redfield and
Villa Rojas 1962 : 206; Villa Rojas 1945 : 156). Among
the Tzotzil of Chamula, the Southern Cross is the
‘‘Jewish cross’’ associated with evil (Gossen 1974b :
156 –158).
The Chortı́ call the Southern Cross the ‘‘cross of
May.’’ They say that it signals the first solar zenith,
the time for planting in May, when the intersection
40
CONTEMPORARY MAYA IMAGES OF THE HEAVENS
of the Milky Way and the ecliptic, a cosmic crossroads in the sky, is positioned overhead (Girard
1949 : 456 – 459). The feast of the Day of the Cross
(May 3) may be linked to the Southern Cross crossing the meridian in the southern sky on the evening
of the festival (between 9 and 11 p.m.).
The Southern Cross, not seen in latitudes north of
Mesoamerica, is visible just prior to the onset of the
rains, which may be one reason it is so important to
the contemporary Maya. Evon Vogt’s (1997 : 112 –
113) recent research at Zinacantán indicates that the
Southern Cross is krus k’anal (cross stars). They
compare this cross to Christ’s cross and they identify
two star crosses on either side as ‘‘thieves’ crosses,’’
constituting the three crosses of Calvary. One of
these is made up of stars in Lupus, and the other
includes stars in Vela and Carina, apparently the
counterpart for a star grouping known as the ‘‘false
cross’’ in Western astronomy, frequently mistaken
for the Southern Cross.
Judith Remington (1977 : 85 – 87) found evidence
for three ‘‘thieves’ crosses’’ among the Quiché in the
department of Quetzaltenango and among the Cakchiquel in the department of Guatemala. One is the
Southern Cross, and the second is a cross in Sagittarius with delta at its center. Remington was uncertain about the identification of the third cross.
Except for the Southern Cross, the three crosses in
this system seem to be different from the three star
crosses recorded by Vogt (1997) at Zinacantán.
The Southern Cross is one of two Quiché constellations identified with the name ‘‘thieves’ cross’’
(B. Tedlock 1985 : 83; 1992a : 29, 38 n. 2). The Quiché
refer to the Southern Cross, visible primarily during
the rainy season, as the ‘‘rainy-season thieves’ cross.’’
The ‘‘dry-season thieves’ cross’’ is a seven-star asterism in Sagittarius, with delta at its center. This is a
bent cross that the Maya relate to a stalk with bent
maize ears, signaling the maize is ready to harvest.
Sagittarius may be a portal to the underworld, because it is located in the rift section of the Milky Way
(xibalba be) that the Quiché identify as an underworld road, where the Sun crosses the Milky Way
at the winter solstice, which is the longest night of
the year.
The souls are transformed into stars in heaven,
according to a number of contemporary Maya accounts (Thompson 1960 : 85). The people of Zinacantán say that the souls of dead babies change into
flowers tied to a celestial cross (Laughlin 1962 : 126).
This would certainly seem to be a star cross like
the Southern Cross. Perhaps the souls of the dead
among the Lacandón ascend to heaven climbing the
branches of a stellar ceiba representing the Southern
Cross.
In sum, the seasonal positions of certain bright
constellations help to regulate the cycle of the seasons in star calendars evident among a number of
Maya communities. Names for the constellations
vary considerably from region to region, but there
seem to be some groupings of stars that bear names
implying similar concepts, such as the Southern
Cross being recognized as either a sacred tree or a
cross constellation. Maya people often see the stars
as fires in the night, and frequently they link constellations to animals. They also recognize individual
stars as animals.
THE MILKY WAY
Some Maya people see a snake in the band of stars
across the sky that we know as the Milky Way. The
Yucatec Maya identify the Milky Way as the deadly
fer-de-lance, tamacaz (Coe 1975 : 27). The Chortı́ say
that the Milky Way is a white serpent with its mouth
to the south and its tail to the north (Girard 1948 :
76; 1949 : 458, 461). They seem to visualize the Milky
Way as a path or axis intersecting with the ecliptic,
the path of the Sun. Raphael Girard (1948 : 75) also
identifies the Milky Way with a cord, because he says
cords and serpents are connected among the Maya,
although this is apparently an interpretation on his
part rather than a Chortı́ account of the Milky Way.
The notion of the Milky Way as a road is quite
widespread. Tzotzil terms to describe the Milky Way
include ‘‘road of ice,’’ ‘‘road of water or rain,’’ and
‘‘mother of water or rain’’ (Köhler 1991c : 253). The
‘‘road of water’’ refers to the Milky Way in the summer rainy season, whereas the ‘‘road of frost’’ is its
name during the dry season. The section of the
OTHER CELESTIAL PHENOMENA
Milky Way with Scorpius is associated with dryness,
probably because the Tzotzil usually observe stars in
the predawn hours, and Scorpius is seen to reappear
on the eastern horizon at dawn in December. They
also refer to the Milky Way as the ‘‘road of wind’’ (be
‘ik’) when it hits a ‘‘vertical’’ position at the time of
strong winds (Vogt 1997 : 113).
The Quiché call the rift side of the Milky Way the
‘‘ice road’’ (B. Tedlock 1985 : 65). The other Quiché
Maya name for this side of the Milky Way is the
‘‘underworld road’’ (xibalba be), running from the
vicinity of Sagittarius and Scorpius as far north as
the Northern Cross (Cygnus), where the rift closes.
The opposite side is the ‘‘white road’’ (saki be; B. Tedlock 1985 : 84; 1992a : 29). The Yucatec Maya of Chan
Kom also call the Milky Way ‘‘white road,’’ the same
name given to ancient roads. Other Yucatec names
for the Milky Way include ‘‘the road of the small lizard’’ and ‘‘the small path in the forest.’’ Among the
Cakchiquel, the Milky Way is the ‘‘road of the sea
turtle’’ (a Pacific loggerhead turtle or Atlantic green
turtle; Weldon Lamb, personal communication 1997).
The Lacandón say that the Milky Way is the
‘‘white way of our true lord,’’ Hachäkyum, who is
the lord of the heaven where the Lacandón go when
they die (Duby and Blom 1969 : 295; Rätsch 1985 :
37). This implies that the Lacandón go to the Milky
Way when they die. A similar link with the realm of
the dead is clear in the Quiché name for the rift section of the Milky Way, xibalba be, an underworld
road. The Yucatec Maya say that the dead travel
along the Milky Way at night (Sosa 1985 : 432). The
Day of the Dead, celebrated in early November, is
widely recognized as a time when the dead can return to earth. The Milky Way is especially prominent
at this time of year when it arches over the sky from
east to west at dusk.
The Chortı́ also refer to the Milky Way as the
Road of Santiago, their god of thunder and lightning, and they predict rainfall by watching the Milky
Way and the Moon. The position of the Milky Way
on the Dı́a de Santiago (July 25) is a sign that the
rains will temporarily abate during canicula, allowing the fields to be prepared for the second planting.
Among the Quiché, the planting of valley maize at
41
the time of the Feast of the Holy Cross (Day of the
Cross) is heralded by the reappearance in May of the
dark rift of the Milky Way in the ‘‘underworld road’’
(B. Tedlock 1992b : 181, 189).
A relationship between the Milky Way and the
Moon is expressed in a number of ways. The Quiché
are particularly interested in the seasonal variations
in the Moon’s path, noting when the Moon passes
through the rift of the Milky Way and predicting
rainfall accordingly (B. Tedlock 1983 : 66 – 67; 1992b :
191). A tale of ill-fated lovers collected among the
Kekchı́ of Guatemala closely links the Moon and the
Milky Way. The Sun tries to steal the Moon from her
old father, covering her with a turtle shell, but the
old man hits the Sun with a pellet from his blowgun,
and the Sun drops the lunar maiden. She smashes to
pieces in the sea. Small fish gather the pieces and
patch them with their silvery scales; they form a net
and lift the Moon into the sky. The fish remain behind and become the Milky Way (Thompson 1967 :
33; 1970b : 365). The Kekchı́ tale explains why the
Moon disappears (the Sun drops it) during conjunction, and how the Moon rises up again (with the
help of ocean creatures). The Milky Way as a net
made to lift up the Moon may be represented by the
netted skirt of the Moon Goddess in Precolumbian
Maya imagery (Chapter 4).
The Milky Way, with its dense band of stars, most
often suggests a path across the sky or the more animate form of a celestial serpent. The stars of the
Milky Way are watched to predict seasonal change,
and the Moon’s position crossing the Milky Way
seems to be of interest. Some Maya groups connect
the Milky Way to the dead. The Milky Way itself may
embody the road of the dead, and its countless stars
may represent the souls of the dead.
OTHER CELESTIAL PHENOMENA
Comets are called ‘‘tail of the star’’ and are considered omens of pestilence among the Quiché (B. Tedlock 1992b : 180). They are ‘‘windy tail’’ and ‘‘fire–
ill-omened star’’ in Colonial Yucatec sources cited
by Barbara Tedlock. Among the Tzotzil, comets
are called yol, which can mean ‘‘arrow,’’ ‘‘bow,’’ or
42
CONTEMPORARY MAYA IMAGES OF THE HEAVENS
‘‘crossbow’’ (Lamb n.d.b). A different image is presented by the Tzotzil of Chalchihuitán, who say that
the comet is a ‘‘starbeam’’ (Köhler 1991a : 319). Halley’s comet, which was particularly bright in the early
part of this century, is mentioned in a number of
Maya accounts (Köhler 1989 : 292). It may be the
comet with a ‘‘long tail’’ in one Yucatec account
(Burns 1983 : 89).
The Maya watch for shooting stars, the annual
fireballs in meteor showers. The Tzotzil describe a
falling star as a ‘‘torch’’ (ch’ob; Lamb n.d.b; Laughlin
1975 : 137). Shooting stars seen in the east are the
cigarette butts of the Chacs among the Yucatec Maya
of Quintana Roo (Villa Rojas 1945 : 102). Such images seem related to cigars smoked by the Hero
Twins in the Popol Vuh, according to Barbara Tedlock (1992b : 180 –181). However, she sees a stronger
mythic tradition in the association of meteors with
obsidian. She suggests that the link between meteors,
obsidian, war, death, and human sacrifice relates to
past use of obsidian in implements of warfare, sacrifice, and bloodletting. The Lacandón name for
meteors is ‘‘arrowheads,’’ and the Yucatec name is
‘‘arrow stars.’’ A Colonial Quiché term for meteors
is the ‘‘star that makes war.’’ Obsidian points and
blades found by the Quiché in the fields of Momostenango are said to be the remains of falling stars
(B. Tedlock 1992b : 180 –181). The Tzotzil also describe obsidian as excrement that drops from shooting stars as they fall (Laughlin 1975 : 93). More commonly, the Maya describe meteors themselves as star
excrement (Köhler 1989 : 295 –296; Trenary 1987–
1988, table l).
Like many other Maya groups, the Tzotzil of Zinacantán believe that shooting stars have a malevolent quality. The soul of an evil person may take the
form of a falling star. A falling star seen at dusk
makes the leg swell; however, when seen after midnight, a falling star marks the place where treasure is
hidden (Laughlin 1975 : 232, 284, 513).
Mention should be made of the many sky beings
associated with changing winds and weather. The Yucatec Maya believe that rain deities riding on horseback pour water from an inexhaustible calabash. The
rain gods reside behind a door in the eastern sky, and
they come to earth in the cenotes. The Yucatec de-
scribe five different Chacs—marking the four directions and the center—who ride across the sky with
their leader, kunku-chac, the great rain god, under
orders from St. Michael. The rain aspect of Chac is
seen also in Mopan legends, where he is said to be
the thunder god (Thompson 1930 : 128).
The Yucatec Maya say that the rainbow (chel) is
the flatulence of the demons, rising out of dry wells
representing the anus of a demon called Metal (Redfield and Villa Rojas 1962 : 206). An evil rainbow
rises from the xab (sinkhole or well), where an evil,
snakelike monster resides in its depths, according to
the Tzotzil of Chenalhó; the snake is a companion
of the rainbow because both are striped, and there is
a serpent under every rainbow (Guiteras Holmes
1961 : 203, 235, 288). Rainbows bring an end to rain,
according to Maya accounts. The Chortı́ identify the
rainbow as the body of a Chicchan serpent stretched
across the sky. Even though the Chicchan serpent of
the north brings rain, the rainbow aspect of the
Chicchan does not let the rain fall (Fought 1972 :
388; Wisdom 1940 : 392 –395). Similarly, the Tzotzil
say that rainbows across the sky signify the end of
rain (Laughlin, personal communication 1995).
In sum, it seems that temporary sky phenomena,
such as comets, meteor showers, storms, winds, and
rainbows, are usually considered malevolent, most
probably because of their unpredictable nature. The
Maya still believe rainbows have a demonic quality.
Contrary to the Western tradition, rainbows are considered unlucky, probably because they are believed
to hold back the life-giving rain. Meteors are associated with war and obsidian. Comets seem to be distinguished from meteors, especially in accounts that
describe their long tails.
CONTEMPORARY MAYA ASTRONOMY
IN CULTURAL CONTEXT
There is diversity in modern Maya beliefs about astronomy, but there is also an underlying unity that
can be detected when studying linguistically related
groups, most notable when comparing the Lacandón
and Yucatec Maya astronomical terms. A belief in
the layered cosmos is widespread, but sometimes the
layers seem more like steps along the sun’s daily
CONTEMPORARY MAYA ASTRONOMY IN CULTURAL CONTEXT
course. Other images of the layered cosmos assign
the sun to a specific layer, often separate from the
fixed stars. Watching the moon when planting and
harvesting seems to be widespread, although the lunar phases for agricultural activities differ among
various Maya groups. Assigning a masculine gender
to the sun and a feminine gender to the moon seems
to be the norm, but the moon may be transformed
into a male in order to take a role as a farmer in some
accounts, especially when the moon is visualized as
a sibling of the sun. A female sun and a male moon
are variations in the pattern evident among the Chol,
who occupy a region at the core of the area of the
Classic Maya civilization.
The planet Venus has somewhat malevolent or
negative associations in a number of Maya cultures,
as indicated by beliefs that the Venus deity is ugly,
lazy, or adulterous. Venus is often the master of the
animals, and some accounts imply that the planet
causes eclipses. Information on the other planets is
very scarce, but some folktales speak of a monkey
43
planet named as the younger brother of Venus and
the Sun. Mars and Jupiter seem to be the only other
planets that have been documented in ethnographic
accounts.
Constellation names preserved in a number of
communities indicate that the principal constellations are often the star groups that are most easily
seen in the sky and those that mark important seasonal transitions. The Milky Way is widely connected
to a serpent or to a road or a path, sometimes specifically linked with the realm of the dead.
The weather phenomena are sometimes personified, and the beings responsible for these temporary
events seem to interact or even overlap with astronomical deities. Thus in one account, the Moon
Goddess is one of the Chacs, the deities responsible
for rainfall and thunder. Rainbows issue from wells
that are also the home of the Moon Goddess during
conjunction. And the Venus serpent may overlap in
some way with the Chicchan serpents responsible for
rain and rainbows.
2
NAKED-EYE ASTRONOMY
The motions of the heavens can be mystifying to those not trained in astronomy. To
understand Precolumbian astronomical imagery, we have to see the heavens from
the perspective of naked-eye astronomy, quite unlike the view through a telescope.
Here I describe the events from a dual perspective, both what you see from Earth
and what actually happens in the sky in a Sun-centered solar system. A glossary at
the end of the book will be helpful to those unfamiliar with astronomical terms.
Aveni’s Skywatchers of Ancient Mexico is an invaluable companion text to this chapter, as are H. A. Rey’s The Stars: A New Way to See Them and E. C. Krupp’s Echoes of
the Ancient Skies: The Astronomy of Lost Civilizations.
TRACKING THE SOLAR SEASONS
From a geocentric perspective, the sun seems to be moving eastward through the
background of stars over the course of the seasons. It takes a full year for the sun to
‘‘return’’ to the same stars along its annual path, known as the ecliptic. The earth’s
movement in its orbit around the sun makes the sun seem to move, and the earth
spinning on its axis creates night and day.
The true length of the solar year is 365.2422 days; but our solar calendar approximates the solar year by using a period of 365 days with a day added every four years.
Watching the sun over the course of several years from a fixed location, one can see
the sun on the horizon at the same spot at the same time of year (Fig. 2.1a). This
position can be noted in relation to a mountain or building in the distance, as in the
diagram.
North of the equator, the sun reaches its northern extreme on the horizon at the
summer solstice in June and the southern extreme at the winter solstice in December
(see glossary). At the two solstices, the sun seems to stop moving along the horizon,
just prior to turning in the opposite direction in its annual cycle (Fig. 2.1a). In
FIG. 2.1. a: Daily motion of Sun over course of year from June 21 (summer solstice) to
December 22 (winter solstice), with Z marking true zenith in tropics of Mesoamerica and
observer at low northern latitude (after drawing by P. Dunham, Aveni 1980, fig. 23).
b: Lunar-solar system from geocentric perspective with Sun and Moon moving around
Earth; places where lunar path crosses ecliptic are nodes marked by horseshoe-shaped symbol. Angle of ecliptic relative to celestial equator is 231⁄2 7. Equinoxes occur at two places
where ecliptic crosses celestial equator (after Lebeuf 1995, fig. 10).
TRACKING THE SOLAR SEASONS
45
46
NAKED-EYE ASTRONOMY
northern latitudes, the winter solstice occurs around
December 22, when the sun is 231⁄27 south of the
equator on the longest night of the year, and the
summer solstice occurs around June 21, when the
sun is 231⁄27 north of the equator on the longest day
of the year. The intervals between the solstices were
more even in the fifteenth century (at about 182
days) than they are today (181.77 and 183.47 days),
and the midpoint between the solstices was offset
from the time of the true equinox by only 2.1 days
(Dearborn and White 1989 : 468). The tilt of the
earth’s axis at 231⁄27 is what accounts for the way the
sun seems to travel north and south from one horizon extreme to another. These horizon extremes are
marked by the tropic of Cancer at the latitude of
231⁄27 N and the tropic of Capricorn in the south at
231⁄27 S, the latitudes that delimit the tropical zones
on earth.
The two annual equinoxes (around September 20
and March 21) take place approximately midway between the solstices, when the viewer on earth sees the
sun rise due east and set due west, and the days and
nights are of equal length. As will be seen in Chapter 3, the Maya built structures oriented toward the
horizon positions of the sun at the equinoxes and
solstices, confirming a relationship between architecture and solar observations. The equinox orientations translate into azimuths of 907 for sunrise and
2707 for sunset; you can approximate the solstice orientations by adding 231⁄27 to the equinox azimuths
for the summer solstice, and subtracting the same
figure for the winter solstice. Anthony Aveni (1980,
table 9) gives the precise azimuths based on different
horizon elevations at the latitude of the northern extreme of the Maya area.
In the Tropics, the sun reaches a true overhead
position at noon on the day of the solar zenith
(Fig. 2.1a). Within tropical Mesoamerica, the sun is
in the northern sky at noon on the summer solstice
and reaches a zenith position twice a year on either
side of the summer solstice. At the southern limit of
Mesoamerica, at about 147 N latitude, the solar zeniths occur in late April and mid-August. At the tropic
of Cancer, there is only one solar zenith, which takes
place on the summer solstice. When the observer is
north of the tropic of Cancer, the noon sun always
remains in the southern sky. In fact, the tropic of
Cancer marks the northern limit of Mesoamerica at
the archaeological site of Alta Vista (Aveni 1980 :
226 –229). A shared 260-day calendar, one of the
defining characteristics of Mesoamerica, may relate
to the specific geographical location of Mesoamerica.
Agricultural and weather patterns tied to the latitude of the northern Tropics probably influenced
the early development of the 260-day calendar still
used to measure the length of the agricultural season
in Mesoamerica.
Clearly the solar zenith plays a central role in unifying Mesoamerica, for this culture area does not extend north of where the sun achieves a true zenith.
The zenith position of the sun can be determined by
watching for the day when the sun casts no shadow
at noon. The shortening length of the shadow at
noon could be used to predict the zenith date. With
their structured calendar and long-distance trade
routes, the ancient Maya were certainly aware that
the date the sun reached its zenith varied as they
traveled north and south. Indeed, architectural complexes show orientations that are keyed to the local
horizon position of the sun on the zenith date
(Chapter 3).
The first solar zenith occurs near the onset of the
rainy season throughout much of Mesoamerica. In
central Mexico and the northern Maya area of Yucatán, from 197 N to 217 N latitude, the solar zenith
date falls near the end of May, coinciding closely
with the onset of the rains (Pl. 1). The seasonal
pattern is quite extreme in Yucatán, with rainfall
clustering in the period from late May through November, dividing the year into two distinct seasons
(Pérez 1945 : 89). The first solar zenith in the central
Petén, on May 8 around 177 N latitude, announces
the coming rains. Rainfall in the Petén follows a
similar pattern to that of Yucatán, with peak rainfall from June through October and a slight abatement during August (Aveni and Hotaling 1996 : 362,
fig. 1). Rainfall is exceptionally low from December
through April, and it is relatively dry through May,
creating a six-month dry season like that of Yucatán.
Rainfall patterns are more variable in Belize, but
generally the entire Maya area experiences a rather
long dry season.
LUNAR POSITIONS AND PHASES
Just as the first solar zenith is important because it
coincides approximately with the onset of the rainy
season in Mesoamerica, a complementary event
known as the second solar nadir coincides with the
beginning of the dry season (Pl. 1). For example, at
the latitude of Chichén Itzá (207418) the sun reaches
its solar nadir on November 22 and on January 21
in the Gregorian (N.S.) calendar. Further south, at
187 N latitude, the second solar nadir falls on January
30 N.S. As noted in Chapter 1, the contemporary
Quiché Maya determine the date of the nadir by
watching the full moon pass overhead at midnight.
LUNAR POSITIONS AND PHASES
During the twenty-nine to thirty days of the synodic
lunar month (29.53059 days), the moon changes
phases because it changes position relative to the
earth. The moon passes in front of the sun during
the new moon, a period of conjunction that lasts
from two to three days (Aveni 1980 : 69). As the
moon pulls away from the sun, you begin to see a
sliver of the moon, known as the first crescent. The
first visible crescent appears just above the western
horizon at dusk, and it sets almost immediately
thereafter. As the month progresses, the waxing
moon is visible higher in the sky each night at dusk,
and it is seen for a longer time before setting. At the
first quarter, half of the moon can be seen overhead
at dusk, and the moon sets some three hours later.
Over the next days, the moon grows rounder during
its gibbous stage and appears further to the east
when viewed at dusk. This is because the sun illuminates more and more of the moon as it moves farther away from the sun. Around the fifteenth day of
the lunar month, the moon rises opposite to the setting sun, and thus it reaches the full moon phase.
During the night, the full moon moves across the sky
until it sets at dawn, still in opposition to the sun.
Over the next seven days, the moon is again in its
gibbous stage, but now it is seen in the predawn sky.
By the waning quarter, the moon is overhead at
dawn. A few days later, the waning crescent moon is
visible in the eastern sky in the early morning, each
night closer to the eastern horizon, until it finally
rises just before sunrise. On the next day, the moon
47
disappears in the sun’s glare at the time of conjunction (the new moon), but because it drops down to
the eastern horizon, it seems as if it disappears into
the earth as it moves between the earth and the sun
(Fig. 2.1b).
The most profound effect of the lunar phases on
earth is seen in the tides, which bear a direct relationship to the moon. The moon seems to carry the tides
with it. When viewed over the course of the month,
the moon seems to rise fifty minutes later each night,
thus the high and low tides are almost an hour later
each day. The moon’s path or orbit also profoundly
influences the tides. The moon’s orbit around the
earth is elliptical, and it moves closest to the earth
(perigee) every 27.55 days. When the moon is at
perigee at the time of the new moon, the lowest tides
of the year occur, and perigee at the full moon brings
the highest tides; gravitational pull is strongest at
these times (Cleere 1994 : 96).
Whereas the sun is relatively easy to track, serving
as a model of orderly motion that defines the day
and solar year, the moon has much more complex
cycles because twelve lunar months do not fit exactly
into the solar year (12 3 29.53059 5 354.36708).
The difference each year accumulates at a rate of
about eleven days a year, resulting in the need to add
an extra lunar month at certain intervals in any seasonal calendar that includes lunar observations. The
actual interval that it takes the full moon to return to
the same date in the calendar year is the metonic cycle of nineteen years, a cycle of 235 lunations or
6,939.6 days that seems to be recorded in at least one
Maya codex (Chapter 4).
The disappearance interval during conjunction
varies from two to three days, with the shortest disappearance interval occurring in the spring. There is
also seasonal variation in the altitude of the moon
on first visibility and in the orientation of the crescent when the moon first emerges from invisibility
(MacPherson 1987; Ottewell 1990). The crescent
moon appears to be tipped over during the rainyseason months in Mesoamerica and lies horizontally
during the dry-season months, positions noted by
the modern Maya (Chapter 1).
Because the full moon rises opposite to the setting
sun, it has a seasonal position opposite to the sun.
48
NAKED-EYE ASTRONOMY
For example, in the Quiché area, the full moon’s
position at midnight zenith coincides with the time
of the sun’s nadir in November, just as the midnight
zenith of the full moon in February marks the time
of the second solar nadir (B. Tedlock 1992b : 189).
The moon at the fall equinox rises at approximately
the same position as the sun at the spring equinox. The full moon at the winter solstice rises at dusk
in approximately the same position as the rising sun
on the summer solstice; similarly, the full moon on
the summer solstice rises at dusk in the position of
the winter-solstice sunrise.
The moon completes a circuit of the sky in one
sidereal month (27.32166 days; Aveni 1980 : 69 –72).
Over the course of a sidereal month, the moon
moves rapidly, advancing around thirteen degrees in
twenty-four hours, so that it appears to jump forward each night (Fig. 2.2a). The moon passing by an
individual star or star group marks the sidereal position of the moon. The full moon, which is about
1⁄27 in diameter, on some occasions actually covers
stars or even clusters of stars; indeed its diameter is
just large enough to cover the Pleiades. Such an occultation places the moon in a precise sidereal position and also marks an exact position along the
moon’s inclined orbit.
The moon’s orbit is tipped by about 57 with respect to the ecliptic, so that it moves back and forth
across this plane (Fig. 2.1b). The two points of intersection with the ecliptic are called the nodes. When
the new or full moon crosses a node, the moon, the
earth, and the sun lie on a straight line. The moon
passes through a node (crosses the ecliptic) every
13.7 days. From a geocentric perspective, the node
crossings represent the moon moving north and
south of the sun’s ecliptical path.
Each month the moon mimics the annual cycle of
the sun, rising at northern and southern extremes on
the horizon, but the inclined lunar orbit changes the
location of the moon relative to the ecliptic. Consequently, the nodes change position (regress) along
the ecliptic. Every 18.61 years the nodes return to the
same position. This is also the interval between major standstills of the moon, when you will see the
moon reach its maximum northern and southern
positions during a month, and it will repeat these
approximate positions over several months (Aveni
1997 : 33, 88; Krupp 1991 : 156).
FIG. 2.2. a: Moon moves 360 7 around sky, crossing back
b: Selected positions of Venus in relation to Earth and
Sun (after Closs 1979, fig. 4).
and forth across ecliptic over course of one month; here
crossing points (lunar nodes) occur on days 7 and 21.
ECLIPSES
If the moon is full when it crosses a node, there may
be a lunar eclipse, but if it crosses during the new
moon, a solar eclipse may occur (Aveni 1980 : 77–
78). Since the moon continually wanders north and
south, the node crossings rarely occur at the time
of a full moon or new moon. Solar eclipses occur
within eighteen days of a node passage, whereas lunar eclipses occur within twelve days of a node passage (V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1989 : 239). Lunar
eclipses are spaced at least six months apart, and not
every year has a lunar eclipse; on the other hand,
there are at least two solar eclipses a year, and sometimes as many as five (Ortiz 1997 : 22). Even though
solar eclipses are more common, lunar eclipses are
more often seen because they are visible over the
half of the earth turned toward the moon, whereas
solar eclipses are seen only in a narrow band where
the new moon’s shadow falls on earth as the moon
passes between the earth and the sun.
John Teeple (1930 : 90) provides a good description of solar eclipses:
The sun has its path in the sky which we call the ecliptic; the moon also has a path which is inclined about
57 to the ecliptic, hence twice a year the sun is in both
the ecliptic and the moon’s path where they cross, at a
point which we may call the node. If a new moon occurs while the sun is at that point, or in fact within
about 18 days either side of the node, then the moon
will obscure some part of the sun and there will be an
eclipse of the sun visible somewhere on earth. If the
nodes were stationary, the sun would reach one every
ECLIPSES
49
50
NAKED-EYE ASTRONOMY
half year, but there is a regression of the nodes, such
that the sun crosses the moon’s orbit on the average of
once in 173.31 days, the eclipse half year.
Solar eclipses are only visible within a limited
geographic range, especially total eclipses. There are
three types of solar eclipses: (1) A partial solar eclipse
occurs when the moon covers only part of the sun
because the new moon is not exactly at the node but
is sufficiently close that it hides part of the sun (Rey
1976 : 138). (2) A total eclipse occurs when the new
moon is crossing a node and it is also close to the
earth because of its position in the elliptical orbit, so
that the moon’s backlit disk appears large enough to
completely cover the sun, leaving only a circle of rays
around the dark lunar disk. (3) An annular eclipse
occurs if the new moon moves directly in front of
the sun when it is more distant from the earth, so it
does not completely cover the sun but leaves a ring
of light all the way around the new moon.
Lunar eclipses can be seen in a wide geographic
area; all that is required is that the eclipse occur
sometime between dusk and dawn in the locale.
During a lunar eclipse, the moon undergoes a dramatic transformation but does not disappear completely. As the eclipse proceeds over the course of
several hours, the appearance of the moon transforms from the full moon to a crescent moon as the
earth’s shadow falls on the moon, until it is completely covered by a shadow that makes it look like a
disk that is colored coppery red or a darker shade. It
retains this color for up to an hour and forty-five
minutes as the earth passes directly between the sun
and the moon, preventing sunlight from illuminating the moon’s surface. Then the phases repeat in
reverse order, with the crescent emerging again, followed by the moon gradually filling out until it resumes its appearance as the silvery full moon. If only
part of the moon passes through the earth’s shadow,
you see a partial lunar eclipse. The rounded shadow
of the earth falling on the moon at the time of a lunar eclipse was what led Aristotle to recognize the
spherical shape of the earth. A similar discovery
eluded the Maya, and even today they describe the
rounded shadow as a bite taken out of the moon by
an eclipse monster.
THE PLANETS
Like the moon, planets are lit by reflection, distinguishing them from stars, which are actually distant
suns in other solar systems. Planets are generally
brighter than the stars and give off a steady light,
whereas stars seem to twinkle. Mercury, however,
can fool the eye and sometimes twinkles like a star
when it is near the horizon. The stars represent a
fixed background in the sky, like a geographic map.
Although this stellar map slowly rotates, the stars remain in the same relationships, serving as signposts
for the motion of the planets, called the ‘‘wanderers’’
in classical antiquity (Aveni 1992b : 25 –26).
Just as the earth’s year is based on the time it takes
to orbit around the sun, the sidereal cycle of a planet
represents the time it takes to orbit around the sun,
passing entirely around the background of stars.
From a geocentric perspective, another cycle seems
more pronounced, that of the synodic period—the
time it takes for the planet to return to the same position relative to the earth and the sun. The synodic
period has certain subsets, the most notable of which
are the period of retrograde, the day of opposition,
and the day of heliacal rise at dawn (see glossary).
The heliacal rise date, the day when the planet becomes visible again after being lost in the sun’s glare
during conjunction, is clearly the most striking and
notable event in the synodic period. Predicting the
heliacal rise and set dates requires considerable expertise. Calculating the timing of this event is not
simply a matter of determining the degree of separation between the sun and the planet in terms of
celestial longitude, because the degree of separation
required for first visibility varies with the seasons
(V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1986b : 60). Furthermore,
although modern computer programs have made it
easier to determine when these events occurred in
the past, these programs do not precisely re-create a
past event because they cannot account for local
weather conditions that could change the date the
planet first became visible.
Astronomers call Venus and Mercury inferior
planets because their orbits are closer to the Sun
than that of Earth. They have the inside track, so to
THE PLANETS
speak. They appear to be attached to the Sun, never
seeming to stray far from the Sun’s position. Aveni
(1992b : 27) points out that Mercury is never seen
more than two handspans from the Sun, and Venus
no more than four. They have a unique relationship
with the viewer on Earth, seeming to swing back and
forth, almost like a yo-yo moving toward and away
from the Sun. This means that their position above
the horizon is closely linked to the horizon position
of the Sun (Aveni 1979, fig. 1).
Because the orbital plane of each planet is tipped
slightly with respect to Earth’s orbit, the planets seem
to migrate north and south of the Sun’s position.
This motion is most noticeable with Mercury and
Venus because they have the largest orbital inclination, 77 and 37248 respectively (Aveni 1980 : 92 –93).
Among the celestial wanderers, Mercury strays farthest from the Sun’s path, rising and setting up to
77 north and south of the Sun’s extreme horizon
positions.
Venus and Mercury appear as celestial twins or
‘‘body doubles’’ because they have a similar pattern
of visibility. They can only be seen in the east around
dawn or in the west around dusk. This gives them a
double personality. The two inferior planets are also
similar because they are the only planets that have
four-part synodic periods: a Morning Star phase; a
phase of invisibility around superior conjunction;
an Evening Star phase; and an inferior conjunction
phase. When Venus and Mercury pass in front of the
Sun around the time of inferior conjunction, their
disappearance is relatively short. When they pass behind the Sun at the time of superior conjunction, the
period of invisibility is much longer. This is because
the viewing angle from Earth creates a wider arc of
invisibility as the planet moves to the opposite side
of the Sun (positions 5 –7 in Fig. 2.2b).
Mercury’s synodic period (115.9 days) is punctuated by periods of invisibility around inferior and
superior conjunction, averaging five and thirty-five
days respectively. As the planet closest to the Sun,
Mercury is invisible for almost a third of its total
synodic period. Whereas Venus reaches a maximum
elongation (angular distance) from the Sun of 477,
Mercury has a maximum elongation from the Sun
51
of no more than 267, meaning that Mercury stays
relatively close to the Sun, making it very difficult
to track (Aveni 1980 : 85, 325 n. 14). Many ancient
people in the Old World applied the term ‘‘burner’’
or ‘‘sparkler’’ to Mercury, because it seems to twinkle
near the horizon (Aveni 1992b : 53). Aveni reports
that Mercury was characterized as a trickster, because it would elude anyone in pursuit by disappearing so frequently. For similar reasons, the Greeks
said Mercury was a swift-footed messenger (Hermes) who conducted souls of the dead into the underworld (Krupp 1991 : 174). Mercury’s speedy nature is no doubt due to its short sidereal cycle, for it
takes only eighty-eight days to make a circuit around
the sky.
The four-part synodic period of Venus averages
583.92 days, including two periods of invisibility that
average 8 and 50 days. In practice, the disappearance
intervals vary in length according to the season. The
inferior conjunction interval for Venus can range
from a few days around February to as many as
20 days in August (Aveni 1991 : 314, fig. 4; 1992b : 97,
table 3.2).
It is possible to see Venus move through all the
constellations of the zodiac during its period of visibility in the morning or evening sky. This is because
its average period as either Morning or Evening Star
is 263 days, whereas the sidereal cycle of Venus is
shorter, just under 225 days. The sidereal cycle may
be important in the eight-year Venus cycle documented in the Dresden Codex (Chapter 5).
Venus returns to the same position in the sky at
the same time of year in the same phase every eight
years. This means that it returns to the same star
group at the same time of year. Five synodic periods
of Venus are approximately equal to eight solar years
and ninety-nine lunar months, the octaeteris cycle
(meaning eightfold) used by the Greeks (Aveni
1992b : 95). The length of the five Venus synodic periods also follows a symmetrical sequence in terms
of the number of days in each cycle: 587, 583, 580,
583, and 587 days, repeating at intervals of eight
years. Similarly, the disappearance intervals follow a
seasonal patterning over the eight-year period (Aveni
and Hotaling 1994 : S25).
52
NAKED-EYE ASTRONOMY
Just as the horizon positions of Venus repeat in a
cycle every eight years, Venus also seems to follow
five different patterns in its motion above the horizon
as Morning Star, and it displays a similar set of motions as Evening Star over the course of eight years
(Aveni 1991, fig. 1). One pattern resembles a figureeight loop, another the capital letter D (Fig. 2.3a).
Near the vernal equinox, Venus reaches its highest
position of all the five cycles. This event occurs very
close to the time of maximum elongation, when the
planet is positioned farthest away from the Sun.
However, maximum elongation does not often coincide with highest altitude, as can be seen in plots
of these two Venus events throughout the planet’s
cycle (H. Bricker 1996, figs. 3, 5, 6). Harvey Bricker’s
(1996, fig. 8) work shows that the longest interval
of days between the highest altitude and maximum
elongation occurs near the autumnal equinox. Although Venus at maximum elongation will usually
be high in the sky, the precise elongation point cannot be seen in the sky; it must be calculated by celestial longitude. Bricker supports Aveni’s (1991) conclusion that the emphasis on maximum elongations
of Venus given in studies of Maya calendrics probably tells us more about what is of interest to Western astronomers than what was of interest to Precolumbian Maya observers.
Plotting the intervals of the Morning Star’s ascent
and descent in all its seasonal patterns indicates that
Venus seems to shoot up in the sky to attain maximum altitude in approximately 80 days, but then it
follows a more leisurely course in its descent, averaging about 180 days. The opposite is true in the
Evening Star phase, when the descent from maximum altitude occurs relatively rapidly over 80 days.
Venus also appears to change size during its synodical cycle. It seems to be six times wider when it is
nearest the horizon; this makes it especially large
when it is about to disappear as Evening Star and
after its first appearance as Morning Star. Although
Venus seems to be very large as it is about to move
in front of the Sun in inferior conjunction, it is
bright but not easily seen because it is so close to the
Sun and only a thin crescent is illuminated (this
shape, however, can only be seen with a telescope).
Just a few weeks before it disappears as Evening Star
and just a few weeks after it reappears as Morning
Star more of the planet is illuminated, making it
most brilliant (Fig. 2.3a; Aveni 1991 : 310; 1992b : 32).
Venus is the brightest of the planets, occasionally
even visible in daylight. And in some rare instances,
Venus can be seen to pass in front of the Sun during
inferior conjunction. At this time, Venus is seen as a
black dot moving across the face of the Sun, almost
like a sunspot (Aveni 1980 : 85). As yet, we have no
evidence that these transits of Venus were observed
by the ancient Maya, but the subject has not been
adequately explored.
Venus has a retrograde period that averages fortytwo days, beginning just prior to inferior conjunction (Roth 1970 :104 –105). Its retrograde motion is
different from that of the superior planets (those
planets that orbit the Sun beyond Earth’s orbit) because it is less obvious, for the midpoint of its retrograde period coincides with inferior conjunction
when the planet is not visible. This motion does not
seem to be of great interest in Classic Maya texts.
The superior planets show a different pattern of
motion than the inferior planets; they are not often
seen close to the sun, and when in opposition to the
sun, they behave like the full moon, rising at dusk
and setting at dawn. Their synodic periods involve
long periods of visibility in the night sky, punctuated
by a single period of invisibility during conjunction.
In a single synodic period, a superior planet moves
across the sky in a predictable fashion, making a
single disappearance just after it reaches the western
horizon at dusk. A superior planet rises earlier and
earlier each day in the predawn sky, working its way
across the sky until it again reaches the western horizon at dusk (Aveni 1992b : 26 –30, fig. 2.3).
The planets follow an eastward motion amid the
background of the stars, like the sun and the moon.
From time to time, as the earth passes by a planet,
FIG. 2.3. a: One of eight seasonal paths of Venus as Morning Star (after Aveni 1992b, fig. 2-4).
b: Intersecting paths of Milky Way and ecliptic from
geocentric perspective.
THE PLANETS
Maximum Height
in the Pre-Dawn Sky
53
54
NAKED-EYE ASTRONOMY
the planet will appear to move backward (westward)
amid the stars, a phenomenon called retrograde motion. The planet continues to orbit in the same direction as the earth, but it seems to move backward
briefly as the earth passes by, just as a moving car
will seem to drop back abruptly as a faster car passes
it. Retrograde motion invariably occurs at a time
when the superior planet is visible for a relatively
long period of time over the course of the night. The
approximate midpoint of retrograde motion for the
superior planets coincides with opposition, when
the earth is directly between the sun and the planet,
which means the planet rises at sunset and sets at
dawn. At the time of opposition, a superior planet is
usually at its brightest and it is visible for the longest
period of time during the night; the precise timing
of opposition varies with the seasons.
The stationary points in retrograde motion are
easily observed, although the exact duration is not
readily detected. Astronomers call these stops the
first stationary and second stationary, and opposition is the approximate point in time or space between the two (Aveni and Hotaling 1994 : S39). As
Bryant Tuckerman’s (1964) tables indicate, the planets do not apply their brakes from full speed to dead
stop overnight; rather, they behave more like a good
driver slowing gradually to a stop. The retrograde
loop is visible as an east-to-west motion in the background of stars (Aveni 1992b : 26, 29 –30). The entire
retrograde period can last for two months in the case
of Mars and over four months for Jupiter and Saturn
(Aveni 1980, table 6).
In terms of the sidereal cycle, the more distant
planets are exceptionally slow (Aveni 1980, table 6).
The superior planets could be visualized as running a
race around the Sun. Mars is on the inside track running laps around slower Jupiter and Saturn. Uranus
is even slower but lies at the threshold of visibility.
Conjunction events involving all three superior
planets visible with the naked eye, when Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn come together in the sky, are relatively rare, normally being separated by hundreds of
years. And a great conjunction of all five planets visible with the naked eye occurs approximately every
516.33 years (Pankenier 1997 : 34). Such a conjunc-
tion event is expected to occur in early April of the
year 2000.
The synodic periods of the planets are based on
the observed relationship with the earth’s motion
around the sun. The time to complete a synodic
revolution appears to decrease for planets more distant from the sun. Aveni (1980 : 88) notes that Saturn, the most distant of the planets visible with the
naked eye, ‘‘scarcely moves a few degrees on its orbit
around the sun before the earth has gained a lap on
it.’’ Thus its synodic period is relatively close to one
year. Saturn’s synodic period is 378.1 days, and the
mean interval it is visible in the morning or in
the evening is 353 days, with a mean disappearance
interval of 25 days. Its mean retrograde period is
140 days. Saturn takes 29.45 years to make a circuit
around the sky (sidereal cycle of 10,758.9 days).
Jupiter is the largest and brightest of the three superior planets. Jupiter’s synodic period is 398.9 days,
and its mean retrograde period is 120 days. Jupiter is
gone from view for about a month (mean disappearance interval 32 days). Since Jupiter is visible approximately 367 nights, its motions can be noted in
relationship to the solar year. Each successive heliacal rise would occur about a month later (399 2 365
5 34 days). This places Jupiter in a different star
group every year, until it finally completes a sidereal
cycle in 4,332.5 days or about twelve years (just 50.5
days short of twelve years; Aveni 1980 : 89, table 6).
Because of the planet’s unique red color, Mars is
easy to find as it moves among the stars. Mars completes its sidereal cycle in 687.1 days, a period about
equal to the mean interval of its visibility (660 days).
Thus Mars can be seen to move through all the constellations of the zodiac in a single synodic period, a
pattern it shares with Venus.
The synodic period of Mars can vary from 770 to
800 days, but the average cycle is 780.0 days or precisely 3 3 260 days, a period that may be linked with
the unique 260-day calendar of Mesoamerica. The
mean retrograde period of Mars is relatively short,
an average of 75 days, and the interval can fluctuate
as much as 10 days from the quoted value (Aveni
1980, table 6). Retrograde follows heliacal rise after
an average of 292 days (Justeson 1989 : 100, table 8.5).
THE STARS AND THE SEASONS
As with the other planets, the timing of the retrograde period of Mars varies from cycle to cycle, because it is determined by the time when Mars is in
opposition to the Sun during its synodic period.
The exact timing of the first stationary point is not
observable because the planet is moving so slowly
just before and after the precise stationary point
(V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1986b : 58). Mars shows
the greatest variation in brightness of all the planets
and occasionally can be seen to be almost as bright
as Venus (Aveni 1992b : 32). Its maximum brilliance
occurs during retrograde motion when it is in opposition, rising around dusk and visible all night
long.
Mars has the longest period of visibility in the
morning or evening sky, lasting an average of 660
days before disappearing behind the Sun for approximately 120 days, notably longer than the mean disappearance interval of other planets. Heliacal rise
(dawn rise) after the period of invisibility is an event
of great significance in the Mars cycle; however, even
using modern astronomical tables, the exact date
of heliacal rise of Mars during a given synodic period cannot be predicted, especially during the spring
(V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1986b : 65 – 66). Tracking
the conjunction of Mars with the Sun indicates a
conjunction sequence that returns the planet at the
same time of year to the same ecliptical position
amid the background of stars every 205 years (Burgess 1991, fig. 1).
THE STARS AND THE SEASONS
Over the centuries, the solar seasons provide the
stable framework for the yearly rhythms in the daytime sky; these seasonal cycles are echoed by stars at
night that serve as seasonal markers. Unlike the sun,
which meets its appointed schedule without fail year
after year over the centuries, the stars lag behind the
solar clock. Due to the effects of precession, a slow
wobble in the tilt of the earth’s axis, an individual
star near the ecliptic will be seen to rise an average of
five to seven days later every five hundred years, but
the degree of shift varies considerably for individual
stars (Aveni 1980, table 10).
55
The dawn, or heliacal, rise of a star is important
because it marks the reappearance of a star after invisibility, just as the heliacal set (dusk set) is significant because it is the last time the star is visible before disappearing in conjunction. Over the course of
several years’ observation, the date of these events
can be determined with some accuracy. However,
predicting heliacal rise and set dates of stars with
exact precision is a difficult task. Projections back
through time are even more problematical. Nevertheless, astronomers are able to determine past star
events with reasonable accuracy, and many computer
programs are based on these calculations. Bradley
Schaefer (1987) notes that calculations made by
modern astronomers rely on observational data recorded by the Babylonians and the Egyptians, and
on Ptolemy’s method using the arcus visionis, a measure of the minimum vertical separation required for
a planet or star to be visible. He confirms the importance of heliacal rise and set dates, but he finds that
achronical rise (the last day a star is seen to rise after
sunset) is unobservable if the observation took place
exactly at sunset, or ill defined if the observation was
made at twilight, because this time of night cannot
be precisely defined.
The disappearance interval averages about a
month for constellations near the ecliptic. By dividing the stars along the ecliptic, Old World astronomers developed the zodiac, the twelve constellations
that serve as ‘‘signs’’ of the months. Western astrologers did not take precession into account, for they
fixed the position of the sun at the spring equinox in
Aries and then from that point they counted off
twelve equal sections representing the zodiacal signs,
despite the variation in size of the constellations. The
zodiacal signs were determined to be of equal dimensions, each marking the position of the sun during one month, a system still used by astrologers
today.
Over the course of two thousand years the relationship with the seasons has changed. Whereas
Aries marked the Sun’s position at the spring equinox in Greco-Roman times, for the last two thousand years, the spring equinox has been located in
Pisces. Astrologers tell us that we are entering the
56
NAKED-EYE ASTRONOMY
‘‘age of Aquarius,’’ because the position of the Sun at
the spring equinox is shifting to Aquarius, the constellation next to Pisces. The entire cycle of precession takes 26,000 years; the starry sky is expected to
return to the same seasonal position it had in GrecoRoman times some 24,000 years in the future (Aveni
1980, fig. 40). Precession results from the changing
position of the celestial pole as Earth wobbles like
a top on its axis, currently at a 231⁄27 tilt, but pointing to different stars in the north celestial pole. The
changing position of the celestial pole does not affect the ecliptic, but it does change the position
of the celestial equator and therefore the two equinox points where the ecliptic and celestial equator
intersect.
The latitude of the observer determines which
stars are visible and which are most prominent.
In Mesoamerican latitudes, approximately 147 N to
231⁄27 N latitude, a number of bright stars cross the
meridian very close to the true zenith. Despite slight
shifts in position when comparing the Precolumbian
skies to those of today, generally these stars can be
seen overhead in Mesoamerica today. The Pleiades
crossed the zenith in central Mexico and northern
Yucatán in Precolumbian times (precise zenith at
19 7218N latitude in a.d. 1507; Krupp 1982 : 10). In
Mesoamerica, most of the circumpolar stars are seen
to rise and set, except for those right around the
pole star. Mesoamerican skies also display southern
constellations not visible in the more northerly latitudes of Europe and the United States. Among the
most important is the Southern Cross, a crossshaped constellation that is visible for the longest
period of time in April, when it is identified as the
sign of the night by the Quiché (Chapter 1). The
Southern Cross marks the southernmost point of
the Milky Way, a dense band of stars discussed in
Chapter 7.
In the Tropics of Mesoamerica, certain stars on
the Milky Way serve as seasonal indicators of the alternation between the rainy and dry seasons. The
most important constellations in this regard are the
Pleiades, which have marked the beginning of the
rainy season for thousands of years, and Scorpius,
located at the opposite side of the sky, marking the
onset of the dry season (Fig. 2.3b). With fine-tuning,
ancient astronomers could have focused on the same
constellations from the time of the Olmecs up to the
conquest, a span of over 2,500 years. For example,
the dawn rise of Antares in Scorpius fell in November for over 1,500 years (Aveni 1980, table 10). The
Pleiades made their dawn rise on May 7 in 500 b.c.,
announcing the coming rains in late May; by a.d.
1500, they rose at dawn on May 29, so that their rise
coincided with the onset of the rainy season (Aveni
1980, table 10). By adjusting the observation time
from a dawn rise to dusk set, this stellar clock could
be used for several thousand years. Today the same
star group sets at dusk on May 3 and rises at dawn
on June 4, thus dusk set is seen to announce the
coming rains, and the dawn rise coincides with the
actual onset of the rainy season.
Other seasonal events played out across the background of stars are the annual meteor showers
(‘‘shooting stars’’), generally seen after midnight.
The fireballs in a meteor shower occur when the
earth passes through the path of an ancient comet,
and they are an annually occurring event because the
earth encounters the cometary path in the same area
of the sky as it orbits around the sun. These meteor
showers can be quite spectacular, such as the great
Leonid meteor shower of November 13, 1833. The
showers can be seen in specific constellations at certain times of year. Among the most spectacular are
the Aquarids visible in Aquarius around May 5 and
July 29; the Perseids in Perseus between August 9
and 14; the Orionids in Orion between October 16
and 22; the Taurids in Taurus between November 1 and 7; and the Leonids in Leo between November 14 and 18. The Geminids in Gemini around
December 14 is a spectacular meteor shower that
produces about a hundred meteors per hour (Krupp
1993 : 67). Meteor showers produce intermittent displays lasting only seconds, whereas a comet may be
seen to move across the sky over the course of a
month or more.
Comets, which orbit in and out of our solar system, shine because they reflect sunlight and because
sunlight ionizes their gases. They are of uncertain
origin and have meteoric material as well as gases.
Some comets have no tails; others have tails that
spread over millions of miles. The tail, formed by
THE STARS AND THE SEASONS
evaporation of ice as the comet approaches the sun,
appears in the opposite direction from the sun, because the solar wind pushes it away from the sun
(Ortiz 1997 : 26). Comets, like eclipses, represent a
disruption of the celestial regularity, for they do not
follow a predictable seasonal course; hence they are
linked to cataclysm in native cosmologies. Halley’s
comet’s passing in 1910 was particularly dramatic,
but its last appearance in 1986 was disappointing. It
is hard to predict whether a comet’s display will be
57
especially dramatic, and a similar problem occurs
with predictions about annual meteor showers. Nevertheless, some astronomers predict a spectacular
Leonid meteor shower will be visible on November
18, 1999, in Europe and Africa (Upton 1977). This is
to be followed by a rare conjunction of Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn in April 2000. With the end of the
millennium approaching, there may be an added
psychological jolt to this impressive sequence of
events.
3
PRECOLUMBIAN AND COLONIAL PERIOD
MAYA SOLAR IMAGES
The importance of the sun in contemporary Maya religion is a reflection of its
prominent role in Precolumbian and Colonial times. Maya solar imagery features
the sun as a ruler of time and space. Ancient cosmic diagrams and solar calendars
evoke a direct connection with concepts that survive today. Solar orientations in
Precolumbian architecture show how the Maya integrated time and space in their
solar cult.
Sun worship translated into political imagery during the Classic Maya period
(a.d. 250 – 800), when the ruler or a ruling lineage became identified with the sun.
By a.d. 1000, the end of the Terminal Classic period, solar lineages faded from view,
and solar worship shifted to calendar ceremonies involving the annual festival calendar. In the Postclassic period, the Sun God is one of the principal gods mentioned
in the sequence of four years of the annual year-bearers’ cycle of the Post-classic
period, but he is surprisingly rare in the almanacs of the codices and is considered
malevolent because of an association with drought.
Despite the changes over time in the role of the Sun God, Kinich Ahau (sun-faced
lord), his visual imagery shows a surprising degree of continuity, for some elements
can be traced from Postclassic back to Preclassic times. Hun Ahau, later known as
Hunahpu in the Early Colonial period, seems to embody the underworld sun in
combination with the Morning Star as far back as the Classic period. Some specialized aspects of the sun are more limited to certain areas or time periods, such as
GIII of the Palenque Triad, a Late Classic manifestation of the underworld sun found
primarily at this site.
Animals and plants could represent the sun in certain contexts. The sun glyph
itself symbolized a flower, most probably the Plumeria rubra. Jaguars may be
linked with the sun in some contexts. The puma, golden like the sun, represented
a solar animal in central Mexican art and possibly also in parts of the Maya area.
Although not actually embodying the sun, a monkey sometimes substituted for
the sun during the Classic Period. A scarlet macaw embodied the noonday sun,
his red color evoking the solar flames, according to Colonial period accounts. Postclassic codices show the solar macaw carrying a torch. These variations in solar imagery reflect subtle differences that conveyed specific meanings to the Precolumbian Maya.
This chapter begins with study of the seasonal cycle, the solar calendar, and solar
orientations in ancient architecture. There follow sections on Precolumbian images
that show how the sun moves through time and space. In subsequent sections, the
THE SEASONAL CYCLE AND THE SOLAR CALENDAR
Sun God’s traits are traced back from the Colonial
period to the Classic period. The closing sections
treat animals linked with the sun and specific deities
representing underworld aspects of the sun.
THE SEASONAL CYCLE
AND THE SOLAR CALENDAR
Colonial period sources make it clear that the Yucatec Maya festival calendar followed the solar seasons. The Chilam Balam of Chumayel, written in
1782 in Yucatán, mentions a number of seasonal
events linked with the calendar (Roys 1967 : 23, 85).
Xul is the time that fish spawn around early November. Yaxkin is the time that the cornstalks are bent
double in late November. Zac is when the white
flowers bloom in early February. Mac is when the
turtles lay their eggs in late March. Muan is when
there is a ring around the sun in May. Ralph Roys
points out that the ring around the sun is probably
caused by the smoke from the burning fields in
preparation for planting at the beginning of the
rainy season. The Chilam Balam text places the first
of Pop on July 16 (Julian, or O.S.), as does Friar
Landa’s account dated to the 1560s (Tozzer 1941 :
151–153 n. 15). This date corresponds to July 26 in
our Gregorian (N.S.) calendar, and is the day of the
second solar zenith at 197378, the latitude of Edzná
in the state of Campeche.
The sixteenth-century Maya agricultural calendar
followed the rhythm of the solar seasons, a practical
necessity for all agricultural peoples. Landa observed
that from the middle of January to April the Yucatec
Maya collected and burned refuse in the fields (Tozzer 1941 : 97). Then they sowed at the beginning of
the rainy season in May, making a hole in the ground
with a pointed stick and dropping in five or six
grains of maize. In all likelihood, the planting cycle
was coordinated with the first solar zenith in May, as
it is today.
Landa also recorded a 260-day count beginning
in Yax (January 22 –February 10 N.S.). Alfred Tozzer (1941 : 151–152) presumes that this statement
simply refers to a new 260-day count starting during
this month, but it may instead refer to the fixed 260day count that survives today (Milbrath 1981 : 278).
59
Yax overlaps with the date that begins the count
among the Chortı́ and Mopan (February 8) and that
found among the Tzotzil (February 5). As discussed
in Chapter 1, the 260-day Tzolkin calendar is well
adapted to the length of the maize planting cycle in
the Maya area, and it is noteworthy that any prediction made for a specific Tzolkin date would not
repeat in the same agricultural cycle. Indeed, prognostications using the 260-day ritual calendar in
the codices sometimes show a relationship with the
solar year and the planting cycle (V. Bricker and
H. Bricker 1986a; Justeson 1989 :113).
The Madrid Codex, a Postclassic Yucatec Maya
painted screenfold book, records a 260-day Tzolkin
that probably was used to determine the best days for
agricultural activities in relation to the fixed 260-day
agricultural calendar (Fig. 7.3 and color cover). In
my opinion, pages 13b –18b refer to a 260-day agricultural calendar beginning in Yax, the month when
a new 260-day count began, according to Landa’s
account. The month Yax coincides with the onset
of the fixed agricultural calendar in early February
found today among the Maya. And counting 260
days brings the calendar to late October, coinciding
with the month Xul (to end) in Landa’s calendar
(Milbrath 1981 : 276).
The dominant image of the sequence of pages
12b –18b is the Chicchan Serpent, so named because
markings on its body resemble the day sign Chicchan. The snake appears with the rain god (Chac)
amid a background of rainfall on page 12b. On pages
13b –18b there are five other manifestations of the
serpent, all associated with falling water. This evokes
a direct connection with the multiple aspects of
the Chicchan serpent, a rain serpent known today
among the Chortı́ (Chapter 1). The Pleiades may be
implicated because two of the serpents wear rattle
tails like the glyph for the Yucatec constellation
known as the ‘‘rattlesnake’s rattle’’ (Chapter 7).
The 260-day count begins on page 13b with the
day sign Imix, the day that normally begins the
Tzolkin. Since the fixed agricultural calendar could
begin on any day of the 260, placing Imix as the first
day shows an idealized beginning point for the fixed
calendar. There are no numeral coefficients, but
the numbers are implied by the positioning moving
60
PRECOLUMBIAN AND COLONIAL SOLAR IMAGES
from left to right across the page. The layout shows
the normal sequence of 20 days: Imix, Ix, Akbal,
Kan, Chicchan, Cimi, Manik, Lamat, Muluc, Oc,
Chuen, Eb, Ben, Ix, Men, Cib, Caban, Etz’nab,
Cauac, and Ahau, extending over to page 15b, where
a new cycle of 20 days repeats as the Chicchan
serpent reverses direction. The sequence continues
through page 18b, but there are only fifty-two signs
on the first row. The same is true of the other three
rows. The unfinished signs on the last page suggest
that each row was intended to have sixty-five signs,
completing a layout of 4 3 65 days to divide the 260day calendar into quarters. Apparently, the artist did
not have room to finish the last day signs, some of
which are blocked out but not filled in, a very rare occurrence in a Maya codex. Perhaps the missing days
are supplied on page 12b, where a black number below the Chicchan serpent indicates the appropriate
interval of 13 days. The red number on the same page
indicates a coefficient of 13, presumably to be linked
to one of the 20 day signs that follow. According to
Harvey and Victoria Bricker and Bettina Wulfing
(Bricker et al. 1997:S29), page 13b shows Imix with a
coefficient of one. However, instead of the expected
red number, I see only a black mark, probably added
inadvertently.
The pages show a narrative sequence involving a
Chicchan Serpent that changes its position and appearance over the 260-day period. The overall arrangement of the Tzolkin clearly divides the 260 days
in four quarters of 65 days each across the four rows,
but smaller subdivisions are suggested by the way
the calendar is arranged on the six pages. Since 260
days cannot be divided equally by six, it is clear that
the intervals on each page must be unequal. We
must try to reconstruct these intervals, since they are
evidently important in understanding the narrative
sequence of events shown across the six pages. Originally I proposed that the upper section of pages 14 –
18 provided information on the intended intervals,
most representing approximately 52 days, except the
last page in the sequence, representing a 27-day period (Milbrath 1980b, 1981). In addition to providing subdivisions of 52 days, the upper section of each
page refers to a complete Tzolkin count repeating
the same sequence of days at 52-day intervals, as seen
on page 15a, which displays a vertical column with a
coefficient of four to be joined with the column of
day signs to form the dates 4 Ahau, 4 Eb, 4 Kan, 4
Cib, and 4 Lamat cycling back to 4 Ahau for a total
of 260 days (5 3 52 days). If the upper sections are
to be read separately, as is usually the case on pages
with almanacs divided in upper and lower sections,
another form of calculating the appropriate subdivisions in the lower section must be found.
Counting the actual number of day signs on each
page may provide the key to determining the intervals representing subdivisions of the 260-day period.
The number of day signs on each page is unequal,
except for pages 15b –17b, which each show a total
of 40 day signs, indicating a 40-day period not unlike
the contemporary count called ‘‘the feet of the year’’
(Miles 1965 : 272). Page 13b displays 32 days (4 3 8),
and page 14b shows 36 days (4 3 9). Pages 15b
through 17b total 120 days (3 3 4 3 10). The resulting subdivisions are not that different from those
originally proposed, but they give a more convincing result in terms of the intervals between eclipses
shown by winged Kin panels on pages 13b and 17b,
widely recognized as eclipse glyphs (Chapter 4).
It has been suggested that Madrid Codex pages
12b –18b represent an eclipse almanac that predicts
eclipses in the early tenth century, although Harvey
Bricker et al. (1997) point out that none of the predicted eclipses were actually seen in the Maya area.
They propose that the warning table applied to a
relatively brief period of time from a.d. 924 to 926.
This interpretation runs contrary to the generally accepted Late Postclassic date assigned to the Madrid
Codex (Taube 1992b : 3). Archaeological evidence
suggests that the codex dates to around a.d. 1350,
based on comparison with murals in Tancah Structure 44 (Love 1994 : 9). Another problem with the
Brickers’ analysis is that they do not explain the significance of the Chicchan serpent, the predominance
of weather-related imagery, and the apparent narrative sequence of events. I am convinced that my
original interpretation of pages 12b –18b remains
valid, except for minor revisions in the subdivisions
of the Tzolkin discussed above. As will be seen, the
Madrid Codex almanac relates to the seasonal cycle
of rains. It was reused each year, following the pat-
THE SEASONAL CYCLE AND THE SOLAR CALENDAR
tern of the fixed 260-day cycle in the agricultural calendar today.
The eclipse signs in the Madrid Codex probably
warn of eclipses, but they seem to focus attention on
eclipses at a specific time of year. Using the subdivisions of days determined for each page, the total
number of days counting from page 13b to the beginning point of page 17b is 148 days (32, 36, 40 plus
40), a true eclipse interval like that recorded in the
Dresden Codex (Chapter 4). Thus, the intervals represented between the two eclipse signs on pages 13b
and 17b are at an appropriate distance to be an
eclipse interval. And if we extend the count to include the 40 days on page 17b, then we have a total
of 188 days, embracing the other eclipse interval of
177 days recorded in the Dresden Codex. Therefore,
if there was an eclipse in the month that opened the
fixed 260-day period shown on page 13b, another
could be expected to occur around the time of the
new year in Yucatán, during the 40-day period represented on page 17b.
The solar eclipse signs on page 12 are not associated with the almanac, and therefore they may float
in time or be emblematic symbols announcing the
eclipse sequence to follow. The latter seems likely,
given that page 12b actually shows a pair of identical
solar eclipse signs, which certainly could not refer to
two eclipses at the same time. Indeed, the time period between two solar eclipses is often the abovementioned eclipse interval of 148 days.
Page 12b serves as an introductory page, showing
the important elements in the pages to come: eclipse
glyphs, the sky band, Chac, the Chicchan Serpent,
and rainfall. It may also introduce the astronomical
year beginning around the winter solstice or perhaps
slightly earlier on the November solar nadir in the
Yucatec month Yaxkin (new sun), a name suggesting
a beginning point.
The fixed 260-day count probably begins on February 8, as in the modern fixed agricultural cycle
of the Chortı́ and coinciding with Landa’s 260-day
count beginning in Yax (January 22 to February 10
N.S.). Such a correlation helps us to place the solar
events in relation to the sequence of pages. The start
of the fixed 260-day agricultural period appears on
page 13b. If the calendar begins on February 8 on
61
page 13b with a 32-day period, page 14b with a 36day period coincides with the spring equinox. As I
noted in previous publications, page 14b shows a
male deer without horns, appropriate for March, the
time of year when deer shed their horns in Yucatán
(Milbrath 1980b : 451; 1981 : 280 –281). The 40 days
represented on page 15b carry the calendar forward
from April 17 to May 26, a period coinciding with
the first solar zenith in Yucatán and the disappearance of the Pleiades, appropriate because the Chicchan serpent has lost its rattles on this page. Further
support for this placement is seen in the sky band,
which represents the intersection point of the Milky
Way and the ecliptic, now prominently positioned
above the western horizon (Chapter 7). Adding the
next period of 40 days on page 16b extends the calendar from May 27 to July 5, incorporating the summer solstice. The 40-day count on page 17b begins
on July 6 and ends on August 14, coinciding with the
second solar zenith in Yucatán (Pl. 1). Page 18, the
last page, is incomplete but would certainly incorporate the fall equinox, and the close of the calendar in late October would be supplied by a missing
page or implied by the 13-day interval on page 12
(Fig. 7.3). This revised arrangement of the subdivisions of the 260-day calendar means that pages 16b
to 18b are shifted earlier in time than was presented
in my previous publications, but it does not substantially modify the interpretations relating to the Pleiades, for they remained invisible at dusk for the entire
period represented by pages 15b –18b.
The Madrid Codex probably dates sometime from
a.d. 1350 to 1450. If there was no intercalation, the
months or festivals Landa recorded at the time of the
conquest, more than a century after the codex was
painted, would have to be adjusted. Any given festival would be around twenty-six days later in relation
to the solar events around a.d. 1450, and fifty-two
days around a.d. 1350. However, I am presuming
that there was some form of intercalation in the Late
Postclassic festival calendar, which was created after
the tenth Baktun came to a close in a.d. 1224, at
which point the Long Count was no longer used in
the codices. I make this assumption because the imagery shown in the Madrid Codex calendar on pages
13b –18b depicts events that parallel Landa’s Yuca-
62
PRECOLUMBIAN AND COLONIAL SOLAR IMAGES
tec Maya festival calendar. And festivals described by
Landa seem related to events in the solar year and
the agricultural calendar.
Page 13b apparently overlaps with the month of
Yax in Landa’s calendar (January 12 –31 O.S.), which
would end on February 10 in our Gregorian calendar, around the beginning of the agricultural calendar recorded today among the Maya. An incense
burner suggests a link with the incense ceremony in
Yax; Chac shown with an overturned jar and a flaming bundle evokes the festival of the Chacs in Chen
or Yax (Milbrath 1981 : 280; Tozzer 1941 : 161).
On page 14b, a death god holds a torch up to a
deer, suggesting the sacrifice of a deer by fire in Mac,
a monthly festival that ran from March 13 to April 1
O.S. (March 23 to April 11 N.S.; Milbrath 1981 :
280 –281). During Mac, the Maya hunted wild animals, removed their hearts and burned them, and
then doused the flames with water. Tozzer (1941 :
162 –163) points out that the ceremony is appropriately named tup kaak, meaning ‘‘put out the fire.’’
The fire ritual probably also refers to fires set in the
fields to clear them in preparation for planting.
On page 15b, the merchant God M corresponds
to the Muan festival honoring the merchant gods in
May (Milbrath 1981 : 281; Tozzer 1941 : 164). At this
time, merchants probably returned from their extended trading expeditions, for the coming rains
would make long-distance trade difficult.
Page 17b coincides with the New Year ceremonies
in Pop, which began on July 16 O.S. in Landa’s calendar. Although there does not seem to be a specific
reference to the New Year events in the imagery, the
multiple Chacs on page 17b are appropriate to the
repeated references to the Chacs in Landa’s account
of the month Pop (Tozzer 1941 : 151–153). Page 18b
begins on August 5 (August 15 N.S.), marking a
40-day period that overlaps with the beginning of
Landa’s month Uo on August 6 (August 16 N.S.). Although there is no clear link with the events described for that month, the preceding page shows a
frog that might be linked with Uo, for this is the
Yucatec name for a variety of small frogs (Thompson
1960 :108).
Landa’s festival calendar, documenting the seasonal events and ceremonies in the mid-sixteenth
century, apparently survived in some form until
modern times. It is clear that the months were related to seasonal activities in Landa’s time and in
later epochs of the Colonial period. In the nineteenth century, Pı́o Pérez records an association between the new year and the solar zenith in Yucatán,
falling on July 16 in the Julian calendar (Aveni 1980 :
42 – 43). Despite a clear link between the beginning
of the new year in Pop and the July 16 date (July 26
N.S.) over many centuries, scholars cannot agree on
whether there was a mechanism for intercalation
(such as a leap year) to keep the festivals in a fixed
relationship with the solar seasons. Nonetheless, as
noted in Chapter 1, the Tzotzil festival calendar has
remained fixed over the last three hundred years,
even though no intercalation is formally acknowledged (Berlin 1967).
Daniel Flores (1995) has developed a possible
solution to how the Postclassic Yucatec Maya intercalated the calendar. He proposes that Landa’s four
year-bearers, with their associated colors and directions, encode a way to intercalate the calendar
seamlessly. He concludes that the Maya changed the
time of day that the New Year ceremony was performed by rotating ahead one-quarter day every
year; after four years had elapsed, a full day had been
added with no real record of an intercalation.
Flores notes that in the years named Kan, associated with the south and the color yellow, the ceremony began at dawn and ran until noon. He proposes that the priest positioned himself to the south
to observe the sun until it reached its noon position,
symbolized by yellow for the resplendent sun overhead. In the next year, a Muluc year associated with
the east and red, the ceremonies began at noon and
ran until sunset. Now the priest positioned himself
to the east and looked to the west to observe the setting sun, associated with the color red because of the
red glow of sunset. Then followed an Ix year, symbolized by the north and black; the ceremony began
at sunset and continued to midnight. At this time,
the priest positioned himself to the north and focused his attention on the underworld, waiting for
the sun to reach its lowest position at midnight, symbolized by the color black (however, Landa specifies
the color of the Ix year-bearer as white; Tozzer 1941 :
THE SEASONAL CYCLE AND THE SOLAR CALENDAR
138). In the last year of the four-year sequence, a
Cauac year represented by the west and white, the
ceremony began at midnight and ended at dawn;
the priest positioned himself to the west to observe
the rising sun, associated with white because that
is the usual color of the dawn sky (however, Landa
specifies the color in Cauac years as black).
Although the colors Landa assigns to the north
and west are different from those in the model presented by Flores, there are certain aspects of Landa’s
calendar that confirm the associations proposed by
Flores. Landa describes Cauac New Year ceremonies
as a nocturnal event, just as Flores suggests a nocturnal association for observations made in the Cauac
New Year ceremony (Tozzer 1941 : 147–149). Furthermore, Cauac involved intoxication, which was
probably restricted to nocturnal ceremonies if the
Yucatec Maya followed practices like those of the Aztecs, who were prohibited from drinking intoxicating
beverages before dusk. The Ix New Year ceremony, a
nocturnal event according to Flores, also involved
intoxication.
Flores’s proposal that the Postclassic Yucatec Maya
added a quarter day every year over 4 years explains
how a leap day would accumulate after 4 years. Furthermore, moving the ceremonies forward by six
hours each year would explain why Landa states that
the Yucatec Maya have a year of 365 days and six
hours (Tozzer 1941 : 133). However, a major problem with this interpretation remains. The New Year
day is fixed on July 16 O.S., but the divination calendar (the Tzolkin) ran continuously without break.
Rotating ceremonies forward one-quarter day every
year would mean that 4 years hence, when the next
Cauac year occurred, a full day would have accumulated. This means that the year-bearer day sign Cauac
would not fall on the first day of the year, but would
instead fall on the last day of the Uayeb (the five days
at year end). It is possible that during the Postclassic
period the months were simply shifted without regard for the Tzolkin, so that the first day of Pop and
the new year always fell on July 16, and the yearbearer date was allowed to slip slowly through the
year, occurring five days earlier every 20 years. After
52 years, the year-bearer would fall thirteen days before the July 16 date, which may have been the time
63
when an adjustment was made to realign the yearbearer. Or perhaps there was a shift to a new yearbearer set over the centuries, for different sets seem
to be used in codices that presumably date to different
epochs, such as the Dresden Codex and the Madrid
Codex. Landa’s year-bearers (Kan, Muluc, Ix, and
Cauac) are like those of the Madrid Codex (34 –37).
The Madrid Codex New Year pages each feature a
sky band. On page 34, we find a priest-astronomer
looking at the night sky in the Cauac years, indicating that the ceremony is nocturnal, as in Flores’s interpretation and Landa’s descriptions of the Cauac
ceremony (Tozzer 1941 : 147–149). On page 37, we
see a dog howling at a crescent moon in the Ix years,
another appropriate nocturnal image if New Year
ceremonies took place from dusk to midnight, as
proposed by Flores (Fig. 5.1i).
There are other lines of evidence indicating an
interest in the solar year in the codices. The Dresden
Codex seems to refer to the stations of the Haab
(365-day year), the summer solstice, meteorological
events, and Yucatec Maya agricultural activities, according to Victoria and Harvey Bricker (1992). These
events are positioned in relation to intervals that are
subsets of the 260-day calendar, most often subdivided in five sets of 52 days or four sets of 65 days.
The most common subdivisions of the 260-day
calendar in Yucatec Maya codices are groups of 52
days, and in northern Yucatán such subsets could be
used in conjunction with a solar count from one solar zenith to the next. At Dzibilchaltún (217068 N), at
the northern limits of the Maya area in Yucatán, the
interval between the first solar zenith (May 25) and
the second (July 17) is exactly 52 days, a period that
seems to be recorded in architectural orientations
(Coggins and Drucker 1988 : 24).
Periods of fifty-two days seem to relate to intervals
in the solar cycle beyond the Maya area as well. The
observatory or zenith tube at Xochicalco (18788 N)
marks an interval of fifty-two days from when the sun
first enters the chamber on April 29/30 to the summer solstice (Morante López 1995 : 47, 60). Rubén
Morante López points out that similar configurations may be evident near the northern limit of the
Maya area at Chichén Itzá (207408 N), where the
Osario has a zenith tube that remains to be tested. In
64
PRECOLUMBIAN AND COLONIAL SOLAR IMAGES
Oaxaca, to the west of the Maya area, the subdivision
of sixty-five days may be significant. At Monte Albán
(177038 N), the zenith tube in Structure P seems to
mark an interval of sixty-five days from the point
that the sun first enters the tube on April 17 to the
summer solstice, and another sixty-five days pass
until it is last visible in the tube (Morante López
1995 : 55).
The intervals between the solar zeniths can also
be related to the 260-day calendar. Vincent Malmström (1997 : 52 –53, table 3, fig. 10) argues that
Izapa (14788 N), near the southern limit of the Maya
area, was the origin of the 260-day calendar because
it is here that the days from the second zenith passage to the first total exactly 260. He places the origin
of the 260-day almanac at 1359 b.c., when 1 Imix
coincided with the August 13 zenith passage date at
Izapa. However, there are no early Tzolkin records
at Izapa that predate the eighth Baktun. Furthermore, Munro Edmonson (1988 : 119) cautions that
the idea of linking the zero point of the calendar on
August 13 to the zenith passage at Izapa works only
if you use the 584,285 correlation. Nonetheless, he
supports Malmström’s conclusion that a division of
the year into segments of 105/260 is evident in the
placement of the zenith date at Izapa. I would add
that the interval of 105 days between the two solar
zeniths may also refer to the growing period of the
principal maize crop, which is planted following the
first solar zenith at the end of April and first matures
around the second solar zenith in mid-August.
Malmström (1991 : 42 – 45; 1997, fig. 35) suggests
that Edzná (197378 N) in Campeche was where the
365-day calendar originated because here the zenith
sun coincides with July 26 (July 16 O.S.), the beginning of the year in Yucatán recorded by Landa. He
concludes that the solar calendar was not intercalated, and calculates its origin date as a.d. 48, when
the beginning of Pop coincided with the zenith sun.
His ideas are intriguing, but we do not find very
early solar calendar inscriptions at Edzná. His conclusions rest on the notion of a continuous solar
calendar traced back fifteen hundred years from
Landa’s sixteenth-century descriptions, an unlikely
situation given the calendar reforms that certainly
took place throughout history. Indeed, Edmonson
(1988 : 99, 124 –127, 148) has traced a number of calendar changes in Mesoamerican history. He suggests
that Edzná’s calendar derives from a revised solar
calendar that is first seen at Uxmal in a.d. 649.
The Tzolkin provides the framework for a calendar count tied into a 364-day computing year
that may have keyed to the solstices and equinoxes.
Dresden Codex pages 61– 69 record intervals of
91 days, the closest integral approximation of the
mean length of time between the solstices and equinoxes (V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1989 : 239). Such
intervals are actually quite common in the Dresden
Codex, sometimes forming part of a larger cycle of
1,820 days (7 3 260 5 20 3 91). The Paris Codex
(23 –24) also incorporates an 1,820-day cycle divided into 364-day periods (Chapter 7). Edmonson
(1988 : 111) postulates that the earliest form of solar
calendar in Mesoamerica was a year based on observations of the two solstices and the two equinoxes,
calculated at 91-day intervals, yielding a calendar of
364 days.
David Kelley (1983; 1989 : 66 –71) proposes that
records of the tropical year on Classic Maya monuments allow approximate determination of the equinoxes and solstices. Linda Schele (1990a :145 –146)
finds tropical year anniversaries recorded at Palenque in the Classic period. Andrea Stone (1982; 1995b :
164, table 4) notes that seasonal cycles are apparent
in the Classic period dates recorded for rituals in a
Guatemalan cave called Naj Tunich. She points out
that some dates are separated by four years minus
one day, and an expression deciphered as ‘‘he arrived’’ (hul-i) coincides with dates around the winter
solstice. Calendar Round dates record recurring solar events at Yaxchilán. Carolyn Tate (1992) notes
that some Yaxchilán glyphic inscriptions focus on zenith passage dates, and ball-game events seem to
cluster in October. A ritual involving a staff with
banner (known as a ‘‘flap-staff ’’) and a fire event are
both linked with dates clustering around the summer solstice at Yaxchilán (Tate 1992, app. 2). Nikolai
Grube (1992 : 207–208) interprets these scenes as a
dance performed by a ruler in warrior costume. This
suggests that the warrior dance is linked with the
SOLAR ORIENTATIONS IN ARCHITECTURE
summer solstice, perhaps related to capture events
around this time of year.
Werner Nahm (1994) notes that capture events
during the Classic period are more common in the
rainy season, whereas full-scale star wars—wars designated with star-glyph verbs— cluster from November through January. Few star wars took place at
planting time, and none at all occurred during the
harvest between mid-September and late October.
Seasonal patterning of star-war dates in Classic Maya
inscriptions indicates that the preferred time for warfare was between the autumn equinox and the spring
equinox, according to John Justeson (1989 : 107),who
notes that mature corn in the fields provided a food
supply for the warriors at this time of year. Anthony
Aveni and Lorren Hotaling (1994 : S45 –S46) statistically demonstrate a marked clustering of star-war
events in the dry season. Hotaling (1995) records a
paucity of star-war dates from June through November. Joyce Marcus (1992 : 430 – 421, table 11.1) notes
that warfare events concentrated in the dry season,
especially between November 13 and May 5. Seasonality also played a part in the dates selected for
warfare during the Postclassic period, for the dry season was preferred for warfare by the Aztecs and the
Yucatec Maya (Milbrath 1988c; Torquemada 1943,
2 : 299; Tozzer 1941 : 217). Indeed, this pattern survived into the nineteenth century, when the Maya of
Yucatán abruptly abandoned their fight in the Caste
War to return to their fields at the beginning of the
rainy season to prepare for planting (Reed 1964 : 99).
The Classic Maya must have had an annual cycle
of festivals, but the festivals were not closely linked
with the 20-day months, which slowly shifted position relative to the solar year (tropical year) of
365.2422 days. As we have seen, tropical-year events
seem to be recorded in a number of calendric inscriptions on Maya monuments at Yaxchilán, reflecting an
interest in the seasonal cycle. Also, events in the lives
of rulers were linked with important solar events. Accession anniversaries at Palenque follow a pattern coordinated with the solar year (Justeson 1989 : 113).
In one case, it seems that the burial of a Copán ruler
was delayed for five days to coincide with the summer solstice (Schele and Larios 1991 : 3 – 4).
65
Karl Taube (1988b : 333 –334) recognizes a spring
ceremony in Classic Maya imagery showing a deerman in a scaffold sacrifice scene. He proposes that
the ceremony incorporates three distinct agricultural events: torching the victim’s back represents
the milpa burning in March; spearing his flesh represents the planting in May; and the blood flow symbolizes the rains of May. He correlates the ceremony
with sixteenth-century descriptions of the months
Mac and Pax in Landa’s calendar and suggests a possible relationship with a central Mexican ceremony
dedicated to Xipe Totec. It is likely that many other
seasonal ceremonies appear in Classic Maya imagery,
but research in this area has been scanty.
This brief survey indicates that we are only beginning to understand the importance of the seasonal
cycle among the Precolumbian Maya. In the late
Postclassic period, there is evidence of an intercalated 260-day agricultural calendar and an intercalated festival calendar that follows the solar seasons
and agricultural events, like some of the calendars
preserved among the Maya today. Seasonal ceremonies and events may be reconstructed from study of
Landa’s festival calendar and from specific images
that seem connected with this calendar, especially
those seen in the Madrid Codex. The Early Postclassic and Classic period inscriptions do not show a
fixed solar calendar, but certain dates show patterns
and clusters of events linked to the tropical year.
SOLAR ORIENTATIONS
IN ARCHITECTURE
The Maya probably performed solar rituals in architectural complexes with alignments keyed to specific
solar events. The horizon position of the sun on the
equinoxes, zenith passages, and solstices was important in the alignment of Maya architecture (Aveni
1980 : 258 –286). Anthony Aveni and Horst Hartung
(1986, table 3) developed a hypothetical solar calendar for the Maya area based on orientations centered
around the zenith passage dates. A number of orientations reflect an alignment toward sunset twenty
days before the zenith passage. They also present a
66
PRECOLUMBIAN AND COLONIAL SOLAR IMAGES
great deal of evidence documenting solstice orientations at northern Maya sites. Indeed, their sample of
113 sites shows a significant percentage with a 247–
257 solstitial orientation.
An archetypal Maya observatory is found in
Group E at Uaxactún, located at 177238 N. From
the vantage point of a Preclassic pyramid known as
E-VIIsub, one sees three temples on a raised platform. The summer solstice sun rises behind the
northern temple, the equinox sun rises behind the
central one, and the winter solstice sun rises behind
the southern temple (Aveni 1980 : 277–280, fig. 100).
At nearby Tikal, there is a similar observatory in the
Preclassic complex of the Mundo Perdido group,
where the Great Pyramid (5C-54) faces a terrace
supporting three temples that mark the positions of
the rising sun at solstices and equinoxes (Agurcia
and Valdés 1994 : 112 –113; Fialko 1988b). Structure VI at Calakmul also seems to be part of a Preclassic observatory complex like that of Group E at
Uaxactún (Folan et al. 1995, fig. 4).
Dzibilchaltún, located at 217068 N, has an eastwest causeway (sacbe) aligned toward architectural
groups that appear to be part of a complex of solar
observatories (Aveni and Hartung 1989, table 35.3;
Coggins and Drucker 1988). The eastern group resembles Group E at Uaxactún. The proposed observation point for watching the changing position of
the sunrise is at Stela 3, positioned on a small platform in the center of the sacbe. Further to the east,
the Temple of the Seven Dolls (Structure 1-sub) may
provide another sight line. When viewed from Stela
3, the equinox sun rises where the tower of the
temple meets the flat roof, forming a sort of ‘‘seat’’
for the rising sun (Coggins and Drucker 1988, figs.
3, 11). Based on a suggested seventh-century date
for the construction, Clemency Coggins (1983) proposes that Dzibilchaltún’s eastern group was an
equinox complex erected to honor the end Katun
9.13.0.0.0 (3/16/692 N.S.), just before the spring
equinox. The Temple of the Seven Dolls itself may
have been an observation point, for one of its four
doors faces west at a 2737508 azimuth, approximating the equinox sunset. Further study of this temple’s
orientations is required.
Equinox orientations occur at other Classic period sites in Yucatán. Recent studies of the Labyrinth
(the Sanunsat) at Oxkintok (207348 N) indicate that
a number of small openings in the west wall are oriented toward the equinox, or within a few days of
the equinox (Ferrández 1990, table 1). Kabáh may
also show equinox alignments (Aveni and Hartung
1989 : 453).
The Classic period Castillo at Chichén Itzá
(207408 N), also known as the Pyramid of Kukulcan,
expresses a relationship with the solar year in its orientations and in the four staircases with 91 steps per
side, which, when added to the temple platform as
the final step, total 365. At sunset on the equinoxes,
shadows formed by the nine levels or stages of the
pyramid create serpent markings all along the serpent balustrade on the north side of the Castillo
(Aveni 1980, fig. 104; Krupp 1997 : 268 –269). On the
south side, a similar effect takes place at dawn (Morales 1990 : 31). My research indicates that the eastwest alignment of the temple on top of the pyramid
expresses a relationship with the solar zenith and solar nadir (Fig. 3.1a). The west face and doorway of
the pyramid temple is aligned with a 2917 azimuth
toward the zenith sunset on May 25 and July 20 at
the latitude of Chichén Itzá (Milbrath 1988c). The
May zenith sunset orientation coincides with the beginning of the rainy season and maize planting in
Yucatán. The Temple of the Warriors approximates
this orientation with a 2907 azimuth. The Castillo’s
east face and doorway is oriented in a 1807 rotation
FIG. 3.1. a: Map of astronomical alignments of North Terrace Group of Chichén Itzá (after Milbrath 1988c, fig. 1).
b1: Orientations of Caracol at Chichén Itzá; sunset last
gleam; sunrise first gleam (after Aveni 1980, figs. 90 –91;
Aveni et al. 1975; Krupp 1983 : 57).
b2: Facade of Caracol.
c: Summer solstice sunrise illuminates statue of Bird
Jaguar in Late Classic Structure 33 at Yaxchilán (after Tate
1992, fig. 43b).
d: Late Postclassic figurine of aged male holding viewing device with hole in center (Mayapán, Regional Museum of Anthropology, Mérida).
68
PRECOLUMBIAN AND COLONIAL SOLAR IMAGES
toward the nadir sunrise on November 22 and January 21 (1117 azimuth). The November solar nadir
sunrise coordinates with the onset of the dry season,
the beginning of the harvest, and the season of war
(Milbrath 1988c : 62 – 63).
The Caracol at Chichén Itzá, constructed toward
the end of the Classic period, has several solar alignments (Fig. 3.1b; Aveni 1980, figs. 89 –91; Aveni et al.
1975, table 1, fig. 5). The tower of the circular structure has a window oriented to observe the setting
sun at the equinoxes, a stairway niche with one wall
aligned at an azimuth of 2927548 (227 548 north of
west), facing the position of the setting sun on the
solar zenith. The Caracol platform is irregularly
shaped so that the northeast corner points toward
the rising sun at the summer solstice and the southwest corner points to the winter solstice sunset.
The orientation of the Temple of the Four Lintels
at Chichén Itzá reflects an azimuth of 2927478
(227478 north of west), facing the setting sun on the
solar zenith (Aveni 1980, table 9; Aveni, personal
communication 1988). Lintel 1 on the temple features a Kin-marked bird whose wings bear markings
like the day sign Etz’nab (Krochock 1988 : 51, 153,
231–232; 1989, fig. 4; G. Stuart 1989, fig. 3). The
lintel records a ball-game event on 9 Lamat 11 Yax,
a Calendar Round date reconstructed as 10.2.12.1.8
(7/7/881 O.S.; 7/11/881, N.S.). The ball game took
place nine days before the second solar zenith
(July 20). A date this close to the solar zenith, coupled with the zenith orientation, may confirm that
the structure was somehow dedicated to rituals involving the solar zenith.
Other orientations at Chichén Itzá reflect an interest in dates about a month before and after the
solar zenith (Fig. 3.1a). In the Upper Temple of the
Jaguars, facing a 2867 azimuth, the setting sun casts
a circle of light at the center of the back wall on
April 29 and August 13 (N.S.). Jesús Galindo (1994 :
127) suggests that this indicates an alignment that
divides the calendar into two sections of 105 days
and 260 days. August 12 –13 has calendric importance because it falls 52 days after the summer solstice throughout Mesoamerica, and it coincides with
the second solar zenith at Teotihuacán, a site that
may have influenced the development of the calen-
dar at Chichén Itzá (Chiu and Morrison 1980:S62;
Coggins 1993). Coggins (personal communication
1988) notes that the orientation of the Upper Temple
of the Jaguars, like that of window 1 of the Caracol
(Fig. 3.1b), is very close to the earliest orientations at
Teotihuacán, which fall in the 15758 range facing the
sunset on April 28 –29 and August 12 –13, the latter
being the famous 4 Ahau 8 Cumku date for the foundation of the Maya calendar.
Perhaps observations of the moon were made on
the two zenith dates to coordinate the lunar and solar
calendars at Uxmal. Aveni and Hartung (1986, table
2; 1991, table 1) point out that at the latitude of Uxmal (207228 N), the solar zeniths (May 22 and July 22
N.S.) are spaced one lunar month from the summer
solstice on June 21. The doorway of the lower temple
of the Pyramid of the Old Woman has a zenith sunset orientation (2917588). And the orientation of the
Chenes temple (2797298 azimuth) on the west face
of the Pyramid of the Magician anticipates the first
solar zenith by forty days (two Uinals). Another
alignment from the pyramid crossing the Nunnery
courtyard to the Platform of Stelae marks the position of the setting sun on the summer solstice.
At Tikal (177138 N), alignments between temples
show an interest in solar events. The facade on Temple III is aligned with an azimuth of 1087168, facing
the solar nadir (antizenith) sunrise (Aveni and Hartung 1988, table 2). A line running from Temple III
to Temple I has an azimuth (897548) oriented to the
equinox sunrise. The facade of Temple I faces west
(2807358) toward sunrise 20 days before the solar zenith. Another alignment from Temple IV looking
east to Temple I marks the azimuth (1047) of sunrise
on February 14 and October 29, dates that approximate a division of the year into two segments of 105
and 260 days. It is noteworthy that these dates are
very close to the beginning and end of the fixed 260day agricultural calendar preserved among the Maya
today.
Tikal is located at the ideal latitude for a structured calendar count of Uinals linking the zenith
passages, equinoxes, and solstices (Aveni 1989 : 238).
The spring equinox is 2 3 20 days before the first
solar zenith, and the summer solstice is 2 3 20 days
before the second solar zenith. The 40-day period
SOLAR ORIENTATIONS IN ARCHITECTURE
survives today as the interval the Maya refer to as the
‘‘feet of the year.’’ The Chilam Balam of Chumayel
says that the Uinal of 20 days was created by measuring the footstep of our Lord, apparently equated with
the sun in this eighteenth-century manuscript (Roys
1967 : 116).
The two zenith dates divide the calendar into 105/
260-day intervals at the latitude of Copán (147528 N).
Zenith orientations are not clearly evident from
Aveni’s (1980, app. A) measurements of Copán
alignments, but a sight line running for about four
miles from Copán Stela 12 to Stela 10 provides a
baseline that anticipates the first solar zenith date by
20 days. When viewed from Stela 12, the sun passes
behind Stela 10 on April 12, one Uinal before the
first solar zenith, and again on September 1, one
Uinal after the second solar zenith (Aveni 1980 :240 –
243, fig. 78). This baseline is also seen in the window
of Structure 22, which also seems to be aligned to
observe Venus events (Chapter 5).
A division of the 365-day calendar into two unequal segments of 105 and 260 days is suggested by
the orientations found at a number of sites, including Palenque (177308 N; Anderson et al. 1981; Galindo 1994 : 128, 169). A T-shaped window in the
tower of the Palace on the west side casts a beam of
light on an oblique wall for 105 days, from April 30
to August 12, dates also seen in the alignments at
Chichén Itzá and Teotihuacán, as noted earlier. The
T-shaped light pattern reaches its maximum width,
extending completely across the wall, on the summer solstice.
Other alignments at Palenque involve the play of
light and shadow or sight lines from one building to
another. The winter solstice sun sets in a line running from the Palace tower to the center of the Temple of the Inscriptions, which houses the tomb of Pacal II (Schele 1977 : 49). The Temple of the Sun is
oriented toward the rising sun at the winter solstice
so that sunlight would shine into the entrance of the
temple (Aveni 1992b : 66; Carlson 1976 : 110). Temple XIV also faces the winter solstice sunrise, and
House D of the Palace faces the zenith sunset, which
occurs in early May and early August at the latitude
of Palenque (Aveni and Hartung 1979 : 173 –174,
fig. 1, table 1). A line from the Temple of the Cross
69
to the Temple of the Inscriptions marks the summer
solstice sunset over the tomb. Aveni and Hartung
also note that House E has an azimuth of 157348, like
that at Teotihuacán. Perhaps the alignment allows
the setting sun to illuminate Pacal’s image on the
Oval Tablet of Pacal. The throne below records his
accession on 9.9.2.4.8 5 Lamat 1 Mol (7/27/615 N.S.),
a date close to the August 12 date linked with the
Teotihuacán orientation.
Solstice orientations are prominent at Yaxchilán
(167578 N), where they occur on structures that bear
dates referring to the solstices, according to Carolyn
Tate (1989: 417, 425, table 32.2; 1992 : 111–112,
fig. 43). Every temple Bird Jaguar IV built expressed
a relationship with the summer and winter solstice
sunrise axes. Structure 33 was oriented so that the
summer solstice sunrise bathed the sculpture of Bird
Jaguar IV in light (Fig. 3.1c; Tate 1989 : 418). Structures with orientations toward the summer solstice
and the winter solstice at Yaxchilán are set slightly
outside the path of the sun, allowing for only a few
minutes of illumination of the interior of the building on the solstices.
The pattern of solar orientations seen in Classic
architecture survives in Postclassic times at Tulum
(207128 N). The Temple of the Diving God (Structure 5) faces the azimuth (292748) of the setting sun
on the solar zenith (Galindo 1994 : 170). And a beam
of light enters through the east-facing window, illuminating the area beneath the Diving God at sunrise
around the winter solstice (Iwaniszewski 1987 : 212).
Since there is a long-standing tradition of alignments toward the solar zenith sun, we should ask
how these observations were made before any architecture was set in place. The zenith sun position is
determined by observing the day that the sun casts
no shadow at noon. A stela, stick, or even the human
body could be used to measure whether there is a
shadow at noon. Another form of measurement is
implied in a Colonial period account in the Codex
Pérez that alludes to May 20 (around the first solar
zenith) as a ‘‘good day to measure the height of the
sun’’ (Craine and Reindorp 1979 : 28, 147).
At Tikal, a columnar sculpture surmounted by a
stone ring could have been used to measure shadow
length and as a sighting station for observations of
70
PRECOLUMBIAN AND COLONIAL SOLAR IMAGES
the sun or stars on the horizon. It is usually identified as a ball-court marker, but it actually was originally positioned on Altar 48-sub, suggesting a fixed
observation point like Stela 3 at Dzibilchaltún (Fialko 1988a, fig. 4a). A figurine in the Museum of Anthropology in Mérida shows an aged deity or priest
holding a sighting device similar in design, but much
smaller (Fig. 3.1d).
We can conclude that architecture provided the
fixed vantage point for observations of specific solar positions. Some structures clearly have observing
stations such as niches, windows, or vertically positioned stones, such as stelae. The featureless horizon in many areas of Yucatán would have made solar
observatories essential for marking the solar calendar. In more mountainous areas to the south, however, the sun was probably observed in relation to
individual mountains. Even there, solar orientations
in architecture probably remained important because the Maya conducted solar rituals in these complexes. Having the sun reach its proper position during a public ritual helped to confirm the power of
the ruler, showing participation in cosmic events.
Furthermore, solar observations may have been the
principal means of fixing festival dates during the
Classic Maya period.
THE SUN IN PRECOLUMBIAN
MAYA COSMIC DIAGRAMS
According to Colonial period accounts, the Sun
moves through a layered heaven. The Chilam Balam
of Manı́, which reflects a strong element of European
influence, places the Moon in the first layer or canopy of heaven, Venus in the third, the Sun and Mercury in the fourth, Mars in the fifth canopy, and Jupiter and Saturn in the sixth (Craine and Reindorp
1979 : 49 –50). The only feature that distinguishes
this account from the Ptolemaic system of crystalline spheres is that the European model places
Mercury in the second layer and Saturn in the
seventh.
The Chilam Balam of Kaua illustrates a layered
cosmos with the Sun in the fourth layer and Venus
in the third, while the Chumayel does not position
the sun, but places a god called Esperas in the
sixth, no doubt the equivalent of Hesperas, a European name for Venus as the Evening Star. Ralph
Roys (1967 : 110 –111) points out that the crystalline layers recall the classical system of Ptolemaic
astronomy imported from Europe in the Early Colonial period. Another section of the manuscript
alludes to thirteen lay-ers of heaven, but does not
position the Sun in any specific layer (Roys 1967 :
99, n. 3; Villa Rojas 1969 : 274 –275). The text describes how nine malevolent bolontikú seized the
thirteen oxlanhuntikú, after which there was a great
flood and the sky fell at the end of the world age;
one passage implies that the oxlanhuntikú are layers of heaven, but another suggests that they are a
count of time or days (Roys 1967 : 94 n. 5). The
layers of heaven and the underworld may reflect
the time-space continuum seen in the Sun’s movement through the sky and underworld, as in modern Tzotzil accounts. Indeed, Mayan directions are
not discrete cardinal or intercardinal directions;
rather, they are trajectories relating to the Sun’s
daily course that are inseparable from the passage
of time (B. Tedlock 1992b : 178).
Colonial period diagrams incorporate the notion
of a quadripartite time-space continuum involving
the Sun. The Chilam Balam of Chumayel depicts
the motion of the Sun in a diagram with a series of
dots positioned in a ring around the circular earth;
the outer ring has four black areas creating a cruciform design with Earth in the center (Roys 1967 : 87,
fig. 7). In the Chilam Balam of Kaua, the Katun
wheel has a round earth in the center, quartered to
show the cardinal directions; diagonal lines intersect
in the center and extend beyond the earth to show
the horizon extremes at the solstices (Aveni 1980 :
155 –156, fig. 57a). The diagonals or intercardinal
points end in star glyphs that may refer to Venus,
suggesting a connection with both the horizon extremes of the Sun and Venus. Between the intercardinal points, the diagram notes the names of four
directions, with east (lakin) at the top, north (xaman) to the right, west (chikin) below, and south
(nohol) to the left; their placement suggests the cardinal points. A cardinally oriented cross accompa-
THE SUN IN PRECOLUMBIAN MAYA COSMIC DIAGRAMS
nies the notation for east, and the Katun sequence is
in a clockwise rotation (13 Ahau, 11 Ahau, etc.), with
European-style faces substituting for the traditional
Maya Ahau glyphs. The east is ‘‘up,’’ conforming
with some modern Maya accounts (Chapter 1).
The Postclassic Madrid Codex (75 –76) shows the
union of time and space with a quadripartite diagram (Fig. 3.2a). Unlike the Katun wheel, the diagram
places west in the ‘‘up’’ position with respect to the
page layout. In the Madrid Codex, the directional
glyphs for east and west both incorporate a variant
of the Kin glyph known as T544 in Eric Thompson’s
(1962) system of notation. A cupped hand is added
for west (T671) and an upside-down Ahau face for
east. North incorporates a simian face resembling
God C, and the glyph for south is partially effaced
but seems to conform to the conventional Postclassic
glyph compound for south. Twenty day signs are arranged around a square enclosing the central image;
but instead of following the conventional sequence,
they begin with four-day intervals and rotate in a
counterclockwise fashion rather than clockwise, as
on the Katun wheel. Around the perimeter, the dates
in the 260-day calendar also move in a counterclockwise fashion (i.e., 13 Chicchan followed by 1 Cimi
to lower right of central square). Dots between the
day signs represent sets of 13 days. The total design
evokes the quadripartite completion sign that may be
linked with the cycles of the Sun and Venus (Coggins
1980; Coggins and Drucker 1988). Footsteps marking the diagonal axes seem to chart a time-space
continuum, most probably related to the course of
the Sun. The footsteps suggest comparison with contemporary Maya counts of 40 days known as the
‘‘feet of the year.’’
The Madrid Codex diagram and the one on Codex Fejérváry-Mayer 1 both share a similar format,
for they combine two different types of crosses, each
enclosed by dots representing days. The diagonal
cross, usually described as a St. Andrew’s Cross, is
positioned between the arm of a rectilinear cross referred to as a Maltese Cross (compare Figs. 3.2a and
4.4i). Aveni (1980 : 154 –157) notes that the diagonal
St. Andrew’s Cross represents the horizon extremes
at the solstices, and the Maltese Cross depicts the
cardinal directions with the zenith at the center.
71
Some notable differences can be seen in the two diagrams. Whereas the Madrid Codex places God Q, a
god of human sacrifice, and the Death God in the
north, Codex Fejérváry-Mayer 1 shows the Maize
God and Death God in the south (linked with the
year sign Rabbit, symbolizing the south). In the Madrid Codex, the directional glyphs appear within the
arms of a Maltese Cross. On the other hand, the Codex Fejérváry-Mayer establishes the directions at the
corners of the St. Andrew’s Cross, marking intercardinal directions with different year-bearer glyphs,
each carried by a different bird. Like the Aztec system, these follow conventional Postclassic patterns,
with the year-bearer Reed for east, Knife (flint) for
north, House for west, and Rabbit for south.
Ulrich Köhler (1980 : 587) says that the yearbearer dates at the corners symbolize the solstice
extremes at the intercardinal directions in both diagrams. However, the Madrid Codex places the directions at cardinal points, on vertical and horizontal
axes. Furthermore, the Madrid Codex does not seem
to treat the dates as year-bearers, because we find the
date 1 Cauac on page 76 associated with the north
(with God Q to the right), whereas the year-bearer 1
Cauac is linked with west, as are all Cauac dates on
the New Year page 34 in the Madrid Codex. Future
study should involve a more detailed comparison of
the two diagrams, for although visually similar, they
clearly show somewhat different constructs that may
be significant in revealing variations in concepts of
time and space.
Scholars agree that in Maya glyphic writing east
is linked with sunrise and west with sunset, corresponding to contemporary Maya concepts, but they
disagree about the glyphs referring to the other two
directions. Some interpret these as north and south,
referring to cardinal directions or, more generally,
the sides of heaven associated with these cardinal
directions. Others visualize cosmic directions in vertical space, with north and south linked with above
and below or zenith and nadir. Barbara Tedlock
(1992b :173) says that the directional glyphs in the
Classic inscriptions and Postclassic codices can be
read phonetically in Yucatec Maya as east (lak’ k’in),
west (chik’ k’in), zenith (yax), and nadir (mal ).
The zenith and nadir readings can be debated, for
72
PRECOLUMBIAN AND COLONIAL SOLAR IMAGES
THE SUN IN PRECOLUMBIAN MAYA COSMIC DIAGRAMS
73
Justeson (1989 : 119, 126 n. 41) recognizes glyphs for
six directions on Madrid Codex 77–78, noting that
in addition to the four traditional glyphs, there are
two that include the sign for earth (kab), which he
interprets as zenith and nadir, and he reads xaman
as north.
Glyphs for the four directions painted on an Early
Classic period tomb at Rı́o Azul show that east and
west clearly refer to horizon positions of the sun
(Fig. 3.2b). On the east wall, to the right in the figure,
the superfix over Kin (the main sign) is another Kin
glyph enclosed in what seems to be a bowl, a substitute for the upside-down Ahau head in the compound designating east in the Madrid Codex diagram. This bowl form is T183 or T546, a glyph
interpreted as lak’in (east) by a number of scholars.
The main sign for the west is a Kin cartouche with a
hand marked with Kin as the superfix. The position
of the fingers differs from the Postclassic hand representing the western direction, but both versions
probably signify essentially the same expression chik’
k’in. The head of the Maize God is the main sign on
the north wall (Fig. 3.2b, top). A shell is the main
sign on the south wall, perhaps the counterpart for
the compound glyph for the south seen in the Madrid Codex. On all four walls of the tomb, the
directions appear with a second glyph compound
showing God C’s head as the main sign. Each wall
substitutes a different sign as the superfix over God
C’s brow. All the superfixes incorporate an element
from the T168 glyph, most often used in expressions
referring to ahaw, meaning ‘‘lord.’’ The variable elements all seem to represent astronomical symbols.
The east has a Kin glyph (T544) and the west has
an element from the Akbal glyph (T504), meaning
‘‘darkness’’ or ‘‘night,’’ suggesting that the opposition of east and west is also the contrast of light and
dark. On the north wall, we find the Moon glyph
(T683), and on the south wall a Venus glyph. Victoria Bricker (1983, 1988a) concludes that these glyphs
refer to the zenith and nadir, specifically marking the
location of the Moon near zenith and Venus at nadir
on March 6, a.d. 502, a date reconstructed from a
Calendar Round record in the tomb. On the other
hand, the placement of the glyphs on the walls suggests cardinal directions, with north and south representing ‘‘sides’’ of the sky, as in some contemporary Maya accounts. If this is the case, the Moon may
be on the north side of the sky and Venus at the
south side.
Four faces on a Late Preclassic earflare from Pomona evoke four directions (Fig. 3.2c). Two of the
faces depict north and south or zenith and nadir, according to Norman Hammond (1987). The Sun God
(Kinich Ahau) represents the east (to the right in
the diagram), and west is marked by a deity head
infixed with an element from the Akbal (T504)
glyph, suggesting the same kind of Kin-Akbal opposition seen in the Rı́o Azul tomb. Hammond recognizes another variant of Kinich Ahau as north
(bottom of diagram). In this case, ‘‘north’’ could
symbolize the overhead position of the sun at noon
or perhaps the seasonal zenith. The Maize God represents the south, or nadir, direction (top of diagram). This contrasts with the Rı́o Azul tomb; however, the Codex Fejérváry-Mayer 1 places the Maize
FIG. 3.2. a: Late Postclassic cosmic diagram with cardinal
directions placing west in ‘‘up’’ position and footprint
paths marking intercardinals that symbolize solstice extremes; Tzolkin day signs in center begin with four-day
intervals in counterclockwise rotation. Near footprints,
Tzolkin dates seem to follow counterclockwise rotation
spaced at one-day and thirteen-day intervals beginning
with 1 Imix in east (to left of two figures seated upside
down) (Madrid Codex 75 –76; after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
b: Early Classic Rı́o Azul Tomb 12 mural showing four
directions, with east and west marked by kin compounds;
west to left, east to right; north or zenith is above; and
nadir or south is below (after Bricker 1988a, fig. 1).
c: Late Preclassic earflare from Pomona showing four
directions, with Akbal monkey face at west (left) and Sun
God at east (right); maize god overhead may represent
nadir or south; second Sun God below may symbolize zenith or north (after Hammond 1987 : 22).
74
PRECOLUMBIAN AND COLONIAL SOLAR IMAGES
God in the south position, indicating a possible parallel (Fig. 4.4i).
From this survey of cosmic diagrams, we see the
most common forms show a quadripartite division,
with the east associated with sunrise and the west
with sunset. The other two directions may be generally linked with the overhead position and the underworld position, zenith and nadir, or the north
and south sides of heaven associated with the cardinal directions. This same variability mirrors the
lack of uniformity in contemporary Maya images of
quadripartite space. Nonetheless, we can conclude
that the sun defines the cosmic diagram by determining the directions east and west. Colonial period diagrams of vertical space show the sun in a
layered universe, but these models clearly show elements of European influence. One Precolumbian
model traces the sun’s passage through time and
space with footsteps along a path. There are a number of other models for how the sun moves through
the cosmos.
CONCEPTS OF THE SUN’S MOTION
Sky ropes or cords in Colonial period accounts link
heaven and earth, and it seems that the cord defines
the sun’s movement. A cord ties the womb of heaven
and the womb of earth in the Popol Vuh, which records the ancient creation legend of the Quiché (Edmonson 1971 : 7– 8). The Popol Vuh also says that
the sun’s motion defines the four quarters of the universe, but they actually were set in place before the
sun was created, when a cord was stretched in the
sky and on earth at the time of creation (D. Tedlock
1985 : 72). This cord seems to symbolize the four
corners of the cosmos representing the extreme horizon positions of the sun at the solstices.
FIG. 3.3. a: Postclassic temple with sun disk and U-
shaped moon symbols positioned overhead on white cord
representing ecliptic (Codex Borgia 33; after Seler 1960 –
1961, 4 : 82, fig. 61).
b: Late Postclassic Mural 1 of Tulum Structure 5 (Temple of the Diving God) showing rayed sky band, seated
Moon Goddess in two aspects, Chac (God B), and Maize
Another ancient tale recorded in Yucatán and
Quintana Roo describes a ‘‘living cord’’ suspended
in the sky extending from Tulum and Cobá in the
east to Chichén Itzá and Uxmal in the west. Arthur
Miller (1982 : 92 –95) interprets this as a sort of cosmic umbilical cord, and he suggests a connection
with a cord represented in the codices and in the
Tulum murals (Fig. 3.3b). He does not, however,
point out that this cord is shown as the path of the
sun in the codices. Madrid Codex 19 shows a sun
glyph (Kin) rolling along a sky cord, and Paris Codex
21 depicts the sun glyph suspended from a sky cord
colored blue-green like a vine (Fig. 3.4a–b). In the
codices, the cosmic cord seems to represent the
ecliptic. A related image appears in the Yucatec Motul dictionary of the Colonial period, which notes
that the sun’s rays are u tab kin, ‘‘the cords of the
sun’’ (Thompson 1960 : 142).
The ecliptical path of the Sun is represented as a
cotton cord in Mixtec-Puebla art. The Codex Borgia
(33) shows the Sun and the Moon traveling in the
sky along a white cord representing the ecliptic
(Fig. 3.3a; Milbrath 1989). The Sun and planetary
gods move along a similar cord in the Mixtec murals
of Mitla (Fig. 5.6h). Especially intriguing is a figure
who grabs the rope as he pulls himself out of a cleft
opening in the sky band. This evokes a link with a
Venus god emerging from a similar cleft and descending on a cord on Codex Vindobonensis 48
(Fig. 5.4f; Milbrath 1988a). On Santa Rita Mound 1,
murals on the east half of the north wall depict different astronomical gods pulling themselves along a
cord (Quirarte 1982, fig. 21). These scenes represent
the ecliptical cord guiding the Sun, the Moon, and
the planets as they move through the sky.
In Postclassic Maya representations, the ecliptical
cord can be colored white like a cotton thread, as in
God all positioned on ecliptical cord ending with serpent
heads; God N in his turtle aspect is in sea below (after
Miller 1982, pl. 28).
c: Late Classic ceramic vessel showing two doubleheaded serpents with twisted bodies serving as ecliptical
cord for three astronomical gods (after Quirarte 1979,
fig. 1).
76
PRECOLUMBIAN AND COLONIAL SOLAR IMAGES
the Tulum murals (Fig. 3.3b), or a darker color ranging from blue-green to brownish-red, as in the codices (Fig. 3.4a–b). The cord in the Madrid Codex
perforates the penises of five gods (Schele 1976 : 24).
Consequently it is both a path for the sun and a conduit for feeding blood to the sun. Indeed, blood sacrifice is required for the sun to move, according to
Aztec cosmology (Durán 1971 : 179; Sahagún 1950 –
1982, 7 : 8).
The ecliptical cord may also appear on a Late Classic black-background vase (Fig. 3.3c). Two doubleheaded serpents with twisted cord bodies serve as
the path for three gods. Jacinto Quirarte (1979 :
103) notes that the bicephalic creature provides the
ground, stage, and conveyance of the sun in its journey through the underworld.
Another way the sun moves through the underworld seems to be expressed in a Classic period vase
from the American Museum of Natural History that
shows a solar god (to the right) climbing a tree that
rises up from the underworld (Figs. 3.4c, 4.10d).
This evokes connections with Lacandón accounts
of the sun passing into the underworld along the
roots of a tree. A shell at the base of the tree seems to
be linked with the notion of a watery underworld,
also seen among the contemporary Maya. Likewise,
the underworld is connected with water in Classic
Maya vase painting (Hellmuth 1987). These under-
world waters emerge from caves or openings in the
earth. The earth itself is visualized as a giant crocodilian floating in water, as seen in the crocodile
draped with water lilies on Copán Altar T (Maudslay
1889 –1902, 1, pl. 95). Tracing the imagery back to
Preclassic Izapa, Stela 25 depicts a crocodile with a
cosmic tree sprouting from his body (Norman 1976,
pls. 41, 42). Natural history may explain this image,
for crocodilians pile up earth amid water to make
mounds where they lay their eggs. Trees take root
in these mounds, forming miniature models of the
earth.
Other Classic Maya images refer to different animals serving as modes of transport for the sun during different seasons. A modern Maya account discussed in Chapter 1 tells us that the sun travels
slowly, conveyed by peccaries in the long summer
days (rainy season), whereas the winter sun moves
swiftly across the sky on a deer (dry season). These
images of the summer and winter sun can be traced
back to the Classic Maya period, and they may refer
to the sun in conjunction with specific animal constellations (Chapter 7).
We can conclude that there is considerable variety
in Maya imagery showing how the sun moves across
the sky. A celestial cord is connected with the sun
in Colonial period accounts, and Postclassic images
show the sun moving along a cord. In the Classic
FIG. 3.4. a: Earth Monster devouring sun symbol surrounded by four skeletal snakes hanging from an ecliptical cord that crosses sky band at the intersection of point
of Milky Way and ecliptic (Postclassic Paris Codex 21; after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
b: Sun glyph (Kin) moving above a rooftop along sky
cord representing ecliptic (Late Postclassic Madrid Codex
19; after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
c: Detail from Late Classic vessel showing Sun God
with spotted cheek climbing sacred tree (American Museum of Natural History vase; after Schele and Miller
1986, pl. 120).
d: Postclassic gilded copper disk with Kin glyph (Cenote
of Sacrifice at Chichén Itzá; after Tozzer 1957, fig. 277b).
e: Early Classic Kin glyph (T544) with quadripartite
design symbolizing both celestial flower and four directions of sun.
f: Early Classic Kin variant (T646) with cardinally
oriented double lines representing flower linked with
sun.
g: Ahau Kin, name of early Postclassic Sun God (Dresden Codex 5a; after Taube 1992b, fig. 22a).
h: ‘‘Sun-at-horizon’’ or sunrise (T561[544] : 426) glyph
compounds (Late Classic Piedras Negras Throne 1; after
Thompson 1960, fig. 31, nos. 45 – 46).
i: Classic and Postclassic variants of Yaxkin, month
sign variously interpreted as ‘‘new sun,’’ ‘‘green sun,’’
‘‘first sun,’’ or ‘‘dry season’’ (after Kurbjuhn 1989).
j: Late Classic sky band with Kin glyph in center (Sarcophagus Lid, Temple of the Inscriptions, Palenque).
k: Kin glyph forming ancestor cartouche, House A Palenque; note four skeletal snake heads, one bearing star
glyph (after Tozzer 1957, fig. 267).
78
PRECOLUMBIAN AND COLONIAL SOLAR IMAGES
period, the cord may take on serpentine qualities,
suggesting that serpents may be equated with the
path of the sun in some contexts. More rarely, the
Sun God climbs up a tree in his ascent from the underworld. In Chapter 4, we will see that the solar god
travels in a canoe with a lunar companion, perhaps
as a mode of transport through the waters of the underworld. Various animals also carry the sun, perhaps as representatives of constellations marking the
seasons, an idea explored further in Chapter 7.
THE PRECOLUMBIAN KIN GLYPH
Miguel León-Portilla (1988 : 112) relates the sun to
chronovision, ‘‘the conception of a universe in which
space, living things, and mankind derive their reality
from the ever-changing atmosphere of kinh.’’ K’in
means ‘‘sun,’’ ‘‘day,’’ or ‘‘time’’ in most Mayan languages (B. Tedlock 1992b : 176 –177; Vogt 1969 : 446).
The Kin glyph (T544) used as an artistic motif
identifies the context as solar. Sometimes the Kin
glyph represents the sun disk itself, as in Postclassic
images of the sun moving along the ecliptical cord
(Fig. 3.4a–b). The Postclassic variant of T544 shows
a cartouche quartered by single or double lines,
most often set at right angles rather than diagonally
(Fig. 3.4d, g).
It is interesting to note that in the cosmic diagram
of the Madrid Codex, the Postclassic Kin symbols
show two different orientations (Fig. 3.2a). Radiating lines on the Kin glyph are diagonally oriented
in the eastern direction, suggesting an intercardinal
orientation associated with the four horizon positions of the sun at the solstices. In the west, the Kin
glyph has double lines on the same axis as the directional glyphs, which seem to be placed in the cardinal directions, representing either the four sides
of heaven or the four positions of the sun over the
course of the day (sunrise, noon, sunset, and midnight).
In glyphic writing, Kin often names the Sun God,
such as the Postclassic Sun God known as ‘‘lord
sun’’ (Fig. 3.4g). Kin and Cauac paired with the Tun
glyph and a le affix signifies k’intunyaabil, meaning
‘‘drought,’’ as on Dresden Codex 45c (Fig. 5.9f;
Thompson 1972 : 106). The glyphs on Dresden Co-
dex 45c predict dry conditions linked with the western direction; the image shows Chac with fire instead
of rain and a deer that is dying of thirst, according
to Thompson. A scene on Dresden Codex 42c, predicting drought associated with the southern direction, shows the Maize God bound up in preparation
for sacrifice, perhaps indicating his death is due to
drought.
The T544 Kin glyph of the Classic period places
the quadripartite design on a diagonal axis with cutout areas at the cardinal positions (Fig. 3.4e). The
quadripartite design of Kin glyphs evokes the cosmic
diagram, but it also resembles a four-petaled flower.
The T646 Kin glyph in Classic times, a closed cartouche showing cardinally oriented double lines
(Fig. 3.4f ), more closely resembles Postclassic Kin
glyphs. It seems to be linguistically connected with
flowers, for T646 is interpreted as nicte, meaning
‘‘flower’’ (Hellmuth 1988 : 169; Stone 1995a). An
Ahau glyph (T533), the day sign that is a counterpart
for the twentieth Aztec day sign ‘‘flower’’ (Xochitl),
is found at the center of some Classic period T646
glyphs. Although Ahau (ahaw) means ‘‘lord,’’ here it
seems to be the center of a solar flower. The Chilam
Balam of Tizimin refers to the ‘‘flower sun’’ (nicte
kin) in the year 11 Ahau (Edmonson 1982b : 72). In
Yucatec, nikte’(nicte) is the ‘‘flor de mayo’’ or, more
specifically, the red plumeria, Plumeria rubra (Barrera Vásquez 1980). The Chilam Balam of Chumayel
refers to the red plumeria as the flower of east (Roys
1967 : 65). Although plumeria flowers have five petals, Thompson (1960 : 142) suggests that the Kin
glyph shows a plumeria with only four petals because
four is the number over which the Sun God rules.
T646 is interchangeable with T544 in a number of
Classic period images, according to Nicholas Hellmuth (1988 : 169). However, not all the contexts are
clearly solar. God H, a Venus god, sometimes has the
T646 flower on his brow (Chapter 5; Taube 1992b,
fig. 26b). Some T646 variants have a quatrefoil outline and a central Mexican–style star in the center,
as on House E at Palenque (Robertson 1985a, pl. 30).
Perhaps these are images of the night sun or some
other nocturnal symbol.
The interpretation of the Kin glyph varies according to its context. Kin represents the concept of a day
THE SUN GOD IN THE COLONIAL AND POSTCLASSIC PERIODS
when used with a numeral coefficient to give a total
number of days in calendar records, the most common usage in the Classic period (Thompson 1960,
fig. 26, nos. 49 –57). The day count also has a personified form represented by a profile head that
bears the Kin glyph and the features of the Sun God
(Thompson 1960, fig. 27, nos. 60, 62).
Kin is also a component of the veintena (month)
sign Yaxkin, variously translated as ‘‘new sun,’’
‘‘green sun,’’ ‘‘first sun,’’ or ‘‘dry season’’ (Fig. 3.4i;
Thompson 1960 : 110). In the Postclassic period, this
month coincided with the beginning of the dry season around November. Landa represents the month
Kankin with a Kin glyph (Tozzer 1941 : 164). Although Kin is not seen in Classic and Postclassic
period glyphs for the month Kankin, Thompson
(1960 : 113 –114) interprets Kankin as ‘‘yellow sun.’’
A yellow sun may allude to the extremely dry conditions common in Kankin, which coincides with
April in Landa’s calendar.
Other combinations with the Kin glyph may refer
to places where the sun is located. Sometimes Kin is
paired with Caban, the earth sign, probably as a reference to the sun at night beneath the earth (Madrid
Codex 28c). When Kin and Caban appear with the
sky glyph, the expression is interpreted as ‘‘sun at
horizon’’ or ‘‘sunrise,’’ when the sun ‘‘divides the
earth and sky’’ (Fig. 3.4h; Thompson 1960 : 172, 174,
fig. 31, nos. 41–51). Heinrich Berlin (1977 : 61) notes
that the Petén Classic period version of this compound with a prefix of one (I.561[544] : 526)indicates
a difference of one day in distance numbers. Perhaps
this is read as a count from one sunrise to another.
Sky bands in both the Postclassic and Classic Maya
periods often depict the Kin symbol (Fig. 3.4j). Previous studies of sky bands have not shown any specific significance to the positioning of Kin glyphs
relative to other astronomical symbols (Carlson
1988; Carlson and Landis 1985; Collea 1981). Nonetheless, the sky band itself does seem to allude to a
specific place in the sky at the intersection of the
Milky Way and the ecliptic (Chapter 7).
A Kin glyph with four radiating serpent heads on
Paris Codex 21 (Fig. 3.4a) evokes links with earlier
prototypes at Chichén Itzá, Tikal, Palenque, and Yaxchilán (Figs. 3.4k, 3.5i; Love 1994 : 81; Tate 1992 : 61,
79
fig. 23). The serpent-sun combination seems to be
connected with ancestors in the Classic Maya period
(see below). Taube (1994 : 234) suggests that sun
symbols surrounded by radiating serpents are solar
mirrors. In Chapter 7, I explore the possibility that
this image may allude to a specific solar position.
From this survey we can see that the Kin glyph,
meaning ‘‘day’’ or ‘‘sun,’’ is the paramount solar
symbol in Classic and Postclassic times. Whenever
we see Kin, we can recognize a solar connection. The
four-part Kin design evokes the sun’s quadripartite
cosmic diagram. When oriented diagonally, the diagram seems to refer to the solstice extremes; when
aligned vertically, it seems to designate cardinal directions linked with the four sides of heaven. Kin
also alludes to a solar flower (Plumeria rubra?), a
natural connection, since many flowers turn their
faces toward the sun.
THE SUN GOD IN THE COLONIAL
AND POSTCLASSIC PERIODS
The Colonial period Ritual of the Bacabs refers to
the colors of the sun in the context of curing rituals.
Colors mentioned include the yellow-faced sun, the
red-faced sun, and the red-ringed sun (Roys 1965 :
14 –15, 21). In addition, the sun is named Kin Chac
Ahau (‘‘sun red lord’’ or ‘‘sun great lord’’) and
Kinich Kakmo (sun-eye fire-macaw) in this source
(Roys 1965 : 7, 10).
Visual representations of the Sun God in the Colonial period tend to follow a European format, depicting the sun as a rayed face. On the cave walls of
Dzibichén, European-style sun disks appear alongside Ahau faces emblematic of the Katun cycle (Stone
1995b : 81, 84, figs. 4.73b – c). Rayed faces also represent the sun in the Chilam Balam of Chumayel
(Roys 1967, figs. 8 –9). Sometimes this manuscript
merges a European-style sun disk with an Ahau face,
as in the image of the Lord of Katun 13 Ahau (Stone
1995b, fig. 4.80).
The Postclassic Sun God has long been identified as God G in painted screenfold books (Fig.
3.5a–d). God G is represented infrequently in the
codices (Schellhas 1904 : 27–28). In the Dresden
80
PRECOLUMBIAN AND COLONIAL SOLAR IMAGES
THE SUN GOD IN THE COLONIAL AND POSTCLASSIC PERIODS
81
Codex, God G appears only eleven times, compared with fifty-two images of the young Moon
Goddess (Thompson 1972 : 27). The Sun God is almost always malignant in the codices, often being
associated with drought or destructive lightning and
storms (Thompson 1970b : 238; 1972 : 44, 69). Even
in the imagery of God G holding T506, symbolizing
maize, the associated glyphs indicate malevolence
(Fig. 3.5b; Thompson 1972 : 61).
The Postclassic God G often wears a Kin glyph on
his head, or, more rarely, it is seen on his body, as on
Dresden Codex 11c and 22c (Fig. 3.5b). The Sun
God’s name is ‘‘lord sun’’ (ahaw k’in) or ‘‘sun lord’’
(k’inich ahaw) in both the Classic and Postclassic periods (Fig. 3.4g; Lounsbury 1973 : 138 –139). Sometimes Kin appears paired with the head of God C in
expressions that would be translated as ‘‘holy sun,’’
according to recent interpretations of the God C
glyph as ku or ch’u (Madrid Codex 36; Taube
1992b : 30).
The Sun God of the codices is not a youth, for
he usually shows attributes of age such as a beard
or a sunken jaw with only a few teeth remaining
(Fig. 3.5a–d; Taube 1992b : 50, 52, 140; Thompson
1970b : 237–238). In the Madrid Codex, he is a
snaggletoothed old god (Fig. 3.5a). In the Dresden
Codex, he seems more like a middle-aged god except
in the eclipse table, which represents him as an old
bearded god (Fig. 3.5d). God G’s aged aspect contrasts with the youthful appearance of the central
Mexican Sun God (Fig. 3.5e; Taube 1992b : 140).
God G’s beard indicates maturity, but it also represents solar rays, which are referred to as ‘‘the beard
of the sun’’ (mex kin) in the Motul dictionary
(Thompson 1960 : 142).
Sometimes the Postclassic Sun God has volutes or
fangs at the corners of his mouth, a trait that goes
back to the Early Classic period (Figs. 3.5c, 3.7c). In
the Dresden Codex, he has a pegged, up-curling volute on his nose and a similar one on his headdress,
a trait sometimes seen on Classic period representations of the Sun God (Figs. 3.5b, 3.6a, 3.7a). Occasionally he has the central tooth (‘‘egg tooth’’) characteristic of the Classic period Sun God (Figs. 3.5c,
3.7c). His eyes are surrounded by a beaded volute,
apparently the Postclassic insignia of ‘‘god-eye.’’
Different aspects of the Sun God are associated
with two of the four directions mentioned in Landa’s
descriptions of the New Year ceremonies, recorded
shortly after the conquest (Tozzer 1941 : 144 –147).
The ceremonies for Muluc years of the eastern direction honor Kinich Ahau (sun-faced lord), whereas
Kinich Ahau Itzamna is associated with the northern
direction in Ix years.
The Sun God of the Dresden Codex appears in
Postclassic New Year ceremonies associated with the
north. God G is seated in the temple of the north
in the Dresden Codex (26b), in a scene linked to
the new year on the first of Pop in Etz’nab years
(Fig. 3.5c). In front of God G there is a bowl of
FIG. 3.5. a: Late Postclassic image of aged God G with
f: Sun God in solar disk (Late Postclassic mural at Santa
Rita Mound 1; after Taube 1992b, fig. 77b).
g: Sun-disk figure armed with atlatl and darts seated on
feline throne (Terminal Classic wooden lintel in Upper
Temple of Jaguars at Chichén Itzá; after Taube 1992b,
fig. 77e).
h: Sun-disk figure with serpent mask and feline throne
(Terminal Classic reliefs in Lower Temple of Jaguars,
Chichén Itzá; after Taube 1992b, fig. 77d).
i: Sun-disk figure framed by fret-nosed serpents (mural in Terminal Classic Upper Temple of Jaguars, Chichén
Itzá; after Seler 1960 –1961, 5 : 343, fig. 217).
j: Classic period Sun-disk figure with mat headdress (El
Castillo Monument 1, Pacific Slope of Guatemala; after
Taube 1992b, fig. 77a).
snaggletooth, beard, and Kin brow (Madrid Codex 108b;
after Taube 1992b, fig. 22b).
b: Postclassic Sun God with beard, volute on nose, and
Kin sign on back (Dresden Codex 22b; after Taube 1992b,
fig. 22c).
c: Postclassic Sun God with Kin brow seated in Temple
of North in Etz’nab years (Dresden Codex 26; after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
d: Postclassic bearded Sun God with aged features and
Kin brow is framed by eclipse design with death eyes
(Dresden Codex 55a; after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
e: Postclassic Tonatiuh, wearing sun-disk collar, represents central Mexican Sun God (Codex Borgia 9; after Seler 1963).
82
PRECOLUMBIAN AND COLONIAL SOLAR IMAGES
human hearts, probably an offering to the sun
much like the hearts offered to the sun in Aztec
accounts. God G is similarly associated with the
northern direction in the sequence of twenty deities
in the Dresden Codex Venus table (Kelley 1976,
fig. 28).
From this brief survey we see that the Postclassic
Sun God known as God G is rare in the codices.
Many of his manifestations are aged, showing a
beard and a snaggletoothed jaw. Sometimes he has
fangs and a volute on his Roman nose. His eyes are
usually framed by a beaded volute. When God G has
a directional aspect, he is most often linked with the
north. His name glyph designates him as ‘‘lord sun,’’
a name still found among the Maya today. Colonial
period imagery represents a radical transformation
of the Sun God into a European image of a round
rayed face, but a link with Kinich Ahau is maintained
in some contexts.
THE SUN GOD AT CHICHÉN ITZÁ
Images at Chichén Itzá depict a solar deity framed
by a central Mexican–style sun disk with pointed
rays, like that in Mixteca-Puebla codices and murals
(Fig. 3.5e–i; Thompson 1970a : 473). Many of these
scenes blend central Mexican elements with Maya
traits typical of the Terminal Classic Maya period,
from a.d. 800 to 1000. In the Upper Temple of the
Jaguars, central Mexican sun disks frame solar figures armed with darts and an atlatl, a dart thrower
common in central Mexico (Figs. 3.5g, 5.5e; Tozzer
1957 : 120). Taube (1992b : 142; 1994 : 224) points out
that this solar warrior has the costume and regalia
of Terminal Classic Maya kings, but he also resembles Tonatiuh, the Late Postclassic Sun God of central Mexico, sharing the rayed sun disk and even
the yellow hair in some cases (Figs. 3.5e, 5.5h). No
doubt the yellow hair alludes to the yellow orb of
the sun.
Images at Chichén Itzá pair the solar warrior with
a feathered serpent (Fig. 5.5e, h). Miller (1977 : 220)
originally identified them as historical figures, naming them Captain Sun Disk and Captain Serpent.
Subsequently, Coggins (1984 : 160 –161) identified
Captain Sun Disk as a Maya ruler who met his defeat
at the hands of Captain Serpent, a star warrior who
may be linked with Quetzalcoatl. This central Mexican Venus serpent is the counterpart of Kukulcan.
The solar figure is a deified ruler known as Kakupacal, whose name means ‘‘fire shield.’’ Jeff Kowalski
(1987 : 238) notes that Kakupacal was a local ruler
who led the Itzá and assumed power at Chichén Itzá
by about a.d. 866 or 869. Kukulcan, presumably a
foreign ruler who came to Chichén Itzá from central
Mexico, is the counterpart of Quetzalcoatl (Chapter 5). In the murals, he is surrounded by rays representing the light of Venus (Fig. 5.5h, right), and
the lintel shows him with a star glyph that represents
Venus (Fig. 5.5e, next to the water-lily monster).
Kakupacal bears a solar title that suggests the sun itself was visualized as a shield of fire. Kakupacal and
Kukulcan may be ancestors or representatives of two
lineages that ruled Chichén Itzá jointly in the late
ninth century, one claiming descent from the Sun,
the other from Venus (Milbrath 1988c).
Both celestial rulers carry darts and dart throwers.
Kakupacal’s darts represent solar ‘‘arrowshafts,’’ like
those representing solar rays among the Chol today
(Chapter 1). And those of Kukulcan symbolize the
dangerous rays Venus hurls when it first rises as
the Morning Star, as described in central Mexican
chronicles (Aveni 1980 : 150). The fact that these images of the Sun and Venus are found in a structure
overlooking the Great Ball Court suggests a relationship to the ballplayers on the Great Ball Court. The
ballplayers seem to represent two celestial teams.
Turquoise mosaic collars and flower headbands
on one team may evoke the Sun, whereas crosssectioned conch shells (possibly symbolizing star
pendants) on two members of the other team may
refer to Venus as Quetzalcoatl-Kukulcan (Marquina
1964, lam. 266).
Ball-game reliefs from the Pacific Slope of Guatemala, roughly contemporary with those of the Great
Ball Court complex at Chichén Itzá, show a similar
interest in astronomical imagery. El Castillo Monument 1, probably dating to the Terminal Classic period, shows a ballplayer climbing up a celestial cord
lined with teeth that serve as a stairway to a Sun God,
surrounded by a solar disk with pointed rays, one of
the earliest known examples of this type of sun disk
THE SUN KING
(Fig. 3.5j; Parsons 1969, pl. 59a; Taube 1992b : 140).
The ballplayer’s speech scroll indicates that he prays
or sings to the Sun God. The Sun God wears a flower
headband, an appropriate solar motif, and a tall mat
headdress. The mat probably symbolizes the sun’s
role as a ruler, for it is a headdress worn by a number
of Maya rulers, and the mat itself is the ruler’s throne
among the Aztecs. To be seated upon the mat was an
Aztec metaphor for accession to the throne (Heyden
1985 : 149 –150). A mat headdress also characterizes
the Sun God on Bilbao Monument 3 (Parsons 1969,
pl. 32a). He is similarly positioned on high, but here
his solar orb has undulating rays of fire. A ballplayer
offers him a human heart, a practice reminiscent of
Postclassic Aztec offerings to the Sun God.
In sum, the style of sun disk prominent in solar
imagery at Chichén Itzá reflects a link with central
Mexico. Connections with the Pacific Slope are seen
in an association with the ball game; however, the
solar images at Chichén Itzá also may be closely affiliated with politics. The solar imagery associated
with Kakupacal is part of a widespread tradition in
Mesoamerica linking the ruler to a solar lineage or
identifying the ruler himself as a ‘‘sun king.’’
THE SUN KING
Solar cartouches at Tikal, Palenque, and Yaxchilán,
often referred to as ancestor cartouches, resemble
the sun-disk figures in the images at Chichén Itzá.
In the eastern gallery of Palenque House A, thirteen
blue medallions probably originally represented solar cartouches framing ancestor figures. One wellpreserved example has a Kin sign surrounded by four
skeletal snakes, sometimes referred to as snaggletoothed dragons (Fig. 3.4k). This serpent-sun combination may have a specific seasonal significance
(Chapter 7). Similarly, the west facade of Structure
10L-29 at Copán represents a giant Kin glyph with
four radiating serpent heads (Andrews and Fash
1992, fig. 10). Tikal Stela 5 depicts a Late Classic ruler
wearing a backrack that bears a solar cartouche resembling T646, but with the corners cut back to
accommodate four radiating serpents with scroll
snouts (Jones 1977, fig. 13).
Classic period dynastic sculptures from the Maya
83
area frequently allude to the Sun God in some way.
Sometimes the ruler holds the Sun God or variously
wears his attributes. Floyd Lounsbury (1985 : 47– 49;
1991 : 817) points out that many Maya rulers at Palenque carry the title mah k’ina, an integral part of
the name for the Palenque solar god known as GIII.
He suggests that this title can be read as ‘‘great sun.’’
Events in the lives of Palenque rulers can be connected with solar events. Pacal’s birthday (3/22/603
N.S.) coincided with the spring equinox (Lounsbury
1991 : 818). Chan Bahlum’s heir-designation event
fell only a few days before the summer solstice. Another ceremony followed five days later on the summer solstice, leading Schele to suggest that the heir
to the throne ‘‘became the sun’’ around the time of
the summer solstice (Lounsbury 1989 : 257 n. 11;
table 19.1).
A solar headdress clearly links Palenque rulers
with the Sun God in House A. Chan Bahlum II, who
ruled from a.d. 684 to 702, appears on Pier D wearing a blue mosaic helmet bearing a sky band and
the head of the Sun God with Kin signs on his cheek
and brow (Fig. 3.6a, right; Robertson 1985b : 20).
Another ruler, possibly Pacal, wears a similar solar
headdress on Pier C (Fig. 3.6a, left).
In the Temple of the Sun at Palenque, a small figure stands on the back of a crouched god with a Roman nose, a mirror brow, a T-shaped tooth, and the
crossed eyes of the Sun God (Fig. 3.6b; Schele 1974 :
45). The crouching solar god supports the young
ruler Chan Bahlum during his heir-designation
event when he was six years old (Robertson 1991 :
20 –21). Apparently the young ruler draws his power
from the sun.
The ruler on Copán Stela A (Fig. 3.6c, Pl. 20)
is surrounded by figures of the Sun God. ClaudeFrançois Baudez (1985, 1986) points out that this
ruler takes the role of a ‘‘sun king.’’ Variously referred to as 18 Rabbit, 18 Jog, or Waxaklahun Ubah
K’awil, this ruler’s name glyph is actually a shorteared rodent paired with the number 18. Tatiana
Proskouriakoff (1993 : 127–128) finds the text difficult to decipher, and identifies only the emblem
glyphs, cardinal directions, the name 18 Jog, and the
dates. On the other hand, Elizabeth Newsome (1991 :
279 –281, 330) concludes that the text makes an
THE SUN KING
85
extensive reference to the apotheosis of Butz’ Chan,
a deceased ruler who bears the name of the Sun God
in the texts. She notes that the imagery of the dead
ruler’s apotheosis as the Sun God recalls a solar ancestor depicted on Tikal Stela 31 (Fig. 3.7a). Perhaps
the royal lineages at Copán and Tikal traced their ancestry to the sun or a solar ruler.
At Copán, the ruler Mat Head is named with a
solar portrait: a conventional Sun God face with Kin
cheek markings, crossed eyes, and fangs at the corners of the mouth. According to William Fash (1991,
fig. 37), his name is Popol Hol K’inich, translated as
‘‘Mat Head, Fire Eye.’’ An alternate name would be
‘‘Mat Head, Sun Eye.’’ The links between the sun
and the ruler’s mat are clearly part of a metaphor for
solar rulership. Another solar metaphor is seen on
Stela 63, where Mat Head’s title incorporates a head
of the Hun Ahau Headband Twin, a god of the underworld sun and the Morning Star (see below). This
title is translated as Izt’at Ahau, meaning ‘‘man of
letters lord’’ (Fash 1991, fig. 3.7).
Early explorers named a zoomorph from Copán
Altar U, but it may actually have been a solar throne
(Fig. 3.7i). David Stuart (1986) interprets Altar U as
a throne or pedestal, and he suggests that the texts
mentioning a sun-eyed stone refer to the name of
the throne itself. The text links the throne to Yax
Pac’s accession (Schele 1986). Apparently, his seat of
power was a solar throne. The throne depicts a jawless zoomorph with Kin eyes and Ahau pupils; a
raised snout bearing a row of three teeth; and an
elongated, cross-hatched forehead ornament resembling bound reeds or a rolled mat, evoking the royal
mat as a throne. Schele (1992b : 54) notes that Altar
U is literally a ‘‘sun-eyed throne-stone,’’ a play on
words linking the term k’inich (sun-eye) to Kin symbols in the eyes of the throne zoomorph.
A giant jaguar protector looms over a Late Classic
ruler with a Sun God headdress on Lintel 3 from
Temple I at Tikal (Fig. 3.6d). Temple I is the ruler’s
funerary monument, and it seems likely that Lintel 3
represents his apotheosis as the Sun God under the
protection of the Water-lily Jaguar. Originally known
as Ruler A, this ruler’s name is now read as Hasaw
Kan K’awil I (Coggins 1975 : 450 – 451; Schele and
Mathews 1998 : 320).
An ancestral ruler may be apotheosized as the Sun
God on the Early Classic Tikal Stela 31, which bears
a dedicatory date in a.d. 445 of 9.0.10.0.0 7 Ahau
3 Yax. This monument has a very long text recording
a number of dates, including the inauguration date
of Curl Snout in a.d. 379. Looming above Stormy
Sky (K’awil Chaan), a figure with features of the Sun
God wears a headdress personifying Curl Snout (Yax
Ain I), Stormy Sky’s father (Fig. 3.7a–b; Coggins
1980 : 186; Taube 1992b : 55). The floating face lacks
Kin markings, but it has the Roman nose and squint
eyes of the Classic Maya Sun God, as well as a sharply
upturning nose ornament sometimes seen on Postclassic images of the Sun God (Fig. 3.5b). The Leyden Plaque, probably from Tikal, represents an Early
Classic image of the Sun God dating to a.d. 320
(Pl. 2). It depicts a ruler known as Moon Zero Bird
holding a double-headed serpent that bears Kawil
(God K) and the Sun God with all his diagnostic
traits, including the Kin sign.
We can conclude that solar rulers are especially
common in the Classic period. At sites like Palenque
and Copán, the living ruler is identified with the sun.
Dead rulers were also linked with the sun, a pattern
FIG. 3.6. a: Left, Youthful Sun God on mosaic helmet
worn by ruler (Pacal?) on Pier C; right, Chan Bahlum II
on Pier D wears mosaic helmet bearing sky band that ends
in monstrous head of Sun God with Kin signs on his
cheek and brow (House A, Palenque Palace; after Robertson 1985b, figs. 38, 70).
b: Left, mirror-browed solar deity with spotted cheek
serves as base for young Chan Bahlum; right, adult Chan
Bahlum holds God K; center, Jaguar War God shield (Late
Classic Temple of Sun, Palenque; after Robertson 1991,
fig. 95).
c: Ruler known as 18 Rabbit carries serpent bar with
figures of Sun God on Late Classic Copán Stela A (after
drawing by A. Dowd in Baudez 1994, fig. 4).
d: Tikal Ruler A with Sun God headdress and Waterlily Jaguar protector (Late Classic Lintel 3, Temple I; after
Jones 1977, fig. 1).
86
PRECOLUMBIAN AND COLONIAL SOLAR IMAGES
CLASSIC MAYA IMAGES AND EARLIER PROTOTYPES
evident at Palenque, Tikal, and Yaxchilán. Clearly
the Maya had lineages connected with the sun, and
the king himself, living or dead, could embody the
‘‘sun king.’’
CLASSIC MAYA IMAGES OF THE
SUN GOD AND EARLIER PROTOTYPES
In Maya imagery from the Classic period, the Sun
God is characterized by a Kin glyph, a Roman nose,
and a central notched or T-shaped tooth, sometimes described as an egg tooth (Fig. 3.7c; Thompson
1960 : 142; 1970b : 236; Hammond 1987 : 13). The Sun
God is also characterized by crossed eyes (squint
eyes), a sign of beauty among the Maya (Tozzer
1941 : 88). The Sun God invariably wears male clothing when his full figure is shown.
The Sun God is represented with a number of
traits that can be traced from the Postclassic all the
way back to the Preclassic epoch, indicating continuity in both form and meaning (Taube 1992b : 56).
An upturned volute in the nasal area and Kin markings are seen on both early and late images of the Sun
God (Figs. 3.5b, 3.6a).
The epigraphic head variants of the number four
(T1010) are the clearest and most consistent repre-
FIG. 3.7. a: Ancestral ruler known as Curl Nose apotheosized as Sun God (detail of Early Classic Tikal Stela 31;
after A. Miller 1986, fig. 19).
b: Stormy Sky as spotted Headband Twin with his solar
ancestor overhead (Early Classic Tikal Stela 31; after A.
Miller 1986, fig. 19).
c: Sun God characterized by Kin glyph, Roman nose,
central notched tooth, and crossed eyes with square pupils (Early Classic mural in Rı́o Azul Tomb 1; after Hellmuth 1987, fig. 649).
d: Death spots on cheek mark Hun Ahau (Spotted
Headband Twin), who is linked with underworld Sun and
Morning Star, here represented as head variant of number
four (Late Classic Yaxchilán Lintel 48; after Tate 1992,
fig. 62).
e: Lunar deity Yax Balam, known as Jaguar Headband
Twin, has Yax sign in headdress and jaguar spots around
mouth in his aspect as head variant of number nine (Late
Classic Yaxchilán lintel 48; after Tate 1992, fig. 62).
87
sentation of the Sun God in the Classic period
(Taube 1992b : 52). The Sun God as the personified
number four often has his brow or cheek infixed
with a Kin glyph or, more rarely, with a mirror
(Fig. 3.7f; Thompson 1960 : 133). T1010 is a portrait
of the Sun God used interchangeably with Kin to
enumerate the number of days in Initial Series inscriptions, in the name for the month Yaxkin, and
in representations of the number four (Lounsbury
1985 : 47– 49, fig. 2). This solar-deity name is one of
a number of different head forms of the Kin glyph
(Thompson 1960, fig. 27).
The Sun God as the head variant of the number
four on Yaxchilán Lintel 48 is especially intriguing
(Fig. 3.7d). Although he lacks Kin markings, his
central tooth is characteristic of the Sun God, as is
his role as the god of the number four. He wears a
headband with an Ahau sign and a Jester God, so
named because his headdress looks like a floppy
court jester’s hat. The Jester God may be the counterpart of a jade mask found on the headdress of
Tonatiuh, the central Mexican Sun God (Fig. 3.5e;
Taube 1994 : 224). He has cheek spots and mouth
volutes seen on a number of solar deities.
Some images of the Sun God have cheek spots
grouped in sets of three, often interpreted as jaguar
f: Personified number four representing Late Classic
Sun God with Kin sign or mirror brow (after Thompson
1960, fig. 24, nos. 19 –20, 22).
g: Aged Sun God as G9, one of ‘‘nine lords of night,’’
probably symbolizes sun reaching its old age at night or at
year end (after Thompson 1960, fig. 34, nos. 46 –53).
h: Sun God represented frontally with crossed eyes and
Kin brow and flanked by a lunar figure on right who
wears po headdress; note twin peccaries possibly alluding
to sun in summer months carried by slow-moving peccaries (Late Classic panel on West Court of Palace; after
Robertson 1985b, fig. 358).
i: ‘‘Sun-eyed’’ solar throne, probably used in Yax Pac’s
accession (a.d. 763), representing jawless zoomorph with
Kin eyes and forehead ornament resembling rolled mat
(Copán Altar U, Monument 34; after Schele 1989b :107).
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PRECOLUMBIAN AND COLONIAL SOLAR IMAGES
spots, based on the markings characteristic of the
day sign Ix, traditionally interpreted as representing
the skin or ear of a jaguar (Thompson 1960 : 89).
Cheek spots appear on the Kin-marked Sun God in
an Early Classic mural from Rı́o Azul (Fig. 3.7c).
The Sun God has spotted cheeks in glyphic texts on
the Early Classic Tikal ball-court marker, dating to
a.d. 378 (Fialko 1988a). The Sun God climbing the
world tree on a Late Classic vessel at the American
Museum of Natural History also has spotted cheeks
(Fig. 3.4c). The solar god representing Curl Snout on
Tikal Stela 31, discussed earlier, has similar cheek
spots (Fig. 3.7a).
On Yaxchilán Lintel 48, the solar god representing
the head variant of the number four has spots high
on his cheek, whereas his jaguar companion (Yax
Balam), representing the personification of number nine, has jaguar spots around the mouth (Fig.
3.7d– e). This distinction suggests that the solar
cheek spots may not be jaguar spots. In murals on
the walls of the Naj Tunich cave, these spots are
death markings indicating an underworld aspect.
The spotted Headband Twin wears a cluster of three
or four spots on the cheek, apparently replacing the
single death spot more commonly seen on this deity
(Fig. 3.10j; Stone 1995b : 149, fig. 6.43). Three cheek
spots are also seen on the monkey variant of the fullfigure Kin glyph (Coe 1978a, fig. 16). These clustered
death spots are not limited to the Sun God, and are
also seen on a Venus god known as GI, freely substituting for a single death spot on the cheek
(Fig. 5.10h–i; Chapter 5).
Having established some general traits in the imagery of the Sun God, we can now turn to representations at different sites that help to expand our understanding of his solar nature. A sculptured panel
on the West Court of the Palace at Palenque depicts
the Sun God, with his characteristic crossed eyes and
Kin brow, in a frontal pose that clearly places him in
a position of prominence, for he is flanked by two
profile heads (Fig. 3.7h). One head probably represents a lunar deity wearing a po sign, a glyph linked
to the moon (Chapter 4). Profile serpent masks at
the upper corners and two peccary heads may refer
to constellations (Chapter 7).
The stucco piers of House A in the Palace at Pa-
lenque may show both the youthful and aged aspects
of the Sun God (Robertson 1985b : 21, 49). As noted
earlier, Pier D depicts a Sun God mounted on a
sky band attached to a mosaic helmet crowned by
twin Jester Gods (Fig. 3.6a, right). He has crossed
eyes and square pupils, a Kin brow and cheek, a
notched central tooth, and a volute at the corner of
his mouth—all traits that resemble the aged Sun
God of the codices. The Sun God on Piers C and E
has the same crossed eyes and central tooth but lacks
the Kin infix and monstrous features (Fig. 3.6a, left).
Robertson recognizes this figure as the youthful variant of the Sun God, and the one on Pier D as the
aged Sun God.
Thompson (1970b : 237) also identifies the Kinmarked Sun God as aged, noting that he takes the
role of Kin, whereas the youthful Sun God substitutes for Ahau. Most personified Ahau variants are
now recognized as the spotted Headband Twin, the
counterpart of Hunahpu in the Popol Vuh (Fig.
3.10h–i; Coe 1989). In rare instances, the T1010
Kin-marked Sun God represents the day sign Ahau
(Fig. 3.8b; Lounsbury 1985). Although a number of
scholars have identified the Kin-marked Sun God as
aged, the only glyphic aspect of the Sun God to show
obvious signs of age is the personified G9, one of the
Nine Lords of the Night characterized by a sunken
face with lines around the mouth (Fig. 3.7g; Thompson 1960 : 210, fig. 34, nos. 46 –57). Thompson identifies G9 as the night sun, based on comparisons with
the nine ‘‘lords of the night’’ in central Mexico; however, his presumed counterpart (Xochipilli) is not an
aged deity. Berlin (1977 : 66) notes that representations of G9 are frequently associated with the end of
the Tun, a period that approximates the solar year.
This being the case, G9 may represent the sun growing old at year end. Alternatively, his aged features
could suggest that the sun grows old each night, a
belief recorded among the Aztecs (Sahagún 1950 –
1982, 1 : 82).
Some images at Palenque have been interpreted as
the Sun God wearing a mirror sign like the glyph
T617a (Fig. 3.8a; Schele and J. Miller 1983 : 20). This
variant of the Sun God lacks the Kin sign but has the
typical solar eye form, a mouth with a T-shaped central tooth, and volutes at the corners of the mouth.
CLASSIC MAYA IMAGES AND EARLIER PROTOTYPES
Like the solar gods already described, the mirrorbrowed solar deity occasionally has spotted cheek
markings, as seen on the crouching figure supporting Chan Bahlum in the Temple of the Sun (Fig.
3.6b). Mirror markings of the Sun God evoke a link
with a Kekchı́ tale that says sunlight is the reflection
of a mirror in the center of the sky (Chapter 1).
The sky band of Pier B in House A at Palenque
depicts a mirror-browed head with a central tooth
and crossed eyes that Robertson (1985b : 16, fig. 24)
identifies as the Sun God. The face lacks a lower jaw
but has an element trailing from the upper jaw that
Robertson identifies as a beard, which suggests links
with the aged Sun God of the codices. She notes that
at some time in the past the color of the mirror and
beard were changed from blue to red. This is intriguing because both colors relate to solar imagery but
may have had different meanings.
On Yaxchilán Stela 1, the Sun God positioned below the ruler has the classic solar features, including
two notched teeth forming a T-shaped central tooth,
volutes at the corners of the mouth, and crossed eyes
with square pupils (Fig. 3.8c; Tate 1992 : 66). He has
Kin body markings and a brow cartouche inscribed
with a Kin glyph, not visible in the drawing published by Tate (1992). According to Stuart (1988 :
181), a profile figure on the sky band above the ruler
represents another Sun God. Both solar figures wear
a laterally suspended pectoral with trilobe ends and
crossed bands in the middle. As will be seen, this
may be an insignia reserved exclusively for celestial
luminaries and rulers playing the part of these deities. The god overhead is in a profile pose that shows
the Roman nose and squint eyes typical of the Sun
God, but he lacks Kin markings and he wears an unusual skeletal headdress and has lines around the
mouth that give him an aged aspect. Perhaps the sun
is shown in two different sky positions on Stela 1.
The Sun God appears on two or three different
cosmic levels on the front of Copán Stela A (Fig.
3.6c, Pl. 20; Baudez 1994 : 23). Texts on the back of
the stela refer to the sun, the full moon, and the metonic cycle, which links the lunar month to the tropical year (Chapter 4). The Sun God has typical features: a Kin glyph on his brow, crossed eyes with
square pupils, and a central notched tooth. At the
89
middle level, a ceremonial bar held by the ruler has
two serpent heads at either end, each bearing the
head of a Sun God. The Sun God’s face is the same
on both sides, but one has the markings for flint and
the other bears the Akbal sign (Newsome 1991 : 282 –
283). Newsome points out that another pair of serpent heads carry underworld images of the Sun God
at the ruler’s feet. She notes that here one solar deity
wears a headdress with a scroll-eyed deity with an
Imix glyph representing a water lily, and the other
wears a similar headdress with a trilobe element that
links him with Uc-Zip, the god of hunting. At the
top level of the monument, two figures holding
skeletal serpents also appear to be solar gods with
Kin glyphs decorating their brows, now destroyed
but visible in an early drawing published by A. P.
Maudslay (1889 –1902, 1, pl. 26). The serpents on all
three levels of the stela are skeletal snakes, the same
creatures that frame the Kin sign in the ancestor cartouches at Palenque.
The finest image of the Sun God from Copán appears in a group of seven different celestial deities
represented on a bench from Las Sepulturas, an elite
residential area at Copán. The Sun God has a Roman
nose, a notched central tooth, and a Kin glyph on his
back and arms (Pl. 19). His domed forehead has a
circular cartouche that probably represents a mirror.
What makes this bench figure especially interesting
is that he is a companion of other celestial deities,
part of an assembly of astronomical gods that includes the Moon God and a Venus god with a scorpion tail (Chapter 6).
Early Classic solar masks, revealed in 1992 excavations on the west side of Rosalila at Copán, depict
the Sun God with rectangular eyes, cross-eyed pupils, and three spots on each cheek. Although Kin
signs are not apparent, the deity attributes seem
to fit into the solar pattern. A date on the stairs
(9.6.17.3.2) indicates that the temple was commissioned by Moon Jaguar, the tenth ruler of Copán
(Agurcia and Valdés 1994 : 82).
Another Early Classic monumental facade at
Edzná has two different images of the Sun God (Benavides 1996 : 30 –31). Both wear large earflares that
may represent Kin signs and both have crossed eyes,
but the one on the northwest side has rectangular
90
PRECOLUMBIAN AND COLONIAL SOLAR IMAGES
CLASSIC MAYA IMAGES AND EARLIER PROTOTYPES
91
pupils and a nose ornament, whereas the one on the
northeast side has circular pupils. Perhaps the two
variants pertain to different seasons or directions of
the sun.
Kin markings can be traced back to the Late Preclassic period. The Sun God with a Kin sign on the
cheek peers down on Stela 2 in a Late Preclassic image from Abaj Takalik (Taube 1992b : 55, fig. 23a).
The figure wears a mat headdress like the Classic period Sun God from Bilbao, and the volute projecting
from the face is also a trait seen on other solar gods.
On Structure 5C-2nd at Cerros in Belize, a Preclassic
Sun God has Kin signs on his cheeks, crossed eyes,
and a downturned mask below his nose (Fig. 3.8e;
Schele and Freidel 1990 : 113 –114; Schele and Miller
1986 : 106). Although the two heads are identical,
Schele and her colleagues interpret them as the rising
and setting sun. Nonetheless, the cosmic diagrams
analyzed earlier show that these two directions are
distinguished by different images. The two heads on
the upper tier of the pyramid, which Linda Schele
and David Freidel (1990, fig. 3 : 12) identify as the
Morning and Evening Star, are also identical. Each is
crowned by a trefoil design interpreted as the Jester
God’s headband.
The Pomona Flare discussed earlier represents
two Late Preclassic heads of the Sun God, one certainly symbolizing the east and the other representing either the north or the zenith (Fig. 3.2c). There
are minor differences in the eye forms, ear plugs, and
fangs that may be significant. Hammond (1987 : 13,
fig. 1) says that a T60 knot in the text, associated with
the Sun God of the east, refers to the birth or appearance of the sun in the east, being read as *jo:k’,
‘‘to appear,’’ here substituting for the T740 birth
glyph. He notes that the head representing the north
or zenith position is associated with the number
four, reinforcing the role of the Sun God as patron
of the number four. This variant of the Sun God
appears with a T301 footprint indicating a clockwise movement, the same footprint used with the
Maize God and the number eight in the south or
nadir position.
There are few known images of the Sun God
on Classic Maya vase paintings. A polychrome vase
shows Kinich Ahau wearing Kin body markings and
a headband, a diagnostic element of a number of astronomical deities (Fig. 3.8d). The Vase of the Seven
Gods depicts what seems to be a previously unrecognized representation of the Sun God (Pl. 7). The figure on the lower left is a male with a Roman nose,
rectangular crossed eyes, and a central T-shaped
tooth. He may originally have had a Kin glyph on the
brow that was destroyed by a break in that area, visible in early photographs but not in the drawing
published by Michael Coe (1973, no. 49).
A Protoclassic image of the Sun God appears on a
stone vessel carved with two ‘‘swimming’’ figures
(Coe 1973, no. 2). One of the swimmers has a sun
glyph in an open hand on his headdress; his central
tooth and the volute at the corner of the mouth
are appropriate to a solar deity. His rectangular eye
has a paw-wing design instead of the cross-eyed
pupils typical of the Sun God. The paw-wing design
provides a bridge to Preclassic Olmec iconography,
where this form is seen on headdresses and thrones
as early as 1200 b.c. (Joralemon 1971, figs. 101, 192,
194; Milbrath 1979 : 16, table 2, figs. 42 – 43).
In sum, the Classic Maya worshiped a masculine
Sun God, following the predominant pattern seen
among the Maya today. Continuity in solar imagery
over time is evident from the fact that the Kin-
FIG. 3.8. a: Late Classic Sun God with mirror glyph
(T617a) on brow, symbolizing sun as ‘‘day’’ mirror (after
Schele and Miller 1983, fig. 3f ).
b: Sun God with central tooth and fangs as Late Classic
Ahau variant (Temple XVII, Palenque; after Lounsbury
1985, fig. 4d).
c: At base, Sun God with Kin brow holds skeletal serpent; overhead double-headed sky serpent has God K in
its jaws (Late Classic Yaxchilán Stela 1; modified after Tate
1992, fig. 124).
d: Sun God Kinich Ahau wearing Kin body markings
and headband of Headband Twins (Late Classic vase; after
Taube 1992b, fig. 22g).
e: Sun God with Kin signs on cheeks, crossed eyes, and
downturned mouth (Preclassic Structure 5C-2nd at Cerros, Belize; after Schele and Freidel 1990, fig. 3 : 12).
92
PRECOLUMBIAN AND COLONIAL SOLAR IMAGES
marked body identifies the Sun God over a span of
more than a thousand years. Classic and Protoclassic
images of the Sun God sometimes have Kin markings and volutes at the corners of the mouth, like
Postclassic images of the Sun God. Although the
Kin-marked Sun God has been interpreted as aged,
the only Classic period solar deity who consistently
shows signs of age is the Lord of the Night (G9), representing either the old sun at dusk or the sun at year
end. The Classic Maya Sun God with Kin markings
has crossed eyes, a sign of beauty. Sometimes he has
spots on his cheeks, often identified as jaguar markings that indicate a nocturnal aspect, but these spots
may actually be death spots showing an association
with the underworld, similarly indicating a nocturnal aspect. Apparently the death and rebirth of the
sun take place in the darkness of the underworld.
Another group of Classic period solar deities have a
mirror brow, a metaphor for a shiny quality apparently expressing the solar rays.
David Stuart (1988 : 201) recognizes a simian aspect
of the sun, but he notes that the monkey face in
Maya art never has Kin markings, and it does not
substitute for the Sun God in inscriptions. The only
clear substitution is seen in Kin variants representing
monkeys, but these are not marked with Kin glyphs
(Fig. 3.9a– c). Coe (1978a : 341, fig. 16) suggests that
all personified Kin variants that are not clearly the
Sun God are in fact a Monkey-Man god, and he
notes that some full-figure variants of this form
clearly overlap with the imagery of the monkey
scribes on Classic Maya vase painting (Fig. 3.9e).
A Yaxchilán Kin variant with monkey features is
especially intriguing (Fig. 3.9a). Originally described
as a spider monkey (Ateles geoffroyi) by Coe (1978a :
346), this monkey is identified as a capuchin monkey (Cebus capucinus) by Mary Baker (1992 : 219,
225), an interpretation that remains controversial
because this species of monkey is not found in the
Maya lowlands. Many Kin variants are especially difficult to identify in terms of species, although their
simian aspect is clear (Fig. 3.9c).
It seems these Kin variants are not the sun itself,
but relate to the passage of time counted by the sun.
It is not known at what point the Classic Maya normally started counting a new day, but it may have
been at sunrise or at midday, as among the Aztecs
(Codex Telleriano-Remensis, fol. 48; Thompson
1960 : 177). The Kin-variant monkey may represent
a count of days beginning at dusk, the time that the
monkey’s sun shines, according to the Tzotzil Maya.
They say that when the sun disappears at sunset,
there is a red glow of sunset called the ‘‘monkey’s
sun’’ (Laughlin 1977 : 253; Laughlin and Karasik
1988 : 249). This long-tailed monkey (max) is clearly
distinguished from a howler monkey (batz’). It may
be a spider monkey, noted for its long tail and a color
that sometimes has a red quality. Another Tzotzil
image of dusk is ‘ik-‘mach’an, meaning ‘‘black monkey’s face’’ (Laughlin 1975 : 57).
Monkey scribes, an important theme in Maya
FIG. 3.9. a: Full-figure Kin glyph representing monkey (Late Classic Yaxchilán Lintel 48; after Tate 1992,
fig. 62).
b: God of Zero holding skeletal snake alongside fullfigure Kin glyph representing howler monkey with star
glyph on ear (Late Classic Copán Stela D; after Coe 1978a,
fig. 15).
c: Monkey Kin variants of Classic period are not characterized by Kin markings; possibly they refer to count of
days initiated after sunset or before sunrise (after Coe
1978, fig. 13).
d: Throne figure with face of Sun God and lips of Lord
T231 (Late Classic Tablet of Slaves at Palenque; after
Schele 1991b, fig. 1).
e: Howler-monkey artists as pair (Late Classic vase; after Coe 1978b, fig. 10).
f: Late Postclassic Sun God with macaw headdress and
macaw title (Madrid Codex page 89a; after Villacorta and
Villacorta 1977).
g: (1)–(5): Glyphs naming GIII of Palenque Triad represent specialized form of Classic Maya Sun God (after
Lounsbury 1985, figs. 2a– e). (6): GIII with attributes of
Late Classic Sun God (Temple of Inscriptions glyph at
E4b; after Lounsbury 1985, fig. 2f ).
THE MONKEY’S SUN
THE MONKEY’S SUN
93
94
PRECOLUMBIAN AND COLONIAL SOLAR IMAGES
vase painting, are characterized by a deerlike ‘‘extra
ear,’’ and some have a cluster of three spots on the
cheek, reminiscent of certain images of the Sun God
and the Venus god known as GI (Figs. 3.9e, 5.10i).
The monkey-man scribes may be related to the older
brothers of the Hero Twins in the Popol Vuh, who
were transformed into monkeys by the Hero Twins.
One of the two brothers (Hun Batz) has a name
linked with the howler monkey; the other (Hun
Chouen) may also be a howler monkey (D. Tedlock
1985 : 353). Indeed, some of the monkey scribes are
represented with the beards characteristic of male
howlers (Fig. 3.9e, left; Coe 1978a : 346). Coe (1978a :
342 –345) notes that Venus is involved in the imagery because the same Monkey-Man god with an
extra ‘‘deer ear’’ appears as one of the manifestations of the Morning Star on Dresden Codex 48b
(Fig. 5.3c, center). This aspect of the Morning Star
seems to be a howler monkey, characterized by a flat
face, prominent teeth, and a beard.
A throne figure on the Tablet of the Slaves at Palenque may represent a howler-monkey deity with a
solar aspect (Fig. 3.9d). The throne figure has the
face of the Sun God and the lips of Lord T231, according to William Ringle and Thomas Smith-Stark
(1996 : 55). In glyphic expressions, T231 is most often identified as the howler monkey (batz’; Kurbjuhn 1989 : 42).
As noted earlier, the Pomona Flare links a monkey
with the west, the place of sunset, evoking the sunset
glow of the Tzotzil ‘‘monkey’s sun’’ embodied by a
long-tailed monkey that may be a spider monkey.
The Lacandón link the Sun with a spider monkey
and the moon with a howler monkey (Chapter 1). In
other Maya tales, the spider monkey takes the role of
a planet. In Mopan Maya accounts of three celestial
brothers, the Sun’s youngest brother is transformed
into a spider monkey, variously identified as Mars,
Jupiter, or Venus (Chapter 1).
We can conclude that monkeys are connected
with the sun, but they do not seem to be the sun
itself. As Kin substitutes, monkeys may signal a
count of nights. Howler monkeys may be connected
with the Morning Star visible before dawn. Similarly,
the spider monkey may take a role like the sun, but
it actually seems to represent a planet, perhaps one
substituting for the sun at sunset, indicating a count
begun at dusk. The monkey imagery will be analyzed
further in relation to specific planets in Chapter 6.
SOLAR BIRDS AND SOLAR FIRE
The hummingbird is an avian aspect of the sun
among the Maya. With their iridescent feathers,
these small birds look like glints of sunlight as they
dart back and forth (Benson 1997 : 77–78). Hummingbirds are especially attracted to flowers of red
color, a color that evokes the sun. Thompson (1939;
1970a : 368) first recognized that the Gann vase, a
Classic period (Tepeu 2) pot from Yalloch, represents a Maya tale about the Sun God in a hummingbird disguise. Subsequently, Hammond (1985) identified a number of Classic Maya vessels that seem to
show aspects of the sun’s transformation into a hummingbird. Among the Aztecs, the aggressive qualities
of the hummingbird apparently suggested a natural
connection with the solar warrior, Huitzilopochtli
(Benson 1989). Huitzilopochtli, whose name means
‘‘hummingbird of the south’’ (the left hand of the
sun), is a solar god who is reborn each November at
the beginning of the dry season, when the sun is in
the southern sky (Milbrath 1980a).
The Yucatec Maya worshiped the macaw as an image of the sun called Kinich Kakmo (‘‘sun-faced fire
macaw’’ or ‘‘sun-eyed fire macaw’’). Colonial period
accounts, most notably Diego López de Cogolludo’s
(1954), tell us that the Sun God of Izamal (Kinich
Kakmo) was a macaw who descended with the fiery
rays of the sun at noon to consume the offerings
made by people suffering from illness, especially
pestilence. Today the Yucatec Maya pray to the sun
at noon for healing, suggesting comparison with
prayers to Kinich Kakmo. And the noon sun is the
‘‘fire’’ sun among the Lacandón, the same link we see
between fire and the noonday sun in the imagery of
Kinich Kakmo. The term kak (fire) or kakal (fiery),
often used in contemporary Maya names for the
sun, reinforces the imagery of solar fire (Thompson
1970b : 236).
Macaws are certainly appropriate solar symbols,
being diurnal animals that are quite noisy at daybreak. They can be seen in treetops as the sun rises
THE SUN AND FELINES
overhead. At dusk they gather and fly around in
circles before retiring for the night; thus their activities seem to mirror those of the sun. Tozzer (1941: n.
689, 904) identifies Kinich Kakmo as the Ara macao
(the scarlet macaw), predominantly red in color,
with yellow and blue on its wings. Red evokes the
fiery rays of the sun, yellow the sun itself, and blue
the daytime sky.
Kinich Kakmo, a solar bird linked with one of the
founders of Izamal, is mentioned repeatedly in the
Chilam Balam of Chumayel, especially in texts describing the descent of Kinich Kakmo’s shield (the
solar orb?) (Roys 1967 : 66, 82, 160, n. 2). The macaw aspect of the sun marks the arrival of the usurper
of royal power in the Chilam Balam books (LeónPortilla 1988 : 30). The divine macaw plays a beneficial role by bringing maize to humankind (Roys
1967 : 111–112; Thompson 1960 : 86). This echoes
the close connection between maize and the sun
among the Maya today.
The Sun God wears a macaw headdress and appears with a macaw title (ah kak[a] mo) in the Postclassic Madrid Codex, leading Kelley (1976 : 6) and
other scholars to identify him as Kinich Kakmo
(Fig. 3.9f; Fox and Justeson 1984 : 26). The solar macaw, bearing the glyphic name Kinich Kakmo, is represented on Dresden Codex 40b with torches, appropriate symbols of the scorching sun (Thompson
1960 : 270; 1972 : 100). Thompson notes that Kinich
Kakmo can be traced back to the Classic period on
stelae that represent the Kin glyph prefixed to the
macaw head. A macaw found buried with four vultures at Tikal may represent the sun in a cosmic diagram (Benson 1997 : 88).
Structure 10, associated with the Classic period
Ball Court A-III at Copán, originally had sixteen
macaws (Fash 1991 : 126, pl. 80). The modern
reconstruction shows the macaw with serpentfaced wings carrying an Akbal glyph surmounted by
maize. The link with maize evokes the divine macaw
who brought the world maize. Akbal is a nocturnal
symbol, and it has been suggested that the macaw
represents the sun in the underworld, a role appropriate to ball-game imagery (Kowalski and Fash
1991 : 65).
Thompson (1960 : 167) suggests that some bird
95
variants of the Kin glyph may represent an eagle. Although common in Aztec iconography, the image of
the sun as an eagle seems to be rare in Maya iconography. The connection between the eagle and the sun
may be because the eagle seems to soar toward the
sun and is able to look directly at the sun, a trait that
was noted by Sahagún’s Aztec informants (Benson
1997 : 79).
We can conclude that birds most commonly
linked with the sun are the hummingbird and the
macaw. The macaw may be a solar bird not only because of its color, which suggests solar fire, but also
because it tends to fly out of its rookery around dawn
and return at dusk. The macaw sun, linked with the
noonday sun, can cause illness, just as the noon sun
is connected with illness among the modern Maya.
Another solar bird, the hummingbird, symbolizes
both glinting sunlight and a connection between the
sun and flowers.
THE SUN AND FELINES
The puma has a golden coat and is active primarily
in the daytime, like the sun. In fact, the solar feline
of central Mexico is clearly a puma. The solar puma
can be seen in a puma with a crown of solar rays
at Teotihuacán (Miller 1973, fig. 289). The Sun God
sits with a puma on a throne in the Codex Laud (14),
a codex that blends central Mexican and Mayan
traits. The solar symbolism of pumas may have extended into the Maya area. Just as the sun has higher
status than the moon in contemporary Maya accounts, the Tzotzil give the puma higher status than
the jaguar (Braakhuis 1987 : 247).
A puma aspect of the sun may appear on a Classic
Maya vase (Fig. 3.11c). H. E. M. Braakhuis (1987)
interprets a puma head attached to a deer body as a
puma disguised as a deer, evoking the deer disguise
of the sun in a contemporary Maya tale about the
moon’s adultery with King Vulture. He points out
that the vase seems to show a sequence of actions
related to Landa’s month Pax, the month that honors
warriors and a puma god probably representing the
sun as a war leader.
Feline thrones are quite common in Maya imagery, and many thrones clearly show a spotted jag-
96
PRECOLUMBIAN AND COLONIAL SOLAR IMAGES
uar pelt covering the throne (Fig. 3.11c, Pls. 5, 7, 17).
At Palenque, the Palace Oval Tablet shows Pacal receiving his crown on a throne representing a feline
with two heads (Robertson 1985a, fig. 91). Although
spots are not represented, the head ornaments
clearly designate the Water-lily Jaguar. In the interior
of the Castillo pyramid at Chichén Itzá, archaeologists found a red feline throne with jade spots and a
turquoise sun disk on its back (the turquoise mosaic
was stolen in the 1960s). This suggests that other
feline thrones at the site may be jaguars, such as the
throne supporting the solar ruler in two temples
of the Great Ball Court complex at Chichén Itzá
(Fig. 3.5g–h). In these temples, however, we cannot
be sure whether a puma or a jaguar is intended. And
even when the throne bears jaguar skin, the significance can be lunar, as in the case of the throne
marked with po (moon) markings that supports God
D on a Late Classic Maya vase (Fig. 3.11c).
Scholars often identify the jaguar as an alter ego
of the sun, but research presented here and in Chapter 4 indicates that the jaguar is more commonly an
aspect of the moon. The jaguar is nocturnal and likes
to swim and fish, thus it is naturally linked with the
moon and the watery underworld. Thompson (1960 :
11, 107, 135) developed the now widely accepted notion that the sun at night is a jaguar associated with
the underworld. His strongest evidence for this association comes from the Kekchı́, who say that the
sun is xbalamque (jaguar sun), but there seems to
be no mention of a link with the night or the sun in
the underworld (Thompson 1967 : 32). Furthermore,
the same name may be applied to a manifestation
of the moon among the Quiché (Chapter 4; D. Tedlock 1985 : 368 –369). Another reason for ascribing a
jaguar nature to the Sun God are the spots on his
cheek, interpreted as jaguar markings (see Taube
1992b). However, the discussion presented above indicates that they are probably death spots (compare
Fig. 3.10e, f, j, k).
A Preclassic relief from Chalchuapa depicts the
Kin-marked Sun God holding a decapitated head
that may represent a jaguar (Taube 1992b, fig. 23e).
Here it is the Sun God who is the decapitator and the
jaguar is his victim. Rather than being a solar symbol, the decapitated jaguar head may symbolize the
moon as the ‘‘jaguar sun’’ (Chapter 4). The Sun God
decapitates the moon during a lunar eclipse in the
legend of Coyolxauhqui in central Mexico (Milbrath
1995a, 1997).
We can conclude that there is some link between
jaguars and solar imagery in the Maya area, but we
cannot be sure the jaguar represents the sun. Indeed,
Chapter 4 presents evidence that certain jaguar deities represent the moon. In some cases, the solar feline seems to be a puma. The Maya probably noted
that the golden color and diurnal cycle of the puma
was analogous to the sun, just as the nocturnal traits
of the jaguar and its coat spotted as if by stars evoked
the moon and the night.
HUNAHPU AND HUN AHAU
Hunahpu is the twin who becomes the sun at the end
of the story of the Hero Twins in the Popol Vuh. He
and his brother, Xbalanque, play ball with the lords
of the underworld, and when the Hero Twins die,
they are resurrected as the sun and the moon (D.
Tedlock 1985 : 160). Coe (1989 : 180) points out that
Hunahpu and Xbalanque are always mentioned in
that order, and because the sun is mentioned before
the moon in the description of the celestial transformation, it is reasonable to suppose that Hunahpu is
the sun and Xbalanque the moon. The order of these
events, with the sun transformed before the moon,
is the same as in Aztec legends (Sahagún 1950 –1982,
7 : 6). Clearly, the Hero Twins are ballplayers representing the sun and the moon in a celestial ball
game. At several points in the tale, they decapitate
each other in the underworld, a type of imagery that
suggests eclipse cycles (Chapter 4).
Thompson (1960 : 77, 87– 89, 219, fig. 11, nos.
17–29; 1970b : 234, 237, 367, 368) suggests conflicting identities for Hunahpu. The Popol Vuh says that
Hunahpu and Xbalanque were transformed into the
sun and the moon, but does not say which is which.
This uncertainty allows Thompson to suggest that
Hunahpu was transformed into the moon, an opinion not shared by other scholars. He sees this pattern
of a male moon as the result of Postclassic central
Mexican influence, and he suggests that Hunahpu
was originally the Morning Star in Classic Maya
HUNAHPU AND HUN AHAU
times. He notes that Ahau, meaning ‘‘lord’’ in a
number of Mayan languages, is connected with the
young Sun God, but when it occurs with the number
one, it becomes hun ahaw (Hun Ahau) in the lowlands, the counterpart of hun ahpu among the
Quiché in the highlands, a name linked with the
Morning Star. Thompson is clearly inconsistent, for
he also identifies Hunahpu as the youthful Sun God,
noting that the personified Ahau head is almost certainly Hunahpu as the young Sun God. He bases this
in part on the fact that Ahau is the counterpart for
the central Mexican day sign ‘‘flower’’ (Xochitl), under the patronage of Xochipilli, the young Sun God.
Xochipilli’s role as one of the Nine Lords of the
Night has been interpreted as that of the night sun,
in other words, an underworld sun. Hunahpu may
also play a similar role, for the major events in the
Popol Vuh take place in the underworld.
The Hero Twins play a role in agricultural fertility.
The twins plant maize stalks in their grandmother’s
house, saying that she should watch the plants as a
sign of their fate in the underworld. Later, when Hunahpu’s head is decapitated in the house of bats, the
creators make a false head for him, which drops
seeds when it is hit, permitting the plants to sprout.
The Hero Twins take the role of hunters at several
points in the tale, the best known being an episode
when they shoot down Vucub Caquix, a bird who
wanted to be the sun. Hun means ‘‘one,’’ and the
ahpu part in Hunahpu’s name means ‘‘hunter with
the blowgun’’ or ‘‘he with the blowgun,’’ a name
for the sun, according to Thompson (1970b : 234,
237). Dennis Tedlock (1985 : 341–342) translates
Hunahpu’s name as ‘‘1 Blowgunner.’’ Most scholars
identify Hunahpu with a Precolumbian god named
1 Ahau (Hun Ahau), known from both the Classic
and Postclassic periods.
Prior to their transformation into the Sun and the
Moon, Hunahpu and his twin brother are said to
‘‘control’’ the Morning Star (D. Tedlock 1985 : 342).
Today the Morning Star is named Junajpu (Hunahpu) among the modern Quiché (B. Tedlock
1992a : 28; 1992b : 180). Perhaps Hunahpu symbolizes both the Sun and the Morning Star because the
two are intimately linked when the Morning Star announces sunrise. Also, Venus and the Sun are often
97
positioned together during conjunction, an event
that recurs about every 260 days, the same interval
for repetitions of the day sign 1 Ahau, a day apparently linked with Hunahpu.
Coe (1989) identifies Hun Ahau (1 Ahau) as the
Classic and Postclassic counterpart of Hunahpu; and
he sees both as closely related solar beings. Taube
(1992b : 115) proposes that a new designation (God
S) be used for the Postclassic god with the Hun Ahau
title. A Postclassic version of Hun Ahau, enthroned
on page 50 of the Dresden Codex Venus pages, is
covered with death spots (Fig. 3.10e; Schele and
Miller 1986 : 51; Taube 1992b : 117). Here Hun Ahau
lacks the conventional spot on the cheek but has eye
markings similar to the spotted Headband Twin
who represents Hun Ahau in the Classic period
(Taube 1992b, fig. 61d). On Dresden Codex 2a, a
death-spotted god named Hun Ahau is bound as a
captive and decapitated, a feature also seen on a figure of Hun Ahau on Dresden 3a (Fig. 3.10d; Coe
1989 : 179; Taube 1992b : 115 –116). This recalls imagery of the twins decapitating each other in the
Popol Vuh, possibly an allusion to the eclipse cycle.
The connection is strengthened by the fact that the
Hun Ahau on Dresden Codex 2a wears a ball-game
belt, indicating that he takes the role of a ballplayer
like the Hero Twins. Taube (1992b : 116 –117) points
out that in the Dresden Codex and in ethnohistorical accounts, Hun Ahau is strongly identified with
death, sacrifice, and the underworld. Landa notes
that Hun Ahau is ‘‘Lucifer, prince of all the devils’’
and ruler of Metnal, the Maya underworld (Tozzer
1941 : 132). Thus Hun Ahau is a god of the underworld, apparently representing the underworld sun,
closely connected with the Morning Star as the herald
of the rising sun. The same associations with death
and the underworld are seen in the Classic period
Hun Ahau, for he wears death spots on his cheek.
Coe (1989 : 167–167) identifies the Classic period
Hun Ahau as the spotted Headband Twin. He bears
the name Hun Ahau (1 Ahau), written with the
number one and the T1000 Ahau sign (Fig. 3.10f ).
This T1000 variant, representing the phonetic ahaw,
is a head with a single large death spot on the cheek
(Fig. 3.10b – c). When the T1000 head is enclosed
in a cartouche, it functions as a day sign, just as a
98
PRECOLUMBIAN AND COLONIAL SOLAR IMAGES
HUNAHPU AND HUN AHAU
99
cartouche distinguishes Ahau when it is used as a day
sign (Fig. 3.10a, i; Thompson 1960, fig. 11, nos. 17–
29). There are also full-figure variants of the day sign
Ahau with attributes of the spotted Headband Twin
(Fig. 3.10h).
Monumental depictions of Hun Ahau are rare.
Unlike Kinich Ahau, Hun Ahau has human features,
and sometimes he wears a ball-game belt, indicating
he is a ballplayer like the Hero Twins (Fig. 3.10g).
On the central ball-court marker of Copán, the ballplayer on the left, named Hun Ahau, is the Classic period counterpart of Hunahpu (Schele 1987a; Schele
and Miller 1986 : 251–252). His companion, the God
of Zero, may be a lunar deity (Chapter 4).
A cave painting at Naj Tunich also represents Hun
Ahau as a ballplayer (Fig. 3.10j). Stone (1995b : 151,
fig. 6-44) suggests that Hunahpu (Hun Ahau) plays
with a ball symbolizing his brother Xbalanque, because the mural shows Hunahpu with a ball bearing
the number nine, evoking Xbalanque as the personification of the number nine. Coe (1989 : 171) identifies the ballplayer as Hunahpu wearing death spots
on his cheek and a straw hunter’s hat appropriate to
the role of a blowgunner. Here Hun Ahau has a cluster of four cheek spots that resemble the markings
on his garment, which are usually interpreted as jaguar spots but could also represent death spots, reinforcing his role as the underworld sun, hidden in a
cave. The hat is linked with Hunahpu’s role as a
hunter, but it also may carry a solar significance, for
the yellow straw brim could be a metaphorical image
of the solar rays surrounding his face.
Tikal Stela 31 depicts the ruler Stormy Sky (K’awil
Chaan) in the guise of the spotted Headband Twin,
Hun Ahau, according to Taube (1992b : 119), who
notes that he has Hun Ahau’s eye and mouth elements, and a similar death aspect seen in the crest of
bones on his head (Fig. 3.7b). Andrea Stone (personal communication 1996) points out that he bears
a death spot at the crook of his elbow. The fact that
Curl Snout appears overhead in the guise of Kinich
Ahau confirms that Hun Ahau plays a different role
than the Sun God, although he appears to be closely
connected with the Sun. In this image, the ruler
as Hun Ahau may be an earthly aspect of the Sun
closely linked with the Morning Star. Perhaps he is
destined to be transformed into the Sun, like his father before him. The Initial Series date (9.0.10.0.0;
10/16/445) corresponds to a time when Venus had
just completed its retrograde and was near its maximum brilliance as the Morning Star (usually reached
about two weeks after the second stationary point).
Perhaps Stormy Sky is compared to Venus at its
greatest brilliance, second only to the Sun, paying
homage to his deified solar father.
Ceramic vessels depict Hun Ahau in roles characteristic of the Hero Twins in the Popol Vuh. A
scene on one pot shows Hun Ahau, wearing a straw
hunter’s hat, aiming his blowgun at a bird on a tree
(Fig. 3.10k). Francis Robicsek and Donald Hales
FIG. 3.10. a: Classic versions of day sign Ahau (after
Thompson 1960, fig. 10, nos. 51, 57).
b: Hun Ahau (1 Ahau), written with T1000 head variant of Ahau sign, representing Classic name of spotted
Headband Twin (after Taube 1992b, fig. 60b).
c: T1000 Ahau head with death spot on cheek and
Chicchan marking on brow (detail of Classic vase; after
Taube 1992b, fig. 60c).
d: Decapitated figure of spotted Headband Twin bearing name Hun Ahau (Postclassic Dresden Codex 2a; after
Taube 1992b, fig. 60d).
e: Hun Ahau covered with death spots and Chicchan
variant of Ahau name glyph (Postclassic Dresden Codex
50; after Taube 1992b, fig. 60e).
f: Spotted Headband Twin with Hun Ahau name (Late
Classic vase; after Taube 1992b, fig. 58d).
g: Hun Ahau as ballplayer on left; to right is God of
Zero with his lunar-rabbit handstone (Classic ball-court
marker at Copán; after Schele and Miller 1986, pl. 102).
h: Spotted Headband Twin (Hun Ahau) as full-figure
variant of day sign Ahau (after Coe 1989, fig. 6).
i: Spotted Headband Twin (Hun Ahau) as head variant
of day sign Ahau (after Coe 1989, fig. 6).
j: Hun Ahau as ballplayer (cave painting at Naj Tunich;
after Stone 1995b, fig. 6-44).
k: Hun Ahau wearing straw hunter’s hat and aiming his
blowgun at bird on tree; tree, scorpion, and rattlesnake all
represent constellations (after Coe 1989, fig. 10).
100
PRECOLUMBIAN AND COLONIAL SOLAR IMAGES
(1982 : 56 –57, no. 20) identify the scene as a specific
episode from the Popol Vuh when Hunahpu (Hun
Ahau) shoots the bird Vucub Caquix in a nance tree,
an interpretation that has gained wide acceptance
(Coe 1989 : 169). Hun Ahau as a hunter may embody
the early dawn hours, the optimal time for hunting,
according to the Maya. Hun Ahau also wears a headband beneath his hunter’s hat, the insignia of the
Headband Twins. The headband itself seems to be
an insignia of ballplayers (Chapter 6).
Hun Ahau, the spotted Headband Twin, is sometimes paired with his jaguar-spotted twin on painted
ceramics. The Headband Twins are the Classic period counterparts of Hunahpu and Xbalanque (Coe
1973, 1978b), discussed in greater detail in Chapter 4. The Headband Twins wear the same headband
knotted at the back, but they have different headdress ornaments and body markings (Fig. 3.11a–b).
Death spots mark the Hun Ahau twin, and the jaguar
spots appear on the jaguar twin. Sometimes even this
distinction is blurred, as on the Blom plate (Coe
1989, fig. 12).
Another pot, known as Princeton 8, shows Hun
Ahau aiming his blowgun at a reclining vulture
(Fig. 3.11c; Coe 1978b : 58 – 60, no. 8). Here Hun
Ahau wears a headband without the straw hunter’s
hat. The scene has been interpreted as a representation of a folktale that tells how the Sun God retrieved
his wife, the Moon Goddess, when he made King
Vulture fall asleep by shooting him with a blowgun
(Braakhuis 1987 : 246).
A pot known as Princeton 16 may represent Hun
Ahau wearing a straw hunter’s hat as he sits in a quatrefoil cave (Coe 1978b : 108, no. 16). Although Coe
does not identify the figure in the straw hat, he
points out a lunar companion, the young Moon
Goddess with her characteristic lunar crescent. This
would seem to show the underworld sun and the
moon in close proximity. The context of the cave
suggests that Hun Ahau may be the sun about to
emerge from the underworld.
Hun Ahau performs bloodletting in some ceramic
paintings. On a pot from Huehuetenango, he is
among a triad of gods shown in the act of drawing
blood from the penis (Coe 1989, fig. 17). Another
pot shows him enthroned on a Cauac symbol, holding a bloodletter shaped like a deity head (the Perforator God; Coe 1989 : 173, fig. 18).
We can conclude that Hun Ahau and his later
manifestation, Hunahpu, seem to be linked with the
Morning Star in the dawn sky before sunrise and
with the underworld sun. Whereas Kinich Ahau is
the sun up in the sky, Hun Ahau may symbolize the
sun in its nightly journey or the sun prior to its
transformation into the sun of this age, just as Hunahpu in the Popol Vuh became the sun only after
he had passed through the underworld and had been
killed by the lords of death. Hun Ahau has nocturnal
and death associations, most notable in the death
spots. As a ballplayer, he takes part in a celestial ball
game that also involves his twin brother, the moon.
Hunahpu is solar, but as the sun of a previous world
age or the underworld sun, he may be merged with
the Morning Star.
FIG. 3.11. a: Headband Twins, representing sun and
c: Puma aspect of sun with Chac holding axe and God
D on po (‘‘moon’’) throne; second vignette shows Hun
Ahau shooting vulture with blowgun (Late Classic Maya
vase; after Braakhuis 1987, fig. 1).
moon, pull Maize God up from crack in turtle shell (Late
Classic vessel; after Hellmuth 1987, fig. 438).
b: Hero Twins, Hun Ahau and Yax Balam; Yax Balam,
at right, pours water on Maize God (Hun Nal), who
sprouts from turtle shell (Late Classic Resurrection plate;
after Taube 1988a, fig. 8b).
GIII: THE SUN AS THE
MIDDLE BROTHER
The most intriguing solar deity of the Late Classic
Maya is one of the three brothers referred to in seventh-century dynastic sculpture at Palenque. GIII is
generally accepted as the Palenque version of the
Maya Sun God. His name incorporates the Kin glyph
(Fig. 3.9g; Lounsbury 1985; 1991 : 813). The analysis presented here confirms Kelley’s (1965) initial
conclusion that GIII represents the underworld sun,
GIII: THE SUN AS THE MIDDLE BROTHER
101
102
PRECOLUMBIAN AND COLONIAL SOLAR IMAGES
a finding supported by other scholars (Robertson
1991 : 43). GIII is probably similar to Hunahpu of
the Popol Vuh; however, being one of three siblings,
he belongs to a different mythic complex than that
recorded in the tale of the Hero Twins.
Scholars designate the Palenque Triad as GI, GII,
and GIII because the texts often list them in this order, but their birth order is different. As the second
born in the Palenque Triad, GIII parallels the role
of the Sun God as the second born in the modern
Mopan tale (Thompson 1930 : 120 –123). The eldest
brother in this tale is Venus, corresponding to GI.
This correlation is intriguing because independent
lines of evidence have led Schele and Freidel (1990 :
245) to conclude that GI is Venus and GIII is the
Sun. The youngest brother is GII, the same birth order ascribed to a monkey character who is Mars or
Jupiter in one Mopan account. The uncertain identity of the younger brother may reflect a loss of
knowledge about the superior planets in modern
times (Chapter 1). Apparently, the Mopan tale preserves a story of three celestial brothers that goes
back to around a.d. 700 at Palenque. This triad
may be known beyond Palenque, for Proskouriakoff
(1978 : 116) notes that the ‘‘3-god indicator’’ appears
at Caracol and at Tikal in the time of transition between the Early Classic and Late Classic periods. She
suggests they represent three matrilineal clans associated with heavenly ancestors.
GIII’s birthday (1.18.5.3.6 13 Cimi) corresponds
to a time when a lunar eclipse could have occurred,
because it coincides with the day of the full moon on
11/12/2360 b.c. (O.S.). It is possible that his birthday
in November alludes to a seasonal aspect of the sun.
In terms of parallel, it is intriguing that Huitzilopochtli’s birthday was also celebrated around the
same time of year, at the beginning of the dry season
in November, and his birth may coincide with a lunar eclipse (Milbrath 1980a, 1995a, 1997).
A solar title used for GIII may refer to the underworld sun. Dennis Tedlock (1991 : 168 n. 6; 1992 :
264) proposes that GIII is the eclipsed sun or the
underworld sun. Certain details of Tedlock’s interpretation are questionable, such as the link he makes
between GIII and Xbalanque, but it seems certain
that he is right about GIII’s aspect as the underworld
sun. GIII appears to be closely linked with Hunahpu
through a name pattern that incorporates Hun Ahau.
GIII is named mah k’ina, meaning ‘‘great sun’’
(Lounsbury 1985 : 49, figs. 2a– e; Schele 1992b : 157).
This name is followed by a T239 Ahau face with a
spot on the cheek, resembling the T1000 Ahau variant
representing the spotted Headband Twin, suggesting
a link with the underworld sun (Fig. 3.9g). Lounsbury
(1985 : 51) reads this compound (T239.594[:130]) as
‘‘lord sun,’’ but Coe (1989 : 168) questions his reading of the woven mat sign (T594). Kelley (1976 : 6)
interprets T239 as xib (youth) and T594 (a checkerboard design) as balba (shield), indicating that GIII’s
name should be read as ‘‘Lord of Xibalba.’’ It seems
therefore that GIII has an underworld connection,
because this name could refer to the sun at night, an
underworld sun.
A rare glyph at E4 in the texts of the Temple of the
Inscriptions may represent GIII as a cross-eyed figure with a Roman nose, a T-shaped central tooth,
and a mouth volute—all features that evoke the Sun
God (Fig. 3.9g(6); Lounsbury 1985). In place of the
Kin markings, the figure has a mirror on his brow. A
face like that of the GIII portrait glyph appears at
both ends of an earth band in the central panel of
the Temple of the Sun at Palenque (Robertson 1991,
fig. 95). This face, possibly another image of GIII,
can be distinguished from the simian faces with mirror markings that alternate with Caban glyphs on the
earth band itself. The crouching figure to the left,
previously discussed as a solar deity with mirror
markings, may also depict GIII (Fig. 3.6b). The fact
that this figure is positioned on an earth band may
indicate that he is an earthly or underworld sun.
We can conclude that GIII is a specialized aspect
of the Sun belonging to a mythic tradition that
names the Sun as the middle child in a family of
three celestial brothers. Best known from Palenque,
the tradition was certainly once widespread, for it
survives today among the Mopan. GIII may be represented with a mirror brow in one glyphic expression of his name, but more often he is named with
an Ahau variant referring to the spotted Headband
Twin. The associated Kin glyph indicates a solar con-
THE SUN IN THE PRECOLUMBIAN MAYA WORLDVIEW
text, and a glyph with a checkerboard design may
refer to the underworld. Such names suggest that
GIII may be related to Hun Ahau as an underworld
aspect of the Sun closely linked with Venus.
THE SUN IN THE PRECOLUMBIAN
MAYA WORLDVIEW
Solar orientations in architecture emphasize certain
seasonal positions of the sun, especially equinoxes,
solstices, and solar zeniths. Orientations that anticipate these events may involve a count of Uinals or
lunar months. Some orientations reflect a division of
the year into segments of 105 and 260 days that
probably synchronized the Tzolkin and the solar
cycle.
Animal images symbolizing the sun are not all
that common. In the Postclassic period, the red macaw carrying fire represents the noon sun, Kinich
Kakmo, known from the Colonial period. A solar
hummingbird appears in the Classic period, an image that survives in modern folktales. In some contexts, a puma may represent the golden sun crossing
the daytime sky, whereas the jaguar takes the role either of the sun at night or of its close counterpart,
the moon.
In Postclassic imagery, the sun travels along a
cord, a metaphorical image of its ecliptical path.
Other images evoke the symbolism of the solar rays
and the color of the sun. The Sun God’s beard suggests the rays of the sun, as described in Colonial
period accounts. The Kin sign relates the sun to a
flower, most probably the red plumeria (Plumeria
rubra) mentioned in Colonial period sources. In
Classic and Postclassic times, the Kin sign marks the
body of the Sun God. A Classic period god with a
mirror brow may be an image of the shiny aspect of
the sun related to modern Maya images of the sun as
a mirror.
The Classic period god of the daytime sun is Kinich Ahau or Ahau Kin, the lord of the number four,
alluding to the four horizon positions of the sun
traced out by the rising and setting sun at the solstices. The Sun God of the Maya is lord of time and
103
space, linked especially with the east and west in cosmic diagrams. The sun also takes the overhead position of the noonday sun or the seasonal zenith in
certain representations, such as the Pomona Flare.
Some aspects of the Sun God show him as aged, perhaps as a seasonal metaphor for the sun aging over
the course of a day or the solar year. His crossed eyes
reflect Maya aesthetics of beauty. Kinich Ahau, the
Sun God so prevalent on monumental sculpture of
the Classic Maya, is relatively rare in painted ceramics, perhaps because the ceramics are more often
concerned with underworld imagery.
Classic period ceramics seem to focus especially
on a death-spotted solar god known as Hun Ahau
or the spotted Headband Twin. He often wears a
broad-brimmed straw hat that probably depicts a corona of solar rays around his face. An underworld
context is suggested by death spots and an association with caves. Hun Ahau’s image on monumental
sculpture is usually confined to glyphs depicting
Ahau variants and to some rare representations of
the Hun Ahau ballplayer. His counterpart in sculptures of Palenque may be GIII of the Palenque Triad,
apparently representing the underworld sun born in
mythical times into a family with astronomical siblings representing planets. The Ahau glyph in GIII’s
name has the face of Hun Ahau, the counterpart of
Hunahpu.
In the Popol Vuh, Hunahpu plays the role of a
hunter and a ballplayer in the underworld pitted
against the lords of death in Xibalba. Classic Maya
imagery shows Hun Ahau wearing a ball-game belt
and shooting his blowgun, confirming roles seen in
the Popol Vuh. A connection with the Morning Star
is implied by modern Quiché accounts linking Hunahpu (Junajpu) to the Morning Star. The frequent
conjunctions of the Sun and Venus, separated by approximately the same interval that separates repetitions of the day 1 Ahau (Hun Ahau), may have inspired imagery that links Hunahpu to both the Sun
and the Morning Star.
Changes in solar imagery over time are notable.
One clear difference is that the cult of solar ancestors
seems to disappear in the Postclassic period. And although Hun Ahau is fairly common in Classic times,
104
PRECOLUMBIAN AND COLONIAL SOLAR IMAGES
he seems to be quite rare in the Postclassic period,
represented primarily in a deity recently identified as
God S. God G, the aged Sun God, is the more prominent manifestation of the sun in the codices. God G
is closely tied to seasonal ceremonies involving the
year’s end, indicating a focus on the 365-day calen-
dar. Hun Ahau belongs to a different tradition, one
that focuses on mythological time and the role of the
sun before it emerged in the current world age. Such
transformations in solar imagery over time no doubt
reflects changes in religious beliefs and political systems over the centuries.
4
PRECOLUMBIAN AND COLONIAL PERIOD
LUNAR IMAGES AND DEITIES
There are countless different images of the moon because the moon is constantly
changing. Many of these images are expressed in a metaphorical context. The importance of metaphor in recording observations of natural history in Mesoamerica
has been noted by a number of scholars. This chapter explores images of the moon
that may be based on observations of the lunar season and the moon’s phases, position, and motion.
Eric Thompson’s (1939) seminal study concluded that a number of beliefs about
the Moon Goddess were shared by the Maya and the people of central Mexico: she
was a wife of the sun or the sun’s mother or grandmother; she was also a patroness
of weaving, divination, pregnancy, childbirth, sexual license, the earth, crops, and
water. He explored these associations in subsequent publications and also determined that a youthful goddess was associated with the waxing moon, while an aging
goddess represented the waning moon. The analysis presented here and in my previous publications on the Moon Goddess supports many of his interpretations and
provides further elaboration through study of naming patterns and ethnographic
analogy. His interpretation of the lunar complex among the Precolumbian Maya
does require substantial modifications in some respects. He concluded that there
was only a weak link between the Maya moon deity and water, but it is clear that the
connection is in fact quite strong. Thompson also failed to explore a rather consistent relationship between the Moon Goddess and serpents. He also underplayed the
role of masculine imagery in the lunar complex, suggesting that instances of a male
Moon God were the result of central Mexican influence in the Maya area. In fact,
male lunar imagery seems intrinsically Maya and is closely connected with ball playing and the maize complex.
The moon seems to be exceptionally important among the Precolumbian Maya,
but its role is too often overlooked by scholars. This chapter draws extensively on
my previous studies exploring images of lunar phases and seasonal aspects of the
moon (Milbrath 1995a, 1996). In these studies, I conclude that in the Postclassic
codices weaving goddesses relate to the dry season, and water-pouring goddesses to
the rainy season. The youthful goddesses seem to depict the moon from first appearance through the full moon, whereas the aged goddesses represent the waning
moon through the new moon, a phase sometimes represented by an eclipse monster. The cult of the aged goddesses seems most highly developed in the Postclassic
period, especially at sites like Tulum, facing the sea to the east, where the waning
moon disappears into the waters of the underworld. This chapter also presents
106
LUNAR IMAGES AND DEITIES
new interpretations of Classic period jaguar imagery, linking a number of different jaguar deities to
the moon, including the Jaguar Paddler, the Waterlily Jaguar, and possibly the Jaguar War God, also
known as the Jaguar God of the Underworld.
I begin the chapter with the moon’s role in the
Preconquest calendar. There follows a section on
eclipses and one on the moon symbol in various
forms and contexts. The next sections treat animal
images of the moon. The remaining sections focus
on various lunar deities as manifestations of different
aspects of the moon, especially those that show celestial positions, lunar phases, and seasons.
LUNAR CALENDARS
According to Landa, the Yucatec Maya had a year of
365 days and six hours ‘‘as perfect as our own,’’
which was divided into two kinds of months, one a
20-day festival ‘‘month’’ and the other a true month
of 30 days. Probably the latter alternated between
29 and 30 days because Landa says ‘‘they called
each month V [u], which means moon, and they
counted it from the time it came out new until it
did not appear’’ (Tozzer 1941 : 133). Here ‘‘new’’ refers to the first crescent, which apparently represented the beginning of the month. As we will see,
the Classic Maya may have counted the beginning
of the month from different starting points at different sites.
The core of the lunar calendar is the synodic lunar
month tracking the changing lunar phases. Searching the Colonial period Yucatec dictionaries, Weldon
Lamb (1981 : 238, 246 –248) found a number of
different names for the lunar phases. The phrase
‘‘within the earth is the moon’’ commonly refers
to the moon in conjunction. ‘‘Serpent-fang moon’’
(dzay can u) and ‘‘child moon’’ (paal u) refer to the
first crescent moon, while ‘‘fat moon’’ (nuc u) is
the name for the waxing moon. The full moon is the
‘‘old moon’’ or the ‘‘ear of maize moon’’ (yiih [u]) in
the Motul dictionary.
Lunar reckonings are clearly important in the
Postclassic Venus table of the Dresden Codex, which
refers to intervals associated with the synodic lunar
months (Chapter 5). The sidereal lunar month of
271⁄3 days may also have been important in astronomical calendars, such as the one on Paris Codex
23 –24 (Chapter 7).
The lunar table of the Dresden Codex (51–58) focuses on eclipse cycles involving the sun and the
moon (Pl. 3). The table probably was applied primarily to eclipse prediction, as we will see in the
upcoming discussion. The relationship between the
Tzolkin and the lunar month was built into a cycle
of approximately thirty-three years in the Dresden
Codex eclipse table (11,960 days 5 46 3 260 5 405
lunations). This allowed Maya astronomers to predict the new moon with an error of no more than a
day, resulting in a lunar month of 29.5308642 days
(Aveni 1980 : 169). The table also incorporates lunar
intervals registered in an inscription of 19.4.19 that
totals 6,939 days (235 lunations), a close approximation of nineteen tropical years, the metonic cycle
that brings the solar year and lunar cycle into renewed alignment (Berlin 1977 : 75). For example, a
full moon on the summer solstice would be seen
again nineteen years later. Their use of the metonic
cycle indicates that the Maya were interested in the
seasonal position of eclipses.
Evidence for the metonic cycle on Copán Stela A is
associated with a text naming the Sun God (T1010)
and the Moon Goddess (C7–D7; Pl. 20). Pairing
their names in this fashion recalls couplets in the
Chilam Balam of Tizimin that say k’inil-uil, meaning
‘‘the period of the sun, the period of the moon’’ (Edmonson 1982b : 264 n. 10). As noted in Chapter 1,
the contemporary Maya often pair the sun and the
moon. On Stela A the pairing seems to refer to the
sun and the full moon, for the Initial Series date of
9.14.19.8.0 12 Ahau 18 Cumku (1/28/731) falls on
the full moon, and it is followed by the date 4 Ahau
18 Muan (9.14.19.5.0; 11/29/730), also the day of the
full moon (a date recorded on Stela H). The Calendar Round 4 Ahau 18 Muan at E2 –F2 may refer to
the metonic cycle, because it is 9.15.0 days (6,940
days) after the Katun ending 9.14.0.0.0 6 Ahau (a
date not given in the text). As Heinrich Berlin (1977 :
75 –76) notes, this interval gives a value close to
the solar year (365.263 days) and the lunar month
(29.532 days).
Martha Macri proposes that basic units of the
LUNAR CALENDARS
Classic Maya calendar involve counts of 13, 9, and 7
days that combine to produce a lunar count (Macri
and Beattie 1996). The 13-day period of the waxing
moon is linked with the personified numbers one
through thirteen, including many that represent lunar deities (Macri 1982). Adding 7 days takes the
count through the waning quarter and completes
the cycle of twenty personified numbers; adding the
9-day cycle (Glyphs G1–G9) brings the lunar month
to a close at the time of the new moon. These intervals are found on monuments with Initial Series inscriptions that record a repeating cycle of thirteen
numbers in the Tzolkin dates and the Supplementary Series cycle of 7 days and another of 9 days,
similar to the nine lords of the night in central Mexico (Justeson 1989 : 77–79; Thompson 1960 : 208 –
212; 1978 :17–18). In rare instances, the three cycles
are combined in an 819-day cycle that reflects the
least common multiple of the numbers seven, nine,
and thirteen. The cycle of 9 days, a standard feature
of the Supplementary Series, also forms a long cycle
that does not repeat for 468 years (9 3 52), when
combined with the 52-year Calendar Round.
In 1915, Sylvanus Morley published the first extensive study of the Supplementary Series, designating letters to identify different glyphs in the series
(Glyphs A–G, and X, Y, and Z; cited in Aveni 1980 :
161–171). When referring only to the lunar data,
scholars tend to use the term Lunar Series (Berlin
1977 : 69). John Teeple (1930 : 51, 63) first recognized
that Glyph A of the Lunar Series gives the length of
the current lunar month, and he also realized that
Glyphs D and E record the age of the moon. Glyph
A with a coefficient of nine or ten indicates whether
the month is counted as twenty-nine or thirty days
long (Fig. 4.1k, right). It usually is a moon sign with
a dot in the center (T683a), but sometimes a moon
face or another variable element may take its place,
and the number ten can be represented by a skeletal
face (Fig. 4.1d). Glyph D has a numeral coefficient
of up to nineteen to show the actual age of the moon
when it is less that twenty days old. It is usually
represented by T683a, sometimes combined with a
hand pointing a finger (Fig. 4.1f, right); an amphibian face may be substituted for T683a or, more
rarely, a simian face (Fig. 4.1f, left). Possibly this pat-
107
tern of substitution indicates months counted from
different starting points. Glyph E, a T683a moon
sign sometimes stylized as a human face, represents
the moon age when it is twenty days or more, the
number of days being indicated by coefficients of
zero to nine (Fig. 4.1g). When paired with Glyph
E, Glyph D does not carry a numerical coefficient.
Glyph D accompanies Glyph E in a Piedras Negras
inscription that shows Glyph E with the number
seven, indicating the twenty-seventh day of the
month, and Glyph A with the number nine to indicate that the month is counted as twenty-nine nine
days long (Fig. 4.1k). Anthony Aveni (1980 : 163)
notes that when Glyph E and Glyph D are seen together without coefficients, a new moon is implied.
Some variants of Glyph D are almost identical to
Glyph E, and this presents a problem in distinguishing the two, as can be seen when comparing Glyph
D, representing a moon age of nine days (9D), and
Glyph E, representing a moon age of twenty-six days
(6E; Fig. 4.1f–g).
The Lunar Series also includes Glyph C, which
counts the number of a specific lunation in a cycle of
six moons (177 days) known as a ‘‘lunar semester.’’
Glyph C is a compound with a flat hand and a moon
sign with three dots in the center (the T683b glyph)
combined with a third element, a deity portrait head
that has three variants, indicating three different lunar semesters in an eighteen-month cycle used to
predict eclipses (Fig. 4.1e; Justeson 1989 : 87– 88, 91;
Linden 1996). John Justeson points out that from a.d.
350 to about a.d. 687 (9.12.15.0.0) at least five different systems of counting the lunations were used, including two different notations for numbering the
moons in a set of six lunations. Most centers used a
relatively simple system of moon numbers, with the
majority following the pattern of enumerating current months seen at Tikal; but around the Usumacinta area, the Maya chose to count elapsed months,
resulting in numbers smaller by one than those of
Tikal. The so-called period of uniformity is actually
not a single period, but involves several different
periods and different core areas with variant numbering systems for Glyph C. The best-known uniform number system is the one Teeple identified
in the period from around 9.12.15.0.0 to 9.16.5.0.0
LUNAR CALENDARS
109
(a.d. 756), when Copán introduced an occasional
five-month cycle (148 days) in the Lunar Series (Aveni 1980 : 163 –164, 169 –170). Between a.d. 687 and
756, Maya cities used the same group of six lunations, so that across the region a date of 9.15.5.0.0
has the inscription 2C. Heinrich Berlin (1977 : 70)
extends the period of uniformity to 9.16.10.0.0, noting that this date is associated with an inscription of
1C throughout the Maya area. This seems significant
because it is the date of the new moon in the 584,283
correlation, and Glyph C is now known to be part of
a cycle used for tracking eclipses.
Some of the more enigmatic Lunar Series glyphs
may be connected with the lunar calendar. Glyph X,
also part of the Lunar Series, is part of an eighteenmonth lunar calendar linked with Glyph C, which
records the semesters in an eighteen-month eclipse
cycle (Fig. 4.1h; Linden 1986, 1996). When a fivemonth semester was used, the cycle was apparently
reduced to seventeen months (Justeson 1989 : 90 –
91). The twelve different forms of Glyph X may
function as month names, since they lack numeral
coefficients. For example, Copán Stela A has a variant of Glyph X featuring a Kan cross at A8 (Pl. 20).
FIG. 4.1. a: T181 as postfix, variously interpreted as phonetic sign or indicator of past tense or passive voice,
clearly refers to moon in Lunar Series Glyph C (see
Fig. 4.1e).
b: Classic moon glyphs in three variants: T683a (left)
used for number 20, T683b (center) used phonetically and
as symbol for moon, and T683c (right) of unknown
meaning.
c: Postclassic moon symbol (T682), commonly used
for number 20 but also in lunar-eclipse imagery.
d: Lunar Glyph A (T683a) symbolizing number 20
with coefficient of ten (here personified as skeletal face),
indicating month is counted as thirty days; moon face replaces T683a in Glyph A on right.
e: Three deity-head variants of Glyph C record different six-month semesters (177 days) in sequence of eighteen months used for eclipse prediction; each has coefficient of two, indicating second month in their respective
semesters (after Thompson 1960; fig. 36).
f: Glyph D variants of moon age, each bearing different
numeral coefficient showing age of moon during first
twenty days; variants of main sign may show lunar month
was counted from different starting points (after Thompson 1960, figs. 36 –37).
g: Two variants of Glyph E, with T683a moon sign on
left and moon face on right, representing moon age when
it is twenty days or older with added numeral coefficient
giving number of days beyond twenty: 6E equals 26 days
and 3E equals 23 days (after Thompson 1960, figs. 36 –
37).
h: Variants of Glyph X are keyed to eighteen-month
numbering cycle expressed by Glyph C (after Thompson
1960, fig. 36).
i: Lunar glyphs as Classic Initial Series introductory
glyphs for month Chen (after Thompson 1960, fig. 22,
nos. 44 – 46).
j: Postclassic T1026 ‘‘moon lady’’ prefixed by T171,
which may mean ‘‘moon,’’ adding emphasis to her lunar
quality.
k: Late Classic lunar inscription from Piedras Negras
Stela 3 showing twenty-seventh day of lunar month (7E
and D), second lunar month of six-month semester in
eighteen-month cycle (2C and X), and month counted at
twenty-nine days (9 A) (Piedras Negras Stela 3; after
Thompson 1960, fig. 36, nos. 25 –28).
l: Early Classic variant of T683b associated with northern direction in Rı́o Azul Tomb 12 (after Bricker 1988a,
fig. 1).
m: Moon Goddess with her moon symbol and fish in
Late Classic Initial Series introductory glyph for month
Chen (Copán Stela D; after Thompson 1960, fig. 23,
no. 37).
n: Classic Maya glyph compound for birth is T740 with
lunar postfix (T181).
o: Moon face (T682) appears on tin disk in Early Postclassic offering (Cenote of Sacrifice at Chichén Itzá; after
Tozzer 1957, fig. 277a).
p: Rayed moon disk with shell framed by horseshoeshaped lunar symbol (Postclassic Codex Nuttall 19).
q: Rabbit in center of T181 lunar glyph, possibly referring to rabbit on surface of moon (Late Classic Tablet of
96 Glyphs, Palenque; after Schele and Miller 1983,
fig. 18a).
r: Late Classic variant of Palenque emblem glyph incorporating skeletal rabbit head (T1045) as lunar symbol
(after Schele 1977, fig. 4.5c).
s: Late Classic variant of Palenque emblem glyph depicting heron (T793a), also used in name for ancestral
Moon Goddess at Palenque (after Schele 1977, fig. 4.5b).
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LUNAR IMAGES AND DEITIES
Justeson notes that any given form of Glyph X only
occurs with two moon numbers, and with any given
moon number associated with Glyph C, only two
possible variants of Glyph X occur (Teeple 1930 : 61–
62). Glyph X must be studied on a site-by-site basis
because there is so much variability in the moon
number system at different centers.
The meanings of some glyphs in the Supplementary Series are not as well understood. Previous
research had suggested that Glyphs Y and Z represented dawn and the night (Aveni 1980 : 165).
More recent studies suggest that these glyphs may
be linked with the 819-day count (Justeson 1989 : 78,
103 –104). Glyph Y, which has T739 as its main
sign, is a rare and enigmatic glyph in the Supplementary Series that involves coefficients numbering two
through six (A6; Pl. 20). Justeson points out that if
the 819-day count was used to record the behavior
of planets, Glyph Y may hold the key to understanding how they tracked the planets. Glyph Z, formerly
identified as a separate glyph, is now understood to
be simply a numeral coefficient of Glyph Y, essentially an elaborate spelling of the numeral five (Justeson 1989 : 103; Linden 1996).
Glyph F of the Supplementary Series, another
enigmatic glyph, is never used without Glyph G,
which records the cycle of nine days (Thompson
1960 : 212, fig. 34). Glyph F has symbolic forms that
resemble a tied knot or a jaguar skin, and a head
form that shows considerable variety.
Inscriptions recorded on Classic period monuments indicate that the Maya were able to calculate
the length of the month with considerable accuracy.
Based on research by Teeple, it has been understood
that dates recorded at Palenque give an interval of
81 synodic lunar months (6.11.12), indicating an
average lunar month of 29.53086 days, very close
to the true length of the month (29.53059 days; Aveni 1980 : 169). However, you will not actually find
the interval 6.11.12 recorded at Palenque; as Berlin
(1977 : 71–72) points out, the number 6.11.12 is implied in the recorded interval of 1.13.4.0, or 11,960
days, equaling 405 lunations (5 3 6.11.12). Teeple
also suggests that a formula of 12.4.0, or 149 synodic
months of 29.53020 days, was used during the period of uniformity at Copán, but Berlin cautions that
he derived this by inventing a date (7.1.13.15.0) for
Altar I.
Regional differences in the beginning point of the
lunar month are clearly evident. There is a spread
of about seven days in the calculated age of the moon
in different Maya inscriptions. Linton Satterthwaite
(1967 : 142, 152) concluded that variant systems were
in place at different centers, with Yaxchilán and Piedras Negras using a different zero date than Quiriguá. The 584,283 correlation adopted by Thompson
(1960 : 236, 310) in his later work would indicate
that usually the Maya reckoned their months from
the disappearance of the old moon or conjunction.
Thompson seems to favor a count from the disappearance of the moon, the method of counting that
is still current in some Tzeltal, Chol, and Tzotzil
villages of Chiapas. Perhaps there were different lunar glyphs used to designate different starting points
for counting the lunar month. David Kelley (1976 :
35) suggests that the Glyph D variant with a hand
and T181 should be counted from last visibility,
whereas the variant with an amphibian face known
as the ‘‘upended frog’’ (T740) marks a count beginning with the first visible crescent (4D and 10D in
Fig. 4.1f ).
The Classic Maya may have timed dynastic rituals by lunar observations made in conjunction with
the solar calendar. For example, Floyd Lounsbury
(1989) notes that Chan Bahlum’s heir-designation
date at Palenque falls on the new moon just prior to
the summer solstice. Only the 584,285 correlation
provides this link with the astronomical new moon;
shifting to the 584,283 correlation would indicate
an observation of the last crescent before the summer solstice. Since the last crescent may be the beginning of the lunar month, it still could be astronomically significant. As we will see, there are many
other astronomical events that correlate with the
heir-designation dates (Chapters 6 and 7).
We have only scratched the surface of the lunar
calendar among the Precolumbian Maya. It is clear
that a number of different lunar counts existed simultaneously, and some lunar cycles can be traced
back to the Preclassic period (Justeson 1989 : 79, 87).
By the Classic period, the Lunar Series included information about the current lunar phase (Glyphs D
COLONIAL AND POSTCLASSIC ECLIPSE IMAGERY
and E), the length of the current or previous lunar
month (Glyph A), and the position of the lunar
month in the lunar half-year or semester (Glyph C).
The length of the lunar month was calculated with
precision, as seen in sets of five and six months used
in eclipse predictions. In both Classic and Postclassic
times, the Maya recorded cycles of 405 months, and
probably also understood the metonic cycle of 235
lunations.
COLONIAL AND POSTCLASSIC
ECLIPSE IMAGERY
Eclipse prediction was especially important in the
Early Postclassic period (a.d. 900/1000 –1250), but
by the Late Postclassic and Colonial periods this
knowledge may have been lost. Some Colonial period accounts of eclipses seem to show an understanding that the position of the moon relative to the
sun is what causes eclipses, but the majority speak of
a monster devouring the sun or the moon. Eclipse
demons in the Ritual of the Bacabs include a snake,
a lizard, and a scorpion (Roys 1965 : 31, 134; Lamb
n.d.a). The Chilam Balam of Chumayel describes an
eclipse in Katun 8 Ahau as follows: ‘‘Then the face of
the sun was eaten; then the face of the sun was darkened; then its face was extinguished’’ (Roys 1967 :
76). The Vienna dictionary names an eclipse god as
a supreme deity called Colup-u-uich-kin (snatcher
of the eye of the sun; Roys 1965 : xvii). In the Ritual
of the Bacabs, this being is the agent of solar eclipses,
just as Colup-u-uich-akab (snatcher of the eye of the
night) is the agent of lunar eclipses (Roys 1965 : xvii,
17, 145). Michael Closs (1989 : 399) believes that
these two are not distinct eclipse deities, but contrasting aspects of the same deity.
Accounts of the Colonial period often attribute
eclipses to animals eating the sun and the moon,
and usually the agent of eclipse is an ant or a
feline (Closs 1989). The chronicler Diego López
de Cogolludo (1954) describes accounts of ants
called xibal who attack the sun and eat it, noting that
the Yucatec Maya made noise to scare them away.
Contemporary Yucatec Maya descriptions say the
sun is being bitten during an eclipse (Barrera Vás-
111
quez 1980; Closs 1989 : 390; Redfield and Villa Rojas
1962 : 206).
Closs (1989 : 396 –398) concludes that Venus was
the agent of eclipses among the Maya in Precolumbian times, based on ethnographic accounts identifying Xulab, a god described as Venus in some accounts, as the cause of eclipses. He also notes that
this connection is indicated by the prominence of
Venus in the Dresden Codex eclipse table on page
58a (Fig. 5.1a; Pl. 3). Here there is a descending figure whose head is replaced by a Lamat glyph often
linked with Venus (Chapter 5). Closs (1989) notes
that this is an eclipse monster representing Venus.
A skeletal figure on page 53a of the Dresden Codex eclipse table may be Venus as another form of
eclipse monster (Pl. 3). The glyphic passage overhead, immediately preceding the name of the Death
God, records the name ah tzul ahaw, a name for Venus as the Evening Star (Closs 1989 : 409, fig. 31.5a).
This may indicate that the Death God bears a Venus
title in his role as an eclipse monster. A similar name
appears on Dresden Codex 47 (Fig. 5.7r). Closs suggests that this names Lahun Chan, but it may more
generally refer to the scorpion aspect of Venus. The
diving figure on 58b is clearly an eclipse monster
representing Venus with the same ah tzul ahaw name
(Fig. 5.1a).
Serpents devouring eclipse signs on pages 56b and
57b may refer to another aspect of Venus as an
eclipse monster (Pl. 3). The remaining pictures in
the eclipse tables depict the eclipsed sun or moon.
Five of the ten pictures in the Dresden Codex
eclipse table include ‘‘winged’’ Kin glyphs that refer
to eclipses (Pl. 3). The last picture includes both a
winged Kin and a winged T682 lunar glyph. The
last picture is also distinguished from the others
by a chronological glyph recording 13 Tuns (4,680
days) at the top of the last glyph column. This gives
the picture and text a larger scope referring to
longer cycles of time, namely, the eclipse half-year
(173.3333 3 27 5 4,680 days) and eight Venus cycles
(8 3 584 1 8 5 4,680 days). This reinforces the connection between Venus and eclipses seen in the associated eclipse monster.
The winged Kin is usually interpreted as a solareclipse symbol. There are interesting variations in
112
LUNAR IMAGES AND DEITIES
the black and white winged eclipse glyphs. On page
56b, the winged Kin has a crossed design formed by
two eyeballs with veins attached. The extruded eyeballs recall Colonial period accounts describing how
the eclipse monster is the ‘‘snatcher of the eye of the
sun.’’ Page 55a shows the bearded face of the aged
Sun God (God G) surrounded by extruded eyes, an
apt image for a solar eclipse that may also carry the
underworld connotation of ‘‘death eyes’’ (Fig. 3.5d).
A goddess with her eyes closed and her neck
strangled by a cord on page 53b represents the
eclipsed moon (Fig. 4.7c; Pl. 3; Thompson 1970b :
301). This is a total eclipse of the moon, according
to Lounsbury (1978 : 797–798), who notes that the
strangled Moon Goddess is shown with glyphs overhead that refer to the death and darkening of the
moon. Charles Hofling and Thomas O’Neil (1992 :
103) point out that her closed eyes evoke contemporary Yucatec Maya descriptions of the eclipsed sun
or moon with its eye blinded. This follows a general
pattern seen elsewhere in the Dresden Codex, with
lunar eclipses represented by a death aspect of the
young Moon Goddess with closed eyes.
A glyphic reference to a solar eclipse may appear
in the Dresden Codex on pages 54b (last column)
and 55b (first column). A glyph compound pairs Kin
with a net glyph pa (T586) and T568, read as lu by a
number of scholars but also a logographic reference
to piercing with a weapon (Kurbjuhn 1989 : 76). Victoria Bricker and Harvey Bricker (1995 : 97) interpret the first part of the compound as paal, the adjectival form of the verb pa ‘to break.’ They read the
glyphs as paal u kin, or ‘‘the sun was broken,’’ a
graphic description of what happens to the sun during an eclipse.
In the Paris Codex (23 –24), the eclipse signs are
Kin glyphs framed by winged panels, one colored
black, the other red (Fig. 7.2a). Bruce Love (1994 :
93) describes these as symbols of the sun’s position
between the night sky and day sky, denying any
connection with eclipses. He interprets the animals
biting these solar symbols as constellations influencing the sun rather than eclipse images. Nevertheless,
the devouring act suggests a different interpretation.
Harvey and Victoria Bricker (1992 : 174) propose
that animals biting the solar-eclipse symbols refer to
the sun being devoured during an eclipse, with the
animal representing the constellation in which an
eclipse might take place. The notion that a constellation devours the sun during an eclipse probably resulted from the fact that constellations near the sun
become visible during solar eclipses.
A concern with the seasonal position of eclipses
amidst the background of stars seems to be evident
in the 260-day agricultural almanac on Madrid Codex 12b –18b (Fig. 7.3). A pair of identical solareclipse glyphs appear on page 12b of the Madrid
Codex, a configuration that suggests an emblematic
grouping rather than real eclipse events. Eclipse intervals are evident if you count the actual number of
days represented on pages 13b –16b, as discussed in
Chapter 3. The solar-eclipse sign on page 13b is
separated by an interval of 148 days from the solareclipse sign on page 17b the same eclipse interval recorded in the Dresden Codex before most of the
eclipse pictures (Pl. 3). And if you include the 40day period on page 17b, the interval is extended to
188 days, which would include the six-month eclipse
intervals of 177 and 178 days recorded in the Dresden Codex eclipse tables (Pl. 3). Since the almanac
clearly was designed to be reused, the eclipse symbols warned that if there was an eclipse near the beginning of the fixed agricultural calendar in early
February, there could be another around the new
year in late July (Chapter 3).
Solar-eclipse glyphs often appear alone in the
Dresden Codex, but lunar-eclipse symbols are invariably paired with a solar-eclipse sign (45b, 56a, 58b,
66a). Although the aged face in the lunar-eclipse
glyph is of uncertain gender, it probably refers to the
moon with an honorific title like ‘‘Grandmother
Moon,’’ a name found among the contemporary
Maya. Clearly, solar eclipses are more prominent
than lunar eclipses in the imagery and glyphs of the
eclipse table.
There are a number of images that may refer to
lunar eclipses in Dresden Codex almanacs that focus
on the Moon Goddess. Lunar eclipses have a much
wider range of visibility, thus they are seen more often than solar eclipses. This may be why there are
so many images of the dead Moon Goddess in the
Dresden Codex lunar almanacs. The almanacs on
THE DRESDEN CODEX ECLIPSE TABLE
Dresden Codex 16 –23 show a number of different
death aspects of the Moon Goddess. Often she has
closed eyes or death spots, an aspect of the moon
in accord with contemporary imagery of the moon
‘‘dying’’ during a lunar eclipse (Chapter 1). Because these death aspects of the Moon Goddess are
spaced at intervals appropriate to eclipses, Hofling
and O’Neil (1992) link them with a sequence of lunar eclipses, even though a lunar-eclipse glyph is
lacking. Another possible lunar-eclipse image appears on Dresden Codex 61, where the lunar rabbit
is devoured by a serpent.
We can conclude that the eclipse monsters described in Colonial period accounts are also evident
in the Postclassic period. Venus seems to be one of the
eclipse monsters. Postclassic lunar and solar eclipses
are represented similarly with winged panels and
death imagery. The lunar-eclipse symbol usually depicts an aged face, probably representing Grandmother Moon. Personified lunar eclipses, especially
common in the lunar almanacs, usually depict a death
aspect of the youthful Moon Goddess, representing
her with closed eyes and death spots. Solar eclipses
seem to be of greater interest in the Dresden Codex
eclipse table, since there is only one pictorial image of
the eclipsed moon and the only lunar-eclipse glyphs
are those paired with solar-eclipse symbols.
THE DRESDEN CODEX ECLIPSE TABLE
The eclipse table in the Dresden Codex (51–58)
shows eclipse glyphs and intervals during which an
eclipse could occur somewhere, generally referred
to as eclipse windows (Pl. 3). After an associated
Long Count date in red (10.19.6.1.8, first column
51a), there follows a set of multiples of 1.13.4.0
(11,960 days) in seven columns on 51a–52a with
an opening inscription of 1.9.18.0.0 that is 18 3
11,960 days. The interval of 11,960 days equals 46
Tzolkins and is very close to 405 synodic months. A
period of 1,820 days, equaling five computing years
(5 3 364) and seven Tzolkins (7 3 260), appears on
page 52a in a Uinal-Tun notation.
Black numbers at the top of pages 53a–58b of
the table show cumulative totals that carry forward
a count of lunar synodic months over a period
113
of 11,958 days, equaling approximately thirty-three
years (Aveni 1980 : 177, table 17). This part of the
table uses an average lunar month of 29.52592 days,
only seven minutes away from the modern value
(Aveni 1980 : 183). The Tzolkin dates (almanac days)
below the cumulative totals indicate the dates ending five- or six-month periods over the course of
405 lunar months or 11,959 days (Lounsbury 1978 :
table 2). The long cycle was developed so that astronomers could reuse the canonical 12 Lamat base
date, or lub, because 46 3 260 equals 11,960 days,
which is very close to the 11,958-day period indicated in the cumulative totals and the 11,959-day period in the Tzolkin dates. The true length of 405 lunar months is 11,959.88814 days (a month equals
29.530588 days).
The table is read across the top from pages 51a to
58a, and then across the bottom beginning with page
51b. Intervals are recorded with red numbers for the
20-day periods (Uinals) and black numbers for the
individual days (Kins), an unusual format because
red numbers are usually reserved for coefficients for
Tzolkin dates (red numbers are outlined and the
black are solid on Pl. 3).
Pages 53a–58a of the table alternates counts of
177 days (six months) and 148 days (five months).
Intervals of 148 days (recorded as 7.8 in vertical columns) precede all the eclipse pictures except on
pages 57a and 58b, where the number is 8.17 (177
days, below Tzolkin date). The cumulative total in
black over the Tzolkin date on 57a shows that the
number should be 7.8. In other columns, the cumulative totals show errors of no more than 20 days,
except for 5.10.16 on 54a, which should be 5.14.16
(2,096 days). Discrepancies also occur in the intervals and the cumulative totals. For example, an interval of 8.18 (178 days) appears on 57a (column A,
below Tzolkin date), but the cumulative total above
(11.1.6) indicates 177 days. Adding all the intervals
together yields 11,959 days, a figure in accord with
the Tzolkin dates.
Dates from the sacred almanac appear as sets of
three consecutive Tzolkin dates (read from top to
bottom) placed above the recorded intervals. The
consecutive dates allowed a shift in days to account
for the discrepancy between 405 lunations and 46
114
LUNAR IMAGES AND DEITIES
Almanacs. Moving from one column to the next results in the interval seen at the bottom of the column
(i.e., 1 Imix to 6 Muluc equals 148 days on 53a, columns B–C). There is only one error in the Tzolkin notations (Lounsbury 1978 : 793). The Tzolkin
dates mark potential eclipse positions. Thompson
(1972) points out that glyphs referring to death and
crop failure in the eclipse table indicate that eclipses
could bring disaster.
As Teeple (1930 : 87–90) pointed out long ago, the
Tzolkin itself is suited to recording the eclipse halfyear, because the sum of two periods of 260 days
(520) is almost equal to three eclipse half-years (3 3
173.31 5 519.93). Nevertheless, the eclipse half-year
cannot be made to fit precisely in the intervals that
make up the groups of five and six synodic months
recorded by the Tzolkin dates and associated intervals (Martin 1993).
Most scholars agree that the table deals with predictions, because there was no series of nine or ten
eclipses visible in Yucatán that corresponds to the recorded intervals (Aveni 1992b : 77; Kelley 1976 : 43).
There has been debate about whether the table focuses on lunar or solar events. Thompson (1972 : 71–
77, 108; 1974 : 88 –90) concludes that rather than being a record of actual solar eclipses, the table was
used to predict solar eclipses. He implies that the
table also indicates an interest in lunar eclipses because a picture was included after each group of five
lunations to indicate that when two solar eclipses occurred at intervals of 148 days, they were followed by
a lunar eclipse (however, only one of the pictures
seems to show a lunar eclipse). A number of scholars
concur with Thompson that solar eclipses are emphasized in the table, although they note evidence
that lunar eclipses are also represented (H. Bricker
and V. Bricker 1983; Lounsbury 1978 : 789, 798 –
799). On the other hand, Frederick Martin (1993)
argues that the table could be an actual record of
eclipses referring to pairs of solar and lunar eclipses.
Aveni (1980 : 80 – 81, 173 –183, tables 18 –19)
points out that a number recorded in column D on
52b gives the cumulative total of 18.5.5 (6,585) days,
which is the Saros cycle of 223 lunations, resulting in
a cycle of solar eclipses that recurs after a period of
6,585.32 days (18.03 years). After four repetitions of
the Saros cycle, a sequence of solar eclipses returns
to the same place in the tropical year. Aveni (1980 :
180) emphasizes the importance of lunar eclipses in
the table. Justeson (1989 : 81– 85) also favors linking the table with lunar eclipses. Both scholars point
out that only twenty to thirty years of observations
would produce a system of successful lunar prediction, whereas it would take hundreds of years to
structure a solar-eclipse table; and the success rate
for predicting solar eclipses would be only about
6 percent. Nonetheless, the table seems to emphasize glyphs and representations referring to solar
eclipses, and both solar and lunar eclipses were apparently important in the recorded intervals (Aveni
1997 : 111–114, 200).
Even though the table is not a record of observed
eclipses, it is important to determine the historical
context of the table. Lounsbury (1978 : 775, 811)
notes that the initial epoch of the system in the Dresden Codex dates to around a.d. 755, but the arrangement of the table must date to some three hundred
years later. He maintains that a calculation involving
a ring number suggests a record of eclipses going
back to a.d. 683. The Brickers (1983 : 18, 21) say that
the table covers a thirty-three-year period in the second half of the eighth century; however, its predictive powers extended into the fourteenth century
and even beyond. In my opinion, the table was created in the thirteenth century, but it incorporates
historical reference points that go back to the Classic
period.
Thompson (1972 : 71) suggests that the first column (A) on page 51a refers to 13.0.0.0.0 4 Ahau 8
Cumku as a starting point, to which eight days are
added to reach 12 Lamat (13.0.0.0.8), and then the
Long Reckoning (LR) distance number of 9.16.4.10.0,
shown in black (with the Baktun incorrectly noted
as 8), is added to reach the Long Count date of
9.16.4.10.8 12 Lamat, which is a black number alternating or ‘‘interwritten’’ with a red number in the
last column on 52a (column F). All the Long Count
dates appear in alternating colors of the ‘‘interwritten’’ style. As Thompson notes, interwritten between the black LR in the first column of page 51 is
a red Long Count inscription that records a date of
10.19.6.1.8 12 Lamat (the number one over time has
CLASSIC PERIOD ECLIPSE IMAGERY AND EVENTS
shifted to black). Thompson identifies three more
Long Count dates that can be derived from the alternating black and red numbers interwritten in the
last two columns of page 52. These are 9.16.4.11.3 1
Akbal (column F in red); 9.16.4.11.18 3 Etz’nab (column E in black, mistakenly recorded with 10 Uinals);
and 9.19.8.7.8 7 Lamat (column E in red), which is an
inaccurate date according to Thompson (1972 : 71).
The Long Count dates in the table seem to span
more than four hundred years. The black date in column F of page 52a (9.16.4.10.8 12 Lamat) corresponds to the last visibility of the waning moon in
the 584,283 correlation, followed 17 days later by a
lunar eclipse on 11/23/755 (Oppolzer 1962). The
interval between this 12 Lamat date in the eighth
century (11/6/755) and the thirteenth-century date
(10.19.6.1.8) in red on page 51a is a lunar interval.
The date 10.19.6.1.8 12 Lamat (9/18/1210) is one day
before the new moon, virtually replicating the events
of 9.16.4.10.8 12 Lamat (11/6/755). Both dates could
relate to the last visible crescent before the new
moon (Goldstine 1973). A focus on the last crescent
would help to confirm Thompson’s (1960 : 310) theory that the ancient Maya counted from the last visible crescent moon. The date in a.d. 1210 may also
involve Venus events, for Venus was in conjunction
with Jupiter just above the western horizon at dusk
at that time.
In sum, the Dresden Codex eclipse table is concerned with predicting solar eclipses and lunar
eclipses. The purpose of the table seems to be divinatory, to correlate the eclipse events with the sacred
Tzolkin. The Long Count dates mark a period from
a.d. 755 to a.d. 1210, recording historical observations from the Classic Maya period along with current observations made around the time the codex
was painted in the thirteenth century. The way the
table is structured also allows for future predictions
over long periods of time.
CLASSIC PERIOD ECLIPSE
IMAGERY AND EVENTS
The imagery of solar and lunar eclipses in the Classic
period remains elusive. Santa Elena Poco Uinic Stela
115
3 has the only known example (at B7) of an eclipse
glyph of the type common in the Postclassic period.
The associated date (9.17.19.13.16) coincides with
a total eclipse on 7/16/790, but only if you use
the 584,286 correlation (Kelley 1976 : 38; Lounsbury 1978 : 815 – 816). Clearly, this single inscription seems aberrant, and there must have been other
ways of recording eclipses. Victoria and Harvey
Bricker (1995 : 97, fig. 2) note that a Classic period
lintel from the Nunnery Annex at Chichén Itzá records a Kin glyph following a T1023 face that may be
read as paal u kin (the sun was broken), a form of
eclipse record also seen in the Dresden Codex eclipse
table.
On Classic period monuments, eclipse intervals
are commonly recorded in the Lunar Series, which
can refer to both lunar and solar eclipses (Aveni
1980 : 163 –164). On the Hauberg Stela, dating to the
second century a.d., Glyph C at A5 bears a coefficient of 17, providing the earliest known evidence of
the eighteen-month lunar synodic period (Fig. 6.4c;
Justeson 1989 : 87). John Linden’s (1996) analysis of
the Lunar Series indicates that three deity head variants of Glyph C record different six-month semesters (Fig. 4.1e). These deity head variants form a sequence of three semesters of six synodic months
each (totaling eighteen synodic lunar months), a calendar useful in keeping track of eclipses. Linden
points out that the period of 177 days (six synodic
months) inherent in the Classic period Glyph C is
very close to the eclipse half-year of 173.31 days,
which explains why Glyph C was recorded in cycles
of six months in the Classic period.
Eclipse intervals were also recorded in dynastic
history. For example, Kelley (1989 : 72 – 83) notes that
Chan Bahlum I’s birth and death dates are spaced at
an interval of 21,320 days, commensurate with an
eclipse interval (11,960 days plus 9,360 days).
Actual eclipse records seem to be very rare. Kelley
(1977a, fig. 1) notes that a solar eclipse corresponds
to a 9.17.0.0.0 date associated with a star glyph and a
‘‘split’’ sun and moon glyph at B20 on Stela E at Quiriguá (Monument 5). The eclipse was barely visible
at Quiriguá, because there was only a 4.7 percent obscuration beginning at 13 : 28 and ending at 15 : 14 on
1/20/771. Despite the fact that the eclipse was barely
116
LUNAR IMAGES AND DEITIES
visible, Linda Schele and Matthew Looper (1994)
maintain that the monument records the eclipse because it coincided with the Katun ending, and a lunar eclipse fifteen days later would have confirmed
9.17.0.0.0 as an eclipse station. Using the 584,283
correlation, Anthony Aveni and Lorren Hotaling
(1994, table 1, n. 58) note the date is three days before a visible solar eclipse and eighteen days before a
lunar eclipse.
Linda Schele and Nikolai Grube (1995 : 39 – 40)
recognize a number of war events on Lintel 3 of Tikal
Temple IV, some of which may be connected with
eclipses, although no conventional eclipse glyphs
are represented (Pl. 15). Using the 584,285 correlation, they link a solar eclipse on 7/25/743 with the
day of a star-war event (at B4) on 11 Ik 15 Chen
(9.15.12.2.2; 7/26/743) recorded at B3 –C4. The star
war occurred one day after a visible solar eclipse.
The star-war event, recorded as a star-over-shell
glyph, is interpreted as a symbol of a war against the
settlement of Yaxha. Schele and Grube conclude that
generally the eclipse events at Tikal seem to precede
the war events, and they suggest that the war events
may have been stimulated by eclipses. It is noteworthy that the 11 Ik 15 Chen war event falls in the
rainy season, not the normal time of year for warfare (Chapter 3). Astrological portents may have
prompted the Maya to go to war at a time of year
normally reserved for agricultural activities.
Aveni and Hotaling’s (1994 : S43) chi-square analysis of Classic period dates recorded with astronomical glyphs or ‘‘tags’’ did not reveal a high correspondence with eclipse events using the 584,283
correlation, but they note this does not mean that
some of the dates were not intended to record
eclipses. Indeed, they were the first to point out that
the 9.15.12.2.2 date on Lintel 3 follows shortly after
a visible total eclipse.
Decapitation may also be part of Classic period
eclipse imagery. A jaguar is the agent of solar and
lunar eclipses in a number of Colonial period and
contemporary accounts (Closs 1989), but in Classic
period imagery, the jaguar seems to be the victim of
decapitation, suggesting that he is the eclipsed body.
The link between jaguars and the moon is discussed
at length later in the text, but here it is important to
point out that imagery of decapitated jaguars sometimes may be linked with the date of a lunar eclipse,
as on a Yaxchilán lintel discussed later. (Fig. 4.2b).
Architectural orientations may encode actual observations of lunar standstills, which could be useful in predicting eclipses. The moon rises in the
same position once every 18.61 years (6,797 days;
Aveni 1997 : 33,88). This interval is close to the Saros
eclipse cycle, a cycle of similar eclipses that recurs
after about 18.03 years (6,585.32 days; Aveni 1980 :
100). Arnold Lebeuf (1995 : 260 –261) points out
that the northern and southern limits in the moon’s
monthly lunar motion are directly related to the
ecliptical longitude of the nodes, positions useful in
predicting eclipses. In the Maya area, Paalmul and
Edzná both have architectural orientations toward
lunar extremes. The oval pyramid at Paalmul faces
to the northwest, closely aligned with the northern
standstill that marks the northern extreme of the
moon setting (300 7488 azimuth; Aveni 1980 : 270;
Galindo 1994 : 143). At Edzná, the sanctuary of the
five-storied pyramid has a similar orientation (Galindo 1994 :168 –169; Malmström 1991: 45). This horizon position is marked by the Northwest Pyramid
(La Vieja), which in turn serves as an observation
post to watch the southern standstill over the fivestoried pyramid known as Cinco Pisos. The pairing
of structures to observe the horizon extremes is significant, because when the moon reaches a horizon
extreme in a given month, in the next month it will
reach the opposite extreme.
Other forms of construction may have been used
to predict eclipses. An artificial cave with a zenith
tube in the Osario at Chichén Itzá is intriguing,
not only for its potential for solar observations but
also because lunar observations through such a tube
could help to predict eclipses, as at Xochicalco, a
central Mexican site of the Classic period that shows
clear evidence of Maya influence (Lebeuf 1995; Morante 1995).
We can conclude that during the Classic period
the Maya had architectural orientations that indicate an understanding of the Saros cycle. They could
predict when there was the potential for an eclipse,
MAYA MOON GLYPHS AND SYMBOLS
but it is not clear whether they could actually predict whether an eclipse would be visible in their
area. Raids may have followed shortly after visible
solar eclipses, especially at Tikal. The nature of
imagery and glyphs that symbolize Classic period
eclipses remains enigmatic, but there is some evidence that jaguar decapitation may represent lunar
eclipses. Surprisingly few secure eclipse records are
preserved on Classic Maya monuments, but this may
be because we do not fully understand the types of
glyphs used to designate eclipses.
MAYA MOON GLYPHS AND SYMBOLS
The glyph for ‘‘moon’’ and the number twenty in the
Postclassic period is T682 (Fig. 4.1c; Justeson 1984 :
351). The T682 glyph bears a certain resemblance to
some Postclassic variants of the Yucatec day sign
Men, which depicts an aged face with an eye marked
by dots and a pair of teeth covering the lower lip
(Thompson 1960 : 89, fig. 9, no. 45). Thompson suggests that Men represents the aged Moon Goddess.
If T682 symbolizes the aged goddess and the number twenty, it may be because twenty days after the
month begins the moon is ‘‘old.’’ The twentieth day
of the month could correspond to the full moon in
a count starting with the last day of visibility, or to
the waning moon in a lunar month beginning at the
new moon or first crescent. In terms of the phase
represented by T682, it can be noted that an eclipse
panel on Dresden Codex 58b frames T682, which
signals a lunar eclipse at the full moon (Pl. 3). Although William Ringle and Thomas Smith-Stark
(1996) have reclassified T682 as a variant of T181, I
think this may be premature in light of its role in
lunar eclipse glyphs.
The T682 moon face appears on a tin disk in a
Postclassic offering from the Cenote of Sacrifice at
Chichén Itzá (Fig. 4.1o). Another metal offering of
approximately the same size represents the sun as a
gilded copper disk embossed with the Kin glyph
(Fig. 3.4d). The moon disk is darker and less shiny
than the sun disk, evoking Aztec accounts that explain why the moon is not as bright as the sun (Sahagún 1950 –1982, 7 : 7).
117
Another lunar glyph common in the Postclassic
period is the T171 curl, representing the phonetic
sound u (moon) in Friar Landa’s syllabary, usually
interpreted as the word for ‘‘moon’’ (Fig. 4.1j, left;
Justeson 1984 : 328; Kurbjuhn 1989 : 32). As we will
see, T171 is used in the name of the Moon Goddess,
and it has secondary associations with the earth and
honey, both connected with the moon. The T171 lunar glyph can be traced back to the Classic period in
the name Jaguar Moon Lord (Fig. 4.5g).
The Postclassic Maya moon symbol is only rarely
represented as a crescent form. The lunar crescent
is wrapped around the Moon Goddess on Dresden
Codex 49a (Fig. 4.7i). A different form of lunar crescent appears on the New Year pages of the Madrid
Codex (37a) in a scene of a dog howling at the moon
(Fig. 5.1i).
The crescent moon appears on war shields in the
architecture of Chichén Itzá during the Late Classic and Terminal Classic periods. Shields decorated
with crescent moons appear in reliefs from the
Nunnery (Bolles 1977 : 232). In the murals of the
Upper Temple of the Jaguars, a chief standing with
a feathered serpent carries a shield with multiple
crescents, and some of the enemy warriors carry
shields with a single crescent moon (Coggins 1984,
fig. 205; Tozzer 1957, fig. 60). The same temple’s
cornice reliefs depict shields with lunar crescents, perhaps representing a political group claiming affiliation with the moon (Fig. 5.5i; Milbrath
1988b : 35).
Shields with lunar symbols also appear on Classic Maya images. An Early Classic double vessel depicts a bird (a vulture or a quetzal-macaw?) with a
T683 shield on its back; one wing bears a Kin glyph
and the other a trefoil design, perhaps symbolizing
the Jester God (Coe 1989, fig. 14). At Copán, an
Early Classic relief on the Margarita building, constructed by Copán’s second ruler, depicts a T683a
glyph on a shield beneath a macaw intertwined with
a quetzal, forming a logograph for the name of the
founder, K’inich Yax K’uk’ Mo’ (G. Stuart 1997 :
384 – 85). The T683a glyph has the number nine
alongside, together suggesting a reference to the lunar month of twenty-nine days like Glyph A of the
118
LUNAR IMAGES AND DEITIES
Lunar Series (Fig. 4.1k, right). At Copán, however,
the design is not part of a glyphic text, and it is accompanied by a pair of footprints, a glyphic symbol
that goes back to Olmec times. The context is
clearly astronomical because a sky band frames the
scene and the Cosmic Monster wraps around the
side. The macaw is a solar bird and the quetzal is
linked with Venus; when joined with the lunar symbol, a triad of astronomical symbols is represented.
The lunar crescent appears in a number of contexts that are clearly astronomical. A T683 lunar
crescent flanks a jawless god on an astronomical
frieze at Xunantunich dating to the Late Classic period (MacKie 1985, pl. 6). A Late Preclassic monument from Kaminaljuyú (Stela 25) depicts a celestial
deity riding on a lunar crescent above the open jaws
of an earth monster, a composition not unlike Izapa
Stela 3 (Norman 1976, fig. 3.4; Parsons 1988 : 18,
fig. 1.6).
In the Classic period, a lunar crescent with a
single dot in the center (T683a) is read as k’al,
meaning ‘‘twenty,’’ and it symbolizes the number
twenty in Glyph A and Glyph E of the Lunar Series
(Fig. 4.1b, left, 4.1g; Justeson 1984 : 351). The role
as the number twenty suggests links with the Postclassic T682, a glyph that also symbolizes the moon
in a number of contexts (Fig. 4.1c). Despite this parallel, most scholars do not attribute a lunar significance to any of the variants of T683 (Kurbjuhn
1989). This seems illogical, in my opinion.
T683b, a lunar crescent with multiple dots in the
center, is usually read as the phonetic sign for ah
(Fig. 4.1b, center; Justeson 1984 : 351). It often symbolizes the moon in sky bands. In Rı́o Azul Tomb 12,
T683b represents the moon in the north or overhead direction (Fig. 3.2b). T683b also can substitute
for the Moon Goddess in her role as patroness of
the month Chen (cenote) in Initial Series inscriptions (Fig. 4.1i). It obviously represents the moon
in pictorial contexts, but oddly enough, the T683b
glyph is not generally identified as a logograph for
‘‘moon.’’
The simple crescent form (T683c) has an undetermined meaning, and may not be the same glyph as
the other two variants, according to Justeson (1984 :
351). Ringle and Smith-Stark (1996), however, do
not record a separate T683c variant. Thompson
(1962 : 285) lists only a few examples of T683c, all
from Yaxchilán and all with a T109 affix (‘‘red’’ or
‘‘great’’). Carolyn Tate (1992, app. 3) reads these as
part of a title (he of twenty captives) used by Bird Jaguar IV. The glyph for ‘‘captives’’ may have some lunar
connection, for Peter Mathews (1990 : 96) notes that
the word ‘‘Bak,’’ used to designate captives, can also
mean ‘‘bone’’ or ‘‘heron,’’ and it also appears in the
name of the mythical Moon Mother known as Zac
Bak at Palenque (Fig. 4.10e).
T181 is used as a postfix attached to the main
glyph in verbs and in the Lunar Series Glyphs C
and D (Fig. 4.1a, e, f, right). The T181 postfix also
appears in various names and titles and in the
‘‘birth’’ glyph compound (Fig. 4.1n). Stephen Houston (1997 : 292 –293) proposes a phonetic reading
of ja (ha), regardless of position, revising earlier
phonetic readings of both ah and ha. Kathryn Josserand (1995 : 293) interprets T181 as usually indicating
passive voice in hieroglyphic texts.
A doughnut-shaped glyph (T687a) means ‘‘moon’’
(po) in Kekchı́, Pokomchı́, and Pokomam (Justeson 1984 : 352; Taube 1992b : 67– 68). T687a appears
in emblem glyphs and in the term ‘‘lord’’ (ah-po),
where it possibly also has a lunar significance (Fig.
4.1r–s). The Moon God on the Pearlman Trumpet
sits on a throne marked with the glyph po (Fig.
4.5g). Hun Ahau and his lunar twin visit an underworld palace framed by mirrors marked with po
glyphs, an image that has been described as the
‘‘House of Mirrors’’ (Taube 1992a : 58, fig. 3). The
po-marked mirrors may symbolize a lunar mirror
like the one described in ethnographic accounts
(Chapter 1).
In sum, the crescent design is one of the most
prominent lunar symbols in the Classic period. Best
known in the glyphs T181 and T683, the crescent
form was used to represent the moon in art images
and in glyphic writing and calendars. The T687
glyph is linked with po, meaning ‘‘moon’’ in several
highland Maya languages; it may be a special variant
referring to the moon in connection with rulership,
for it frequently appears on thrones and in the expression ‘‘lord.’’ In the Postclassic period, T171 represents the word for ‘‘moon’’ in Yucatec Maya, and
THE MOON AND RABBITS
an aged face (T682) apparently replaces variants of
the Classic period T683 lunar crescent as a symbol
for the moon and the number twenty.
LUNAR SYMBOLISM OF FISH, FROGS,
TOADS, AND SHELLS
Fish, mollusks, toads, frogs, and water birds are all
connected with the moon, because the moon controls tides and all bodies of water on earth (Chapter 1). Croaking frogs signal rain, which is under the
control of the moon. One of the titles of the moon
in Yucatec is Virgin Rain Frog (Edmonson 1982a :
181). Thompson (1960 : 47– 48) notes that the moon,
frogs, and toads all bear the name po, a lunar name
in highland Mayan languages. There seems to be a
natural connection between water, birth, and frogs
and toads, because these animals give birth in a watery environment. In light of the fact that the Moon
Goddess oversees childbirth, according to contemporary Maya accounts, it is noteworthy that the
glyph for birth (T740) in the Classic Maya has been
interpreted as a frog with a T181 postfix, a linguistic
marker for the passive voice, but its role in this compound is unclear (Fig. 4.1n). The ‘‘upended frog’’
birth glyph may actually represent a salamander-like
animal with teeth and gills (two attributes seen on
the glyphic head), an amphibian that lives in water
sources in caves (Josserand and Hopkins 1993 : 41).
In any case, the watery world of amphibians such as
salamanders and frogs was probably closely related
to the moon.
The Yucatec Maya say that the moon disappears
into a well during conjunction, implying that it disappears into a watery underworld. In the Initial Series introductory glyph, the Moon Goddess appears
as the patroness of the month Chen, which means
‘‘cave’’ or ‘‘cenote’’ (Fig. 4.1i, center; Thompson
1960 : 111). Another variant of this glyph shows fish
framing the Moon Goddess and her moon symbol
(Fig. 4.1m).
Sometimes the youthful Moon Goddess offers
fish, a food resource especially associated with the
tides controlled by the moon (Fig. 4.7e). Fish-eating
birds may also be lunar symbols. A heron (T793)
appears in the name for the ancestral Moon Goddess
119
at Palenque (Fig. 4.10e). A similar bird, a variant
of T793, oddly represented with teeth, substitutes
for the lunar rabbit in the Palenque emblem glyph
(Fig. 4.1s; Schele 1977 : 52). The T793 glyph is usually interpreted as a heron (Kurbjuhn 1989).
Thompson (1960 : 49, 133 –134, 173) notes that
the conch symbolizes the Moon Goddess, night,
darkness, water, and the earth or underworld, but
he points out that the shell is a generative symbol
relating to birth rather than death. The shell evokes
a connection with the underworld, the place where
the moon dies and is reborn. The Mixtec Codex
Nuttall depicts the rayed moon disk with a shell in
the center framed by the horseshoe-shaped lunar
symbol (Fig. 4.1p). The central Mexican Codex Telleriano-Remensis (folio 19r) tells us that a shell associated with a lunar deity symbolizes the womb that
gives birth. Marine shells bring to mind the sea and
tides controlled by the moon. The Moon Goddess
framed by a lunar crescent on Dresden 49a pours
seawater from a conch shell, linking the moon with
the tides and the sea. This scene recalls the Great
Goddess of Teotihuacán, with her lunar crescent issuing seawater (Milbrath 1995a, 1996).
This brief survey indicates that the Maya linked
the moon with watery creatures, most notably toads,
frogs, mollusks, fish, and fish-eating birds. The Moon
Goddess controls the tides by pouring water from her
conch shell in one Postclassic image. Another shows
her offering fish from her watery domain. The moon
and frogs are closely linked in Classic period glyphs,
and metaphorical images allude to the moon’s control over childbirth and rainfall. The Moon Goddess
herself is patron of the month Chen, associated with
the watery world of caves and cenotes.
THE MOON AND RABBITS
Precolumbian Maya people visualized the rabbit as
an alter ego of the moon, an association that survives
today among the Maya people, who see the image of
a rabbit on the face of the moon. When the moon is
full, it is possible to see the dark shape of a rabbit
(Schele and Miller 1983, fig. 18d). The silvery color
of rabbits evokes the moon. Rabbits are more active
around dawn and dusk, and in hot weather they
120
LUNAR IMAGES AND DEITIES
forage primarily at night, behavioral characteristics
related to the nocturnal world of the moon. The
prodigious fertility of rabbits indicates a lunar connection because of the moon’s association with fertility. Their gestation period of about a month may
also indicate a correlation with the moon. Furthermore, rabbits hop just like the moon, which jumps
forward each night as it moves through the background of stars at the rate of about 13 degrees a day
(Chapter 2).
The lunar rabbit is rare in Postclassic Maya codices. The Postclassic Maya Moon Goddess does not
appear with a lunar rabbit, which seems surprising
in light of contemporary Maya accounts that say the
rabbit is the pet of the Moon Goddess. An image
of the lunar rabbit may appear on Dresden Codex
61, where a serpent biting a rabbit may allude to
a lunar eclipse at the full moon. The rabbit is seen
in a lunar crescent in Postclassic images depicting
the central Mexican Moon Goddess, Tlazolteotl
(Fig. 4.9c).
Although Thompson (1967 : 38) suggests that the
rabbit on the moon was a central Mexican concept
introduced among the Maya during the Colonial
period, there is ample evidence that the lunar rabbit goes back to Classic Maya times. The lunar crescent frames a lunar rabbit on Bonampak Altar 2
(Fig. 4.6a; Schele and Miller 1983 : 46). The Las Sepulturas bench depicts a group of astronomical deities, among which we find a lunar deity holding a
rabbit (Pl. 19). Jaina-style figurines show the Moon
Goddess holding a rabbit (Miller 1975, fig. 9). On a
vessel from the American Museum of Natural History, the Moon Goddess holds her lunar rabbit, and
nearby a mirror-marked lunar rabbit with a bound
hank of hair blows a shell trumpet (Fig. 4.10d; Schele
and Miller 1986 : 308).
The lunar rabbit is especially prominent at Palenque. A skeletal rabbit at the entry of Temple XII
has led to its being designated as the ‘‘Temple of the
Dying Moon’’ (Robertson 1991 : 65). A variant of
the Palenque emblem glyph with a skeletal rabbit
head may be read as the ‘‘place of the dead moon’’
(Fig. 4.1r; Schele 1977 : 55 –56). On the Tablet of the
96 Glyphs from Palenque, a rabbit appears in the
center of a lunar glyph, T181, in a compound that
may function logographically to describe a rabbit on
the surface of the moon (Fig. 4.1q; Schele and J. Miller 1983 : 46). Here the lunar rabbit has ears that bear
the Etz’nab (Knife) sign, a detail repeated on Maya
vase painting (Coe 1978b, no. 1). In Classic Maya
representations, the metaphor could have a double
meaning referring both to the rabbit’s ears as knifeshaped and to a ‘‘knife-shaped’’ moon, perhaps
describing the gibbous moon. The gibbous moon
could also be represented by a knife-moon in the
central Mexican Codex Borgia (50).
In sum, the characteristics metaphorically linking
the rabbit to the moon include its silver color, crepuscular activity, and proverbial fertility. It is not
clear whether there was a specific phase associated
with the lunar rabbit, but its image is most easily
seen on the full moon. The rabbit often appears in
the arms of a lunar deity, acting as a sort of alter ego.
The lunar rabbit is best known from the Classic period. Although the Postclassic Maya codices do not
show clear evidence of the lunar rabbit, the tradition
must have lived on, given contemporary Maya accounts of the lunar rabbit.
THE WATER-LILY JAGUAR
In the Chilam Balam of Tizimin from Colonial period Yucatán, the moon is called ‘‘jaguar head’’ (Edmonson 1982b :187–188). In the Quiché area to the
south, El Tı́tulo de Totonicapán (7v) identifies the
jaguar twin, Xbalanquej, as the moon (Carmack and
Mondloch 1983 : 21). Among the major jaguar deities of the Precolumbian Maya, the Water-lily Jaguar,
identified by his water-lily head ornament, seems to
express the moon’s connection with water (Fig. 4.2a,
d, e). A good swimmer, the jaguar often stalks its
prey along waterways (Benson 1997 : 46). Its eyes
glow in the darkness at night, and by day it sleeps in
caves or crevices, seeming to hide from the light. The
jaguar’s nocturnal nature suggests a natural connection with the moon, and jaguar spots suggest the
stars of the night sky.
On page 8a of the Postclassic Dresden Codex, the
Water-lily Jaguar appears with a jaguar name glyph,
prefixed by T109, the glyph for ‘‘red’’ or ‘‘great’’
(Fig. 4.2a; Thompson 1972 : 35). On page 47 of the
THE WATER-LILY JAGUAR
Venus pages, a wounded feline bears a vegetal head
ornament and a name glyph identifying him as the
Water-lily Jaguar in the spearing phrase above the
Venus god (Column E; Fig. 5.3b). Although this feline has a brown body, it clearly bears the same name
as the Water-lily Jaguar on Dresden 8a (Fig. 4.2a).
In the layout of the Venus pages discussed in Chapter 5, the jaguar on page 47 represents the full moon
speared by the newly risen Morning Star on 8/26/
1222 during the rainy season. As we will see, imagery
of the Water-lily Jaguar is associated with the rainy
season, when water lilies flower.
Only a small number of Classic period monuments represent the Water-lily Jaguar, but each is
worth investigating to study the pattern of seasonal
imagery. Among the most impressive images is Lintel 3 of Temple I at Tikal (Fig. 3.6d). The jaguar’s
name at D2 follows the date 12 Etz’nab 11 Zac (9/
12/695), indicating that this jaguar was invoked during the rainy season, when the water lilies bloomed.
Lintels 6 and 43 at Yaxchilán depict a Yaxchilán
ruler wearing a Water-lily Jaguar headdress, and the
headdress on Lintel 6 clearly has an astronomical aspect because it has a star eye (Tate 1992, fig. 44). The
scene on both is a dance involving the display of God
K on a basket staff. Both Lintels 6 and 43 bear
a single date in mid-October, coinciding with the
rainy season (Tate 1992, app. 2).
Yaxchilán Lintel 26 shows the head of the Waterlily Jaguar, representing either a headdress or a decapitated jaguar head (Fig. 4.2b). Shield Jaguar I
holds a knife in his right hand, suggesting that he cut
off the jaguar head to use it in a ritual or for a headdress. Most of the dates on Lintel 26 fall in the rainy
season, suggesting the Water-lily Jaguar head may
symbolize the moon at the time of the rains. A fragmentary Initial Series date, which Tate (1992 : 208)
reconstructs as 9.14.14.13.16, corresponds to the
summer solstice in the 584,285 correlation, but using
the preferred 584,283 correlation, it coincides with a
lunar eclipse that occurred on 6/19/726 (Oppolzer
1962). Thus the decapitated jaguar may refer to a lunar eclipse, correlating with other images of decapitation linked with lunar eclipses in central Mexico
(Milbrath 1995b, 1997).
A circular relief from La Esperanza (Chinkultic),
121
Chiapas, depicts a ballplayer with a headdress bearing a water lily, a shell, and a jaguar tail (Fig. 4.2c).
He also has a bound hank of hair and a headband,
suggesting to Jeff Kowalski (1989 : 16 –17) that he is
linked with the Headband Twins (Fig. 4.5b), the
Classic period counterparts of the Hero Twins in the
Popol Vuh. Kowalski also notes that the ballplayer
plays with a ball inscribed with a Chicchan variant
of the Ahau glyph (compare Fig. 3.10c). He interprets this as a reference to Hunahpu (Hun Ahau),
suggesting parallels with the episode in the Popol
Vuh when Xbalanque uses Hunahpu’s head as a ball.
The widespread ‘‘rolling head’’ myth, describing a
decapitated head that moves around by rolling, links
decapitation to the ball game and to the periodicity
of the sun and the moon (Gillespie 1991 : 330). Decapitation imagery in the context of a ball court may
allude to eclipses in Aztec iconography, especially
to those occurring at times of seasonal change (Milbrath 1995b, 1997). An Initial Series inscription of
9.7.17.12.14 on the border of the La Esperanza relief
corresponds to 5/17/591, near the end of the dry season. Although this is not an eclipse date, it is linked
with seasonal transition.
Some images of the Water-lily Jaguar in ceramic
arts show a distinct relationship with the Hero
Twins, who embody the sun and the moon. A plate
from Burial 190 at Tikal depicts an anthropomorphic Water-lily Jaguar wearing a headband like the
one worn by the Headband Twins (Coggins 1975,
fig. 102; Valdés et al. 1994 : 69). Ceramic paintings
clearly show the jaguar as the victim of decapitation, a theme seen in legends of the Hero Twins.
Some pots show a decapitated Water-lily Jaguar head
(Valdés et al. 1994 : 69). On one vessel, his head is
attached to a jaguar-skin pillow (Coe 1973, no. 13).
The celestial nature of the Water-lily Jaguar is seen
in Classic period ceramics depicting the jaguar surrounded by stars (Pl. 4). Other pots link the Waterlily Jaguar with sky bands. The pot known as Princeton 14 depicts the jaguar as one of three celestial
creatures in sky-band backracks worn by dancing
figures called the Holmul Dancers, alluding to similar themes on vessels from the site of Holmul
(Coe 1978b, no. 14). All the dancers are identical;
only the enthroned figure in the sky band differs.
THE WATER-LILY JAGUAR
123
The hieroglyphic name of the enthroned jaguar as Ix
Balam; the other two are 6 Sky and a monkey supernatural called 10 Chuen (Reents-Budet 1991 : 220 –
221, figs. 1, 7). This assembly of gods is discussed
further in Chapter 6.
Ceramic vessels sometimes show the Water-lily
Jaguar wrapped in water lilies (Fig. 4.2d). More often
he is identified only by a hornlike appendage that
seems to be the leaf and stem of a water-lily plant
(Fig. 4.2e). Usually he wears a peculiar neck scarf described as the sacrificial scarf because it is sometimes
associated with scenes of sacrifice (Coe 1973 : 28). In
one such scene, the Water-lily Jaguar faces a death
god who is decapitating himself (Pl. 4). Here a boa
wraps around the jaguar in a fashion almost identical
to images of the Moon Goddess discussed later. Another Water-lily Jaguar wearing the sacrificial scarf is
unusual because he bears a Kin sign on his chest as
he marches ahead of a snake (Fig. 4.2e; Coe 1973,
no. 3). Images such as this one have led scholars to
identify the Water-lily Jaguar as the sun (Schele and
Miller 1986 : 51). His name glyph (T832) on this vessel is a decapitated jaguar, a glyph sometimes interpreted as a reference to an eclipse (Kurbjuhn 1989 :
122). The combination of solar and lunar imagery
could suggest a lunar eclipse or lunar conjunction.
Alternatively, the Kin-Jaguar image may allude to the
‘‘jaguar sun,’’ a name for the moon in the Popol Vuh
(D. Tedlock 1985 : 368 –369).
Dennis Tedlock suggests the jaguar is linked with
the full moon, but in my opinion, the jaguar can refer to the moon in all phases. A preliminary study of
the decapitated jaguar glyph (T832) indicates that it
is not consistently associated with dates that coincide
with specific lunar phases or with eclipses (full moon
or new moon) in either of the two correlations. For
example, on Yaxchilán Stela 18, T832 appears with a
date (7/8/729) falling around the first quarter.
Images of jaguars with a rope around the neck,
found beyond the central Maya area, may represent
a concept similar to the jaguars wearing the scarf of
sacrifice, all part of a lunar cult linked with jaguar
sacrifice. Censers depicting jaguars with a knotted
rope around the neck, found in the waters of Lake
Amatitlán, may symbolize the connection between
water, jaguars, and the moon (Berlo 1984, pls. 213 –
215). This link is also apparent at Cacaxtla, a Classic
period site in Tlaxcala that combines central Mexican and Mayan traits. Here murals depict two jaguar
men wearing ropes around their necks and pouring
water that cascades in droplets like rain (McVicker
1985, figs. 3 – 4).
FIG. 4.2. a: Water-lily Jaguar probably representing rainyseason moon (Dresden 8a; after Villacorta and Villacorta
1977).
b: Water-lily Jaguar representing either headdress or
decapitated jaguar head on Yaxchilán Lintel 26 (after Tate
1992b, fig. 18).
c: Lunar ballplayer with headdress bearing water lily,
shell, and jaguar tail on relief from La Esperanza (Chinkultic), Chiapas (after Tozzer 1957, fig. 486).
d: Water-lily Jaguar wrapped in water lilies and wearing
scarf associated with sacrifice (after Robicsek and Hales
1981, vessel 30).
e: Water-lily Jaguar with Kin sign on his belly, probably
alluding to lunar eclipse or full moon as ‘‘jaguar sun’’ (after Coe 1973b, no. 3).
f: Jaguar War God, also known as Jaguar God of Number Seven, probably representing dry-season moon (Lintel 2 of Temple IV at Tikal; after Jones 1977, fig. 12).
g: War shield representing Jaguar War God, also
known as Jaguar God of Underworld (Late Classic Temple
of the Sun, Palenque [see Fig. 3.6b]; after Robertson 1991,
fig. 95).
h: Jaguar War God shield, war equipment of Smoking
Squirrel (Naranjo Stela 21; after Proskouriakoff 1950,
fig. 32l).
i: Two Jaguar War God heads are attached to star
glyphs suspended from sky band (Yaxchilán Stela 4; after
Tate 1992, fig. 24c).
j: Day sign Cib represented as Jaguar War God with
nocturnal Akbal cheek marking and headband of Headband Twins (Late Classic Yaxchilán Lintel 48; after Tate
1992, fig. 62).
k: Sun God with Kin cheek and T646 solar flower on
headband also has traits of Jaguar War God, including
jaguar ear and cruller; two gods may be merged together
as symbol of new moon (Tikal Stela 31; after Hellmuth
1987, fig. 650).
124
LUNAR IMAGES AND DEITIES
We can conclude that jaguars embody the moon
in a number of contexts, and one of the clearest expressions of the relationship is seen in the Water-lily
Jaguar of Classic and Postclassic times. He often is
associated with sacrifice by decapitation. Although
the Classic monuments provide only a limited sample
of dates useful in interpreting imagery of the Waterlily Jaguar, most of the dates coincide with the rainy
season, which explains why the Water-lily Jaguar is
crowned by rainy season vegetation.
THE JAGUAR WAR GOD
A jaguar god, known only from the Classic period,
seems to embody a more warlike deity frequently represented on war shields. He has the Roman nose and
egg tooth (the central notched or filed tooth) of the
Sun God, but he can be distinguished by his ‘‘cruller’’
nose ornament, scroll eye, and jaguar ears; often he
also has a bound hank of hair (Fig. 4.2g; Coe 1973 :
83). Thompson (1960 : 11, 107, 134) originally named
this deity the Jaguar God of the Underworld (JGU),
the sun in the underworld or the night sun, designating him as a deity of ‘‘night, darkness, and the interior of the earth.’’ This jaguar god is connected with
the day sign Akbal, meaning ‘‘night,’’ according to
Thompson (1960 : 74, table 4). Many scholars have
supported Thompson’s interpretations. Nevertheless,
in a number of contexts this jaguar god appears in the
sky overhead rather than in the underworld. Mary
Miller (1988 : 175 n. 29) notes that his associations
with the underworld are no stronger than for any
other deity, and in fact he is more closely connected
with war. In this light, it may be more appropriate to
call him the Jaguar War God. His lunar character is
apparent in his role as a manifestation of the moon
in Glyph C of the Lunar Series (Fig. 4.1e, center).
On Yaxchilán Lintel 48, the Jaguar War God
stands for the day sign Cib, his nocturnal aspect
noted with an Akbal cheek marking, and his headband evokes a connection with the Jaguar Hero Twin
represented on Classic period ceramics (Fig. 4.2j;
Tate 1992, fig. 62). The Jaguar War God may also
appear as the patron of the month Uo, a month
name that Thompson (1960 : 107–108) notes is the
same as the name for a small black frog that burrows
into the earth. Here the lunar connection may be
through the world of frogs. He is also the patron of
the number seven and sometimes appears with that
number inscribed on his cheek (Fig. 4.2f ).
Linda Schele and Mary Miller (1986 : 50 –51)
point out that the cruller-nosed jaguar god (JGU)
sometimes has the same Roman nose, scalloped eyebrows, square eyes, and pointed front tooth as GI of
the Palenque Triad, who apparently represents Venus (Chapter 5). The only difference they note is that
the jaguar’s scroll-eye form extends upward from the
lower lid rather than downward, as on GI. The Jaguar War God may embody a conceptual pairing between the Moon and Venus, often seen together in
the sky. He appears with star glyphs that may represent Venus in the East Court at Copán and on Stela 4
at Yaxchilán (Fig. 4.2i; Miller 1988 : 175). Although
Venus may be significant in the imagery of the Jaguar War God, preliminary study does not reveal a
consistent pattern of specific kinds of Venus events.
There is, however, a notable clustering of the dates
in the dry season.
Aguateca Stela 2, prominently depicting a Jaguar
War God shield, bears the date 8 Kan 17 Muan
(9.15.4.6.4; 11/27/735; Houston 1993, fig. 4-20). This
date is linked with a star-war event coinciding with
the heliacal rise of the Evening Star (Aveni and Hotaling 1994, table 2).
A sky band with seven Jaguar War God faces appears on Yaxchilán Stela 10, a monument bearing a
date tentatively reconstructed as 10 Chen 18 Pop
(9.16.15.0.0; 2/13/766; Tate 1992 : 233, fig. 130c).
On this date, the Morning Star and the Moon were
about to disappear in conjunction.
Naranjo Stela 21 represents Smoking Squirrel
dressed with the nose cruller and shield of the Jaguar
War God (Maler 1908, pl. 35; Proskouriakoff 1993 :
73 –74). The monument bears a dry season date
(9.13.14.4.2 8 Ik 0 Zip; 3/22/706). This date, just following the spring equinox, marks a time when Venus
was in conjunction with Mars and the waxing crescent Moon was in conjunction with Saturn, thus Venus and the Moon were engaged in similar events.
Another dry-season date (9.13.15.0.0; 12/25/706) on
the monument coincides with the last visibility of
the Morning Star just following the winter solstice.
THE JAGUAR WAR GOD
On Yaxchilán Stela 4, two Jaguar War God heads
are attached to star glyphs that hang from a sky
band (Figs. 4.2i, 4.10b). The monument bears a Calendar Round date of 6 Ahau 13 Kayab (9.17.5.0.0;
12/23/775) that falls in the dry season, and Venus
may be represented because the Evening Star has just
emerged. On top of the sky band, another bearded
Jaguar War God appears between two ancestors, one
a female framed in a lunar symbol, the other a male
in a mirror cartouche that probably represents the
sun disk.
A dry-season association is also seen in the Initial
Series date on Stela 1 at Yaxchilán, a monument that
depicts two faces of the Jaguar War God hanging
from a sky band (Fig. 3.8d; Tate 1992, app. 2). This
period-ending date, 9.16.10.0.0 1 Ahau 3 Zip (3/11/
761), falls in a very dry time of year. It is also the day
of the new moon, but the lunar phase does not seem
to be significant in the imagery of Jaguar War Gods.
Generally there is no consistent pattern linking the
Jaguar War God with a specific lunar phase.
The Jaguar War God is represented on war shields
with some frequency on monuments bearing dryseason dates. Aguateca Stela 2, Bonampak Stela 1,
Naranjo Stela 21, Yaxchilán Lintel 3 and Stela 11,
and the Palenque Temple of the Sun all record dryseason dates (Fig. 4.2g–h; Mathews 1980, fig. 3;
Proskouriakoff 1950, figs. 32, k, l, p, r). Three of
these also note rainy-season dates, but the Jaguar
War God’s association with the dry season is made
clear in the Temple of the Sun. Here, the dry-season
date (8 Oc 3 Kayab; 1/5/684) is positioned just above
the jaguar shield (Fig. 3.6b). Indeed, among all the
monuments tested with similar shields, all but one
(Calakmul Stela 89) bears a dry-season date.
The Jaguar War God embodies the number seven
in the full-figure glyphs used at some sites, and sometimes the god himself is inscribed with the number
seven. Lintel 2 of Temple IV at Tikal depicts an anthropomorphic Jaguar God of the Number Seven,
with the number inscribed on his cheek (Fig. 4.2f;
Jones 1977, fig. 12, table 1). Schele and Grube (1995 :
42 – 43) read a glyph compound at B12 —a jaguar
head paired with the sun glyph—as K’in Balam or
‘‘sun jaguar,’’ referring to the jaguar protector. The
text on Lintel 2 has four Calendar Round dates, but
125
the one at B8 associated with a star-war event on
7 Ben 1 Pop (9.15.12.11.13; 2/2/744) seems to be
linked with the jaguar name. The Jaguar War God is
the patron of dry-season warfare. This date is also the
day of the full moon, a phase that is linked with the
jaguar, according to a contemporary Quiché Maya
account (Chapter 1; D. Tedlock 1985 : 369).
In the crook of his arm, Stormy Sky (K’awil
Chaan) holds a head with traits of the Jaguar War
God on Tikal Stela 31 (Fig. 3.7b). A Tikal emblem
glyph on the jaguar head indicates that this deity is
especially important to the lineage of Tikal. Its jaguar
ear and headband point to a link with the Jaguar
Headband Twin; however, the cruller nose is that of
the Jaguar War God. Linda Schele and David Freidel
(1990 : 211) identify the head as the jaguar god of the
Hero Twins. The jaguar head on Stela 31 has also
been identified as the severed head of an ancestor
(A. Miller 1986 : 46). It may actually represent a severed jaguar head, part of the complex of decapitated
jaguar imagery linked with the moon. Stela 31’s Initial Series date (9.0.10.0.0; 10/16/445) correlates with
the new moon, when the moon disappeared in conjunction. In central Mexico, decapitation can symbolize the moon losing its head during conjunction
or during a lunar eclipse (Milbrath 1995b, 1997).
Another head on Stormy Sky’s belt ornament represents the Sun God with traits of the Jaguar War
God (Fig. 4.2k). Attributes of the Sun God include
a Kin-flower (T646) headband, rectangular crossed
eyes, and the Kin sign on the cheek. It also has a
cruller nose and jaguar ears like the Jaguar War
God. This head has been interpreted as the sun in
the underworld (A. Miller 1986 : 46; Schele and Miller 1986 : 50, fig. 35). Nicholas Hellmuth (1987 : 369,
fig. 650) identifies the head as a conflation of Ah Kin,
patron of the number four, and the Jaguar War God,
patron of the number seven. Here the sun may appear with the traits of a lunar god because the two
bodies are in conjunction, as indicated by the Initial
Series date.
The Jaguar War God is also represented on Early
Classic architecture. Tikal Structure 5D-22-3rd depicts a cruller-nosed mask that resembles the Jaguar
War God. Arthur Miller (1986 : 39, 49, fig. 11) identifies this as Kinich Ahau, but it is clearly an Early
126
LUNAR IMAGES AND DEITIES
Classic form of the Jaguar War God. A lunar connection is reinforced by the T683 moon glyph below
the head.
In the realm of the ceramic arts, the Jaguar War
God is especially popular in the Late Classic period.
At Palenque, incense-burner stands represent anthropomorphic, fleshed zoomorphic, or skeletal zoomorphic forms of the god (Freidel and Schele 1988 :
63 – 64). These flanged stands are usually found discarded at the rear of temples, cached in the terraces
of temple substructures, or placed in regional caves.
Perhaps they were used in fire ceremonies performed
annually or at the end of important calendar cycles
such as Katuns and Calendar Rounds.
A Jaina figurine depicts the Jaguar War God seated
on the earth monster represented by a crocodilian,
flanked by two Venus glyphs (Miller 1975). This image may represent the crescent Moon and Venus positioned together on the horizon, a pairing that can
commonly be seen around dawn or dusk.
On the Vase of the Seven Gods, the Jaguar War
God is at the head of two rows of gods paying homage to God L, who is seated on a jaguar-skin throne
(Pl. 7). The Jaguar War God gestures in submission
with one arm and rests the other on the earth-star
bundle. His name glyph, mentioned last in the text,
has a jaguar ear, the distinctive cruller nose, and
an Akbal (night) marking on the cheek (Coe 1973 :
108 –109, no. 49). As we will see, he is part of an
assembly of gods representing the Sun, the Moon,
and five naked-eye planets (Chapters 5 and 6).
The Jaguar War God appears in other astronomical scenes on painted ceramics. A vase depicting a
ball game represents a black Jaguar War God standing on the head of Hunahpu, a scene that surely has
astronomical symbolism (Coe 1982 : 32, no. 10). On
another pot, two identical figures of the Jaguar War
God tip jars over (Coe 1982 : 40, no. 14). Instead of
containing water, the jars seem to issue volutes of
smoke, perhaps indicating the empty water jars of the
dry season. The two are distinguished only by their
thrones, one a Cauac throne and the other a throne
with crossed bands, possibly designating two different positions in the sky.
The Jaguar War God is a decapitated head held in
the beak of the Muan bird on a painted vase (Coe
1982 : 42, no. 15). Perhaps this image depicts a lunar
eclipse or the new moon. Michael Coe (1978b : 34,
no. 4) identifies a reclining jaguar baby on the Metropolitan Museum vase as the Jaguar God of the Underworld, the counterpart of our Jaguar War God
(Pl. 8). A 7 Muluc 7 Kayab date on the vessel may be
of astronomical significance, according to Coe. This
Calendar Round date correlates with a dry-season
date throughout the Classic period, and if the pot
dates near the beginning of the Late Classic, the
Calendar Round coincides with the new moon (1/
23/627), when the moon ‘‘lost its head’’ as it joined
the sun in conjunction. This may be why the jaguar
has some solar traits, such as the squint eyes of the
Sun God.
In sum, the Jaguar War God is associated with the
dry season, the epoch of warfare. His lunar aspect
appears on Glyph C of the Lunar Series. His image
often appears on war shields in the central Maya
area, perhaps the counterpart for lunar crescents on
war shields in the northern Maya lowlands. Dates on
monuments with the Jaguar War God do not consistently correlate with a specific lunar phase, but the
majority coincide with the dry season. Monuments
depicting the Jaguar War God often bear dates that
coincide with Venus events, but there is no clear patterning in this respect. Perhaps the Jaguar War God
and Venus are directly connected (Chapter 5). In
Classic period ceramics, the Jaguar War God’s warlike aspect is less pronounced, and he is more closely
linked with the ball game and decapitation imagery.
THE JAGUAR PADDLER:
THE MOON PAIRED WITH THE SUN
The Jaguar Paddler may represent the moon paired
with the sun in scenes that show the two paddling
or engaged in similar activities. In some sense, he
is a counterpart of the Jaguar War God (Hellmuth
1987 : 368, fig. 626; Stuart 1988 : 189). Both deities
are known only from the Classic period, and they are
closely related to the lunar jaguar, Yax Balam, later
known as Xbalanque (see below). The jaguar-spotted
THE JAGUAR PADDLER
paddler travels in a canoe with another deity called
the Stingray Paddler, characterized by a stingray
spine bloodletter piercing his nose (Fig. 4.3a). Schele
and Freidel (1990 : 413) refer to the Paddler Twins as
the Old Stingray God of the day and the Old Jaguar
God of the night.
Tikal bone MT38a from Burial 116 shows the Jaguar Paddler at the prow of a canoe and the Stingray
Paddler at the stern (Fig. 4.3a). The notion of the two
traveling in a canoe suggests a trip through the watery underworld. David Freidel et al. (1993, figs. 2 :
25, 2 : 26) propose that the canoe is the Milky Way.
In this light, it is worth investigating whether the
Milky Way is involved in some way with imagery of
the Paddler Twins. As we will see in Chapter 7, the
Milky Way may be a divine river in some contexts,
and a canoe is required for the crossing. Scholars
do not agree on the Long Count equivalent for the
Calendar Round date (6 Akbal 11 Zac) recorded on
the bone, so it is premature to discuss any possible
relationship with astronomical events involving the
Milky Way.
Patterns of substitution in glyphic passages indicate that the Paddler Twins are paired in Kin and
Akbal texts: the Akbal glyph can substitute for the
Jaguar Paddler, and the Kin glyph for the Stingray
Paddler (Schele and Miller 1986, fig. 40; Stuart 1984,
fig. 9). David Stuart (1988 : 190, fig. 5.19) notes that
their hieroglyphic names can be represented with
portrait glyphs and specific suffixes, or the glyphs
Kin and Akbal can substitute for the portrait heads.
The Jaguar Paddler is named with the Akbal glyph
and a na suffix, an intriguing combination because
Akbal and na together approximate the name of
the Lacandón Moon Goddess (Akna or Äkna’;
Chapter 1). It also should be noted that Kin is paired
with Akbal in specific contexts that seem to refer to
the moon, as on the Early Classic Tikal Stela 31,
where the text at B9-A10 shows the lunar Glyph D
followed by Glyph E as a reference to the new moon
on 9.0.10.0.7 (Jones 1984 : 55). An early pairing of
Kin and Akbal is seen on the wings of a Late Preclassic bird deity on Kaminaljuyú Altar 10 (Parsons
1988 :15, fig. 1.3). And in the Postclassic period, we
see Kin paired with Akbal in texts associated with the
aging Moon Goddess on Dresden Codex 39b and
127
67a (discussed below). Akbal can also appear in the
center of a lunar-eclipse glyph, as on Dresden Codex
45b (Fig. 6.1a, over third sky beast).
On Ixlu Stela 2, the floating Paddler Twins appear as ‘‘cloud riders’’ (Fig. 4.3b). The associated
date is the Katun ending 10.1.0.0.0 5 Ahau 3 Kayab
(11/24/849). This Katun ending was marked by a
‘‘scattering rite,’’ possibly a blood offering, when
Venus was the Evening Star near its maximum altitude (Aveni and Hotaling 1994, table 1; Schele and
Freidel 1990 : 446). The Sun was crossing the Milky
Way in Scorpius, and the waxing Moon was positioned at a distance in Aquarius. As we will see, the
dates on the Paddlers monuments studied here suggest an association with the dry season (late November to late May), and many can be linked to times
when either the Sun or the Moon were positioned in
the Milky Way.
Although the Paddlers are not represented as a
main theme on Dos Pilas Stela 14 (formerly Stela
25), the text refers to the birth of the Paddler Twins
(Houston 1993 : 111, tables 3-1, 4-1, fig. 3.24; Stuart
1984 : 14; 1988 : 192). Their birth is recorded on the
Initial Series date 9.14.0.0.0 6 Ahau 13 Muan, a Katun ending (11/29/711). The Sun was in Scorpius,
crossing the Milky Way, and the Moon was also in
the Milky Way in Taurus. The date coincides with the
day of the full Moon, locking the Katun ending to a
lunar event. Eight Katuns later the period would
end on the new Moon, recorded on Jimbal Stela 1,
another monument that bears the Paddlers (Stuart
1984 : 11, fig. 7a). This interplay of the lunar cycles
on a Paddlers monument marking the Katun ending
certainly merits study in the future.
Another Paddler text appears on Copán Stela
6 (Fig. 5.8e; Maudslay 1889 –1902, pls. 105 –107;
Schele 1987c; 1989b : 32, 93). An Initial Series date
of 9.12.10.0.0 9 Ahau 18 Zotz (5/5/682) is followed
by 8 Ahau, probably referring to the close of the
Katun at 9.13.0.0.0 8 Ahau 8 Uo (3/13/692). The
Paddlers are mentioned just following the 8 Ahau
date ending the Katun. On this date, the waning
Moon was crossing the Milky Way in Scorpius,
positioned overhead at dawn, when all five planets
could be seen strung out like beads on a chain down
to the eastern horizon. The date was only a few days
THE JAGUAR PADDLER
129
before the spring equinox (3/17/692), a seasonal association also seen on Copán Stela P.
The Paddler Twins are positioned in the jaws of a
double-headed serpent on Copán Stela P, a monument depicting Butz’ Chan, the eleventh ruler of Copán (Fig. 4.3e; Fash 1991 : 80; Schele 1987c). The Jaguar Paddler on the left has the cruller nose of the
Jaguar War God. Stela P bears a Lahuntun ending
date of 9.9.10.0.0 2 Ahau 13 Pop (3/16/623), a time
when the waxing Moon was in Cancer, just emerging
from the Milky Way. The proximity to the spring
equinox may also have been of interest.
Stela 7, another Copán monument erected by
Butz’ Chan, also shows the Paddler Twins in the
jaws of the double-headed serpent bar (Schele 1987c,
fig. 5a). The text names the Jaguar Paddler and the
Stingray Paddler three times. The first text represents
the Jaguar Paddler with a jaguar headdress and the
Stingray Paddler with a Xoc fish headdress and a Kin
cartouche on his forehead (Schele 1987c, fig. 8a).
Another mention of the Paddlers occurs at C8-D8,
followed by a third text at F2, where the Jaguar is
inscribed with Akbal on his cheek as a reference to
the night and Kin appears on the cheek of the Stingray Paddler (Fig. 4.3c). The only date is an Initial Series inscription recording the Katun ending 9.9.0.0.0
3 Ahau 3 Zotz (5/7/613), when the waning Moon
was in Libra, at the edge of the Milky Way, and the
Sun was passing through the Milky Way in Taurus.
One of the earliest known images of the Paddlers
is seen on the Tikal ball-court marker dating to
a.d. 378 (Schele and Freidel 1990, fig. 4 : 19). The
Sun God is paired with an Akbal-browed figure in
a compound that seems to refer to the Paddler
Twins. There follows the name of an enigmatic god
with his eyes covered by a trident design, not unlike
the head in the serpent’s jaw on the Hauberg Stela
(Fig. 6.4c). Instead of the Katun or Lahuntun ending
dates seen on most of the Paddlers monuments discussed above, the ball-court marker bears an Initial
Series date of 8.17.1.4.12 11 Eb 15 Mac (1/13/378).
The waning Moon was in Sagittarius, crossing the
Milky Way, and the Sun was nearby in Capricorn at
the edge of the Milky Way (Chapter 7).
Schele (1992b : 123 –124) suggests that the Paddlers are personifications of night and day at the
first moments of creation. She translates a passage
on Quiriguá Stela C as ‘‘they seated the stone, the
Paddler Gods, it happened at House Five-Sky, Jaguar-Throne-Stone.’’ This is part of a larger text that
refers to the original creation of the universe on
4 Ahau 8 Cumku. She proposes that the Paddlers are
the artists who drew the constellations in the sky,
the counterparts for the Shaper and the Modeler
in the Popol Vuh, two of the original creator gods
(Schele 1992b :140). However, if the Stingray Paddler somehow represents the sun, as proposed here,
this scenario seems unlikely. In the creation epics of
Mesoamerica, the sun appears relatively late in the
narrative sequence dealing with the creation of the
universe (Taube 1993).
The Paddler Twins appear only rarely in ceramic
arts. A Late Classic vessel from Duke University’s collection shows the Paddlers in separate canoes positioned in quatrefoil designs that may represent a
cavelike entry to the underworld (Fig. 4.3f; Reents-
FIG. 4.3. a: Jaguar Paddler at prow and Stingray Paddler
d: Paddler Twins as sun and moon at opposite ends of
double-headed serpent held by Maize God (Early Classic
cache vessel from Tikal; after Coggins 1980, fig. 4).
e: Paddler Twins emerge from two heads of doubleheaded serpent bar on Copán Stela P erected by Butz’
Chan in seventh century (after Fash 1991, fig. 50).
f: Paddler Twins move in separate canoes through entry to underworld (Late Classic vessel in Duke University
Museum collection; after Hellmuth 1987, figs. 626 – 627).
at stern, part of assembly of seven gods on incised bones
(MT38a) from tomb of HaSawa Chaan K’awil (Burial 116
at Tikal; after Schele and Miller 1986, fig. VII.1).
b: Sun and moon as Paddler Twins amidst clouds on
Ixlu Stela 2 (after Schele and Miller 1986, fig. IV.2; Stuart
1984, fig. 6).
c: Paddler Twins glyphs showing pairing of sun and
moon, with Akbal on cheek of Jaguar Paddler and Kin on
cheek of Stingray Paddler (Copán Stela 7; after Schele
1987c, fig. 8b).
130
LUNAR IMAGES AND DEITIES
Budet 1994, fig. 6.47). An Early Classic cache vessel
from Tikal shows the Paddler Twins at opposite
ends of an undulating double-headed serpent held
by the Maize God (Fig. 4.3d). These two heads have
been interpreted as the rising and setting Sun, or
night and day (Coggins 1980; Schele 1992b :150).
I would suggest instead that the image depicts the
Sun and the Moon as they are passing through
a double-headed serpent that represents the Milky
Way (Chapter 7).
We can conclude that the Paddler Twins may
represent a conceptual pairing of the sun and the
moon, but no specific lunar phase is implicated in
the pairing. In Late Classic times, the Paddlers most
often are associated with period-ending rites marking Katun endings or Lahuntun endings. Paddlers
texts on monuments from Toniná and Piedras Negras (Schele 1987c, 1989b : 32) are not analyzed here,
but the sample of monuments studied indicates a
pattern of dates that fall in the dry season, most often
coinciding with times when the Sun or the Moon
was crossing the Milky Way. As we will see, the Milky
Way seems to be significant in the imagery of the
Paddler Twins (Chapter 7).
THE LUNAR TWIN: XBALANQUE
The best-known lunar jaguar is Xbalanque, paired
as a twin of the sun in the Popol Vuh, the same
way we see the Paddler Twins paired as representations of the sun and the moon in Maya art. In the
ancient Quiché tale of the Popol Vuh, Hunahpu and
Xbalanque are twin brothers who are blowgun hunters. In one episode they shoot down a bird pretending to be the sun. Subsequently, they take the role of
maize farmers using magical farming implements,
but they find that farming is not their natural vocation. They become ballplayers, using the equipment
of their dead father and uncle. As they are playing
ball, the noise annoys the lords of the underworld
(Xibalba), and they summon the twins to the land
of death. Before the twins go, they plant maize to
serve as a sign of their fate in the underworld. Eventually their grandmother sees the corn dry up when
they are burned in an oven in Xibalba, but the corn
plants grow again when the twins defeat the lords of
Xibalba (D. Tedlock 1985 : 158 –160). Then they rise
up to become the sun and the moon. Their ascent
seems to be linked to their being burned in an oven,
echoing an Aztec legend of how the sun and the
moon were created when they rose up from a hearth
fire at Teotihuacán (Sahagún 1950 –1982, 7 : 3 –7).
The Popol Vuh says the twin boys are transformed
into the sun and the moon, but it does not specify which is which (D. Tedlock 1985 : 160). On the
other hand, El Tı́tulo de Totonicapán (7v) states that
Xbalanquej is a female ballplayer who is the moon
(Carmack and Mondloch 1983 : 21, 28 –29, 174, 213
n. 74). Dennis Tedlock (1985 : 368 –369) notes: ‘‘If
the name Xbalanque literally means ‘Little Jaguar
Sun’ . . . it could refer specifically to the full moon,
which is metaphorically called ‘sun’ by contemporary Quichés.’’ Karen Bassie-Sweet (1992 : 190 –191)
finds Tedlock’s interpretation convincing and adds
that the jaguar is a good counterpart for the full
moon because he emerges from a den at sunset and
retreats at dawn, just like the full moon.
The ballplaying Hero Twins decapitate each other
in the Popol Vuh (D. Tedlock 1985 : 150, 153). This
type of act suggests eclipse imagery, which would
involve the new moon in the case of a solar eclipse
and the full moon during a lunar eclipse. Xbalanque
decapitating his twin brother would play the role of
the new moon covering the sun’s light during a solar
eclipse. But Hunahpu decapitating Xbalanque suggests a lunar eclipse, indicating the phase would be
the full moon. The full moon is a natural ‘‘twin’’ of
the sun, similar in both size and shape, and its motions mirror those of the sun, for the full moon rises
as the sun sets, and vice versa. The seasonal motions
of the full moon are like those of the rising sun, but
they take place at the opposite side of the sky in the
opposite season.
God CH is the Postclassic counterpart of
Xbalanque (Fig. 4.4e–g; Taube 1992b : 63). Usually,
God CH has a jaguar-spotted mouth like that of Tepeyollotl, the central Mexican jaguar god who is an
alter ego of Tezcatlipoca in his lunar aspect (Milbrath
1995a). God CH is sometimes merged with the Tonsured Maize God, evoking Xbalanque’s role as a
maize farmer (Fig. 4.4e; Taube 1992b : 60). Other
roles seen in the Popol Vuh are not prominent in the
THE LUNAR TWIN: XBALANQUE
codices. Only one Postclassic image seems to show
God CH wearing a ball-game belt (Fig. 4.4g). Only
one scene shows him with Hun Ahau, the counterpart of Hunahpu (Fig. 4.4h).
God CH is one of four gods marking the cosmic
quarters around a world tree on Dresden Codex 3a
(Fig. 4.4h). His name glyph has a jaguar-spotted
mouth, but instead of the usual Yax prefix, here his
portrait head has a prefix of one (Fig. 4.4b). He is
positioned diagonally opposite a partially effaced figure of Hun Ahau, or God S (Coe 1989 : 179, fig. 28;
Taube 1992b :115). God K and the Maize God mark
the other two directions. In the center, the world
tree grows out of the gaping abdominal wound of a
sacrificed individual resting on the earth monster.
The astronomical symbolism remains enigmatic but
does bear some resemblance to the Codex FejérváryMayer 1, which positions the solar and lunar deities
at opposite sides of a cosmic diagram, with the other
two directions marked by the Maize God and Tezcatlipoca, the counterpart of God K (Fig. 4.4i).
God CH’s Postclassic name usually has a yax prefix and a head with a jaguar-spotted mouth, probably signifying yax balam, a name retained from the
Classic period (Figs. 4.4a, d, e, 4.5d; Coe 1989 : 168,
fig. 8; Schele and Freidel 1990 : 117). He is the Chicchan God, and he has a Chicchan marking like the
day sign Chicchan, associated with a celestial snake
(Thompson 1960, table 4). The spoked Chicchan
sign crowning his head is usually crosshatched like a
net, but occasionally it is marked by three spots
(Fig. 4.4b).
Yax Balam is the Classic period counterpart of
Xbalanque and God CH of the codices. In calendar
records he is the jaguar-spotted god of the number
nine (Figs. 4.4d, 4.5a). This link is intriguing because
personified numbers may represent an ancient lunar
count (Macri 1982 : 18, 49 –54). He can substitute for
the Moon Goddess in the Classic period lunar Glyph
C (Kelley 1976 : 92, fig. 32). It is noteworthy that,
aside from Yax Balam’s role as the number nine, this
deity is not well represented in monumental sculpture. Indeed, he is seen primarily in ceramics and
cave paintings.
The Hero Twins appear in the deep recesses of the
cave at Naj Tunich, the jaguar twin clearly marked
131
by body patches with jaguar spots (Fig. 4.5b; Stone
1995b :149). Both twins have a bound hank of hair
and they are seated in a similar fashion. Hunahpu
wears a ball-game belt and clusters of three spots on
his cheek and body. These seem to be variant forms
of the single death spot more often seen on this
deity. He touches his lunar twin, whose eyes seem to
be closed in death. The death aspect of the lunar
deity could indicate the new-moon phase or a lunar eclipse. The Hero Twins together in a cave
appear to be fellow travelers to the underworld,
bringing to mind modern accounts of the new moon
disappearing to a cave in conjunction (Chapter 1).
Xbalanque’s connection with the night and the underworld is made clear in an account by Antonio de
Fuentes y Guzmán, who records that in the Guatemalan highlands the dead were buried at night, when
offerings were made to Ixbalanque so that he would
accompany the deceased (Ruz 1968 : 68).
The Hero Twins are known as the Headband
Twins in Classic period ceramics (Taube 1992b : 60,
63). Hun Ahau, the solar Headband Twin, seems
somehow also linked with the Morning Star (Chapter 3). The Headband Twins appear with some frequency in scenes related to maize agriculture. Since
the Headband Twins embody the sun and the moon,
their association with maize is very appropriate
in light of contemporary Maya beliefs about the
role the sun and the moon play in maize agriculture (Chapter 1). The Headband Twins hold digging
sticks that resemble paddles as their companion, the
Maize God, rises out of a bowl that looks curiously
like a canoe (Fig. 4.5f; Hellmuth 1987, figs. 444, 446).
This suggests some conceptual overlap in the imagery of paddling and planting. In another scene, the
Hero Twins pull up the Maize God from a crack in
a turtle shell (Fig. 3.11a). A parallel scene on a vessel
known as the Resurrection Vase depicts the Headband Twins flanking the Maize God—who apparently is the counterpart of Hun Hunahpu, the father
of the Hero Twins in the Popol Vuh—as he sprouts
from a turtle shell marked with an Akbal sign signaling darkness (Fig. 3.11b; Coe 1989 : 177–178). In
this scene, the lunar twin pours water on the Maize
God, representing the moon’s control over the rain
that nourishes maize, the moon’s role as a water
THE LUNAR TWIN: XBALANQUE
133
carrier, and its connection with maize agriculture
(Fig. 4.5d). Another vessel depicts the twins holding
overturned vases from which issue different kinds
of snakes, here reflecting an archetypal metaphor,
for the undulating body of a snake suggests a stream
of water (Fig. 4.5c; Benson 1997 : 109).
A court scene depicts the spotted Headband Twin
(Hun Ahau), the Maize God, and the lunar twin, his
jaguar markings now eroded (Coe 1978b, no. 2).
The three gods have come to pay homage to an enthroned male wearing a headdress representing the
lily-pad monster, not unlike the glyphic sign for
turtle (ak’; Houston 1989 : 40). This may be one
of a number of scenes representing the Sun and
the Moon, the cycles of maize cultivation, and the
turtle constellation located in the stars of Orion
(Chapter 7).
A variety of intriguing scenes hint at other celestial events involving the Headband Twins. On one
pot, the twins dance around a water-lily monster
with a Kan Cross on its brow, like the deity at the
base of the celestial cross in the Temple of the Foliated Cross at Palenque (Fig. 4.5e; Pl. 11). The Hun
Ahau twin adopts the pose sometimes used by ballplayers, although in this case he lacks the ball-game
belt. Nonetheless, the headband itself may be a sufficient link with the game, for the Popol Vuh specifies that the headband is part of the equipment
needed to play ball (D. Tedlock 1985 : 340).
A polychrome plate depicts the lunar Headband
Twin, Yax Balam, seated on a throne formed by two
po glyphs (Coe 1989 : 176, fig. 24; Hellmuth 1987,
fig. 435). Coe identifies the double-po throne as a
symbol for pop, meaning ‘‘mat’’ or ‘‘rulership.’’ The
mat connection is reinforced by the twisted element
on Yax Balam’s back, resembling the mat in the
month glyph Pop, signifying ‘‘straw mat’’ in almost
all Mayan languages and dialects (Thompson 1960 :
107). Another alternative is that the throne may refer
to the moon because po is a name for the moon in a
number of Mayan languages (Thompson 1960 : 47).
Thrones bearing the po glyph are covered by a jaguar
pelt in a number of Maya vase paintings. On the
Protoclassic La Mojarra Stela, Martha Macri and
Laura Stark (1993 : 6) identify a hide with po in its
center as a lunar symbol. Probably the hide is meant
to be a jaguar skin, an apparent allusion to the jaguar
aspect of the moon.
A lunar crescent frames the Moon God sitting on
a po throne on the Pearlman Trumpet, an incised
conch shell trumpet from the Early Classic period
(Fig. 4.5g; Schele and Miller 1986 : 308 –309; Taube
1992b : 67). Schele and Miller translate his name as
‘‘Jaguar Moon Lord’’ (balam-u-ahau) and suggest
that he is the lunar twin of the Popol Vuh. His ballgame belt seems to allude to a role as a ballplayer,
comparable to the Hero Twins. He also wears a
downturned half-mask characteristic of a number
of lunar deities. Mirrorlike markings (T617a) distinguish the Moon God as a bright body, perhaps
FIG. 4.4. a: Lunar god named Yax Balam is Postclassic
f: God CH as Postclassic counterpart of lunar twin,
Xbalanque (Dresden Codex 7b; after Taube 1992b,
fig. 28f ).
g: Deity with jaguar patches on face, deer headdress,
and heavy belt of ballplayer may be linked with God CH
(Paris Codex 10; after Taube 1992b, fig. 28h).
h: God CH (facing bound deer) appears with Maize
God, Hun Ahau, and God K positioned around world
tree, suggesting four world quarters (Dresden Codex 3a;
after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
i: Quadripartite division of calendar and associated
gods of four world quarters on page 1 of Codex FejérváryMayer from Mixteca-Puebla area (after Krupp 1983 : 291).
Chicchan god known as God CH (Madrid Codex 104b;
after Taube 1992b, fig. 28a).
b: Variant name of Postclassic Jaguar-spotted God CH
(Dresden Codex 3a; after Taube 1992b, fig. 28b).
c: God CH, Postclassic counterpart of Xbalanque, as
head variant of number 19 (Dresden Codex 69; after
Taube 1992b, fig. 28c).
d: Yax Balam, head variant of number nine and Classic
counterpart of God CH (Olvidado Temple, Palenque; after Taube 1992b, fig. 28d).
e: God CH, wearing headdress of Tonsured Maize God,
has jaguar-spotted mouth like his portrait glyph, prefixed
by Yax glyph, designating him as Yax Balam (Madrid Codex 28d; after Taube 1992b, fig. 28c).
THE CLASSIC PERIOD MOON GOD IN MONUMENTAL ART
alluding here to the full moon, which has a masculine aspect according to Quiché Maya accounts.
Schele and Miller note that the lunar god lacks the
breasts characteristic of female figures. Even though
he wears a costume typical of Classic Maya women,
they point out that this garb is also worn by males
involved in bloodletting. The gender ambiguity in
the figure’s costume is not surprising in light of
the female and male variants of Xbalanque in two
different versions of the Hero Twins tale discussed
above. Indeed, a number of Classic Maya lunar deities seem to be of ambiguous gender, a pattern similar to central Mexican lunar iconography (Milbrath
1995a).
We can conclude that Hun Ahau (Hunahpu) and
Yax Balam (Xbalanque) represent the sun and the
moon in the underworld, like the Hero Twins in the
Popol Vuh. They are most often seen in Classic period ceramic paintings. They wear ball-game equipment, and they appear to be involved in maize agriculture, pointing to a link with the activities of the
Hero Twins in the Popol Vuh. Yax Balam may often represent the masculine full moon, which plays
an important role in the Quiché maize cycle today
(Chapter 1). In the Postclassic period, God CH continues to have Yax Balam’s jaguar aspect and lunar
nature and is similarly associated with maize. However, he is rarely represented in the codices with
Hun Ahau. Apparently, the mythic exploits of the
Hero Twins received less emphasis in the codices,
probably because these focused on agricultural and
weather cycles rather than on mythological events.
FIG. 4.5. a: Jaguar-spotted god of number nine (Yaxchilán Lintel 48; after Tate 1992, fig. 62).
b: Spotted Hun Ahau with lunar twin, Yax Balam,
marked by patches with jaguar spots (cave at Naj Tunich;
after Stone 1995b, fig. 6-43).
c: Headband Twins holding overturned vases issuing
snakes that symbolize water (Classic Maya vase; after
Taube 1992b, fig. 61d).
d: Headband Twin named Yax Balam pours water from
Akbal vase (detail of Late Classic Resurrection Vase [see
Fig. 3.11b]; after Hellmuth 1987, fig. 439; Stone 1995b,
fig. 6-42).
135
The paucity of Postclassic representations of the Hero
Twins may also relate to regional differences, reflecting a greater emphasis on female lunar deities in Yucatán, evident at sites like Tulum (see below).
THE CLASSIC PERIOD MOON GOD
IN MONUMENTAL ART
The Moon God in Classic period monumental art is
relatively rare. The known examples do not exhibit
obvious jaguar traits. Perhaps the most intriguing
image is seen on Bonampak Altar 2, where a lunar
crescent frames the Moon God dressed in a ballgame belt and holding his lunar rabbit (Fig. 4.6a).
He has a cruller nose like the Jaguar War God but
lacks apparent jaguar traits.
A ball-court marker from Quiriguá known as
Monument 18 (Altar R) shows a quatrefoil cave
framing the moon symbol and the Moon God, who
is wearing a ball-game belt (Fig. 4.6c). This image
evokes the new moon in conjunction hiding in a
cave. A different phase of the moon is suggested by a
figure on Zoomorph P from Quiriguá (Fig. 4.6b).
Zac (T58) markings on the body of this lunar deity
suggest the whiteness of a visible phase of the moon.
A masculine gender is indicated by the contorted
pose exposing the thighs.
Piedras Negras Stela 19 seems to represent the
face of a lunar deity enclosed in a lunar symbol
(Fig. 4.6d). Karl Taube (1992b, fig. 30b) groups this
deity with images of the Moon Goddess. The figure has a looped hank of hair, a male hairdo seen
e: Late Classic vessel showing Headband Twins dancing with head of water-lily monster (after Hellmuth 1987,
fig. 430).
f: Jaguar-spotted Headband Twin holds digging stick
resembling canoe paddle (Late Classic vase dating to Tepeu 1 period; after Taube 1992b, fig. 28g).
g: Lunar crescent frames ‘‘Jaguar Moon Lord’’ (balamu-ahau) sitting on po symbol, alongside his lunar name
(Early Classic Pearlman Trumpet; after Schele and Miller
1986, pl. 121; Coe 1982, fig. 1).
THE CLASSIC PERIOD MOON GOD IN MONUMENTAL ART
137
on images of the Headband Twins (Fig. 4.5b). Occasionally this hairdo is also worn by the Moon
Goddess (Fig. 4.10g). The downturned mask is like
that worn by the Moon God on the Pearlman Trumpet (Fig. 4.5g). Although the gender is ambiguous, I
group the Piedras Negras figure with the Moon God.
One of the finest monumental images of the
moon appears on a bench from Las Sepulturas at
Copán. The lunar deity in a T683 lunar crescent
holds a lunar rabbit (Pl. 19). The deity is probably a
male because it has a downturned serpent mask seen
on other images of the Moon God (Fig. 4.5g).
On a Copán ball-court marker, Hun Ahau (Hun
Ahaw) kneels with the God of Zero, identified by his
portrait glyph at the top of the right-hand column of
glyphs (Fig. 3.10g; Schele and Miller 1986 : 251, 257).
Schele (1987a) refers to the God of Zero as a death
god embodying sacrificial death. However, he may
also be connected with the moon, since he holds a
handstone representing the lunar rabbit. His death
aspect may also be linked with the moon. A Maya
vase depicts a female with death attributes and a
hand on her chin, as the God of Zero has, (Kerr
1990 : 229, no. 2286). Possibly she has a death aspect
linked with the moon, like the skeletal heads in the
lunar Glyph C.
A deity embodying the Classic period version
of the Death God, known as God A8 in the codices,
seems to be linked with the moon in some contexts. In the Temple of the Foliated Cross, a passage
naming astronomical gods includes the Palenque
Triad (O9-O10), and then names Ek’ Way Chak and
God A8 (Fig. 4.6e; Schele 1992b : 170). This death god
has a Cimi (death) sign on the cheek, a dark band
across the eyes, and a lunar glyph attached to his
head. His name appears before Hun Ahaw, suggesting a pairing like that seen on the Copán Ball-court
marker.
Another skeletal god clearly is also linked with a
lunar crescent on Quiriguá Monument 4 (Stela D).
Here Kelley (1977b : 61) identifies a moon symbol
framing a skeletal face as the symbol for a lunar
eclipse, but it could represent the Moon disappearing in conjunction. The Initial Series date on Monument 4 (9.16.15.0.0; 2/13/766) is not even close to
the day of a lunar eclipse, but it is one day before the
new Moon. Perhaps the Moon in conjunction (in the
underworld) is represented in a skeletal form. Another alternative is that the configuration shows Venus as a skeletal Morning Star framed by the Moon,
because this date marks the last appearance for both
bodies in the morning sky. As we will see, the skeletal
Morning Star seems to represent Venus in superior
conjunction in other contexts (Chapter 5).
In sum, the most easily recognized aspect of the
Moon God is the ballplayer in his lunar crescent.
Ball-game belts on two such figures suggest that this
aspect of the moon belongs to the masculine realm
of the Hero Twins. Scenes involving partial figures
in a lunar crescent are more ambiguous in gender,
reflecting a trend seen throughout the lunar complex. The God of Zero may represent a death aspect
of the moon. Other death aspects of the moon may
appear in portrait glyphs that include the lunar crescent and a face bearing the Cimi sign, showing the
natural connection between the moon and the realm
of the underworld, also noted in modern Maya accounts. The death aspect of the moon may embody
FIG. 4.6. a: Lunar crescent frames Moon God as ballplayer holding lunar rabbit (Late Classic Bonampak Altar
2; after Schele and Miller 1983 : 46, fig. 18c).
b: Zac markings on body of lunar deity indicate visible
phase of moon (Late Classic Monument 16 [Zoomorph
P], at Quiriguá; after Taube 1992b, fig. 31a).
c: Quatrefoil cave frames moon symbol and Moon God
wearing ball-game belt, possibly representing new moon
(Late Classic Quiriguá Monument 18 [Altar R]; after
Stone 1982, fig. 134).
d: Moon God enclosed in lunar symbol (Late Classic
Piedras Negras Stela 19; after Taube 1992b, fig. 30b).
e: Passage naming Palenque Triad (Venus, Sun, and Jupiter?) followed by names of Ek’ Way Chak (another Venus god?), God A8 (Moon?), and Hun Ahaw (underworld
Sun and Morning Star?) (Late Classic Temple of Foliated
Cross; after Schele 1992b : 70).
138
LUNAR IMAGES AND DEITIES
the moon paired with the underworld sun. Underworld imagery is appropriate to the moon, which
spends up to three days each month invisible in the
underworld during conjunction.
The moon has multiple aspects in the Popol Vuh. The
male ballplayer, Xbalanque, may take the role of
the full moon; the youthful Blood Woman may be the
waxing moon; and the aged Grandmother (Xmucane) is probably the waning moon (B. Tedlock
1992a : 31; 1992b :183 –184). After Blood Woman is
impregnated by the decapitated head of Hun Hunahpu, the Maize God, she carries a net to collect
corn. Her net leaves an imprint in the floor of Xmucane’s house, a magical sign that shows she is pregnant with the offspring of Hun Hunahpu (D. Tedlock 1985 : 118 –119; 1991 : 166). She gives birth to
the Hero Twins, one of whom is to become the
moon. This apparent anomaly of the mother and
son both being identified with the moon can be ex-
plained as a process of transformation: the moon
changing from female to male at the full moon.
Similarly, the two different females representing the
moon can also be explained by changes in lunar
phases. Thompson (1960 : 231) notes that the confusion between the sun’s wife and the mother of the
sun in contemporary Maya accounts may reflect
two different phases of the moon. In a like fashion,
he proposes that in the codices a youthful goddess
evokes the waxing moon, whereas an aged goddess is
identified with the waning moon (Thompson 1960 :
83). My own research confirms his findings (Milbrath 1995a, 1996a).
Goddess I of the codices is the young Moon Goddess. In the Dresden Codex, the name for the youthful Goddess I invariably uses the T1026 female portrait head inset with a curled design resembling T171
(Fig. 4.7a; Thompson 1972 : 47– 48, 51). The T171
curl refers to the sound u in Landa’s syllabary, which
also is the word for ‘‘moon.’’ Standing alone, T1026
seems to signify ‘‘moon lady’’ (Milbrath 1996a). The
T1026 name may be prefixed by T171, which apparently adds emphasis to her lunar quality (Figs. 4.1j,
FIG. 4.7. a: Postclassic names for young Moon Goddess
(Goddess I), on left prefixed by T58 symbolizing her
whiteness; on right prefixed by T171 (‘‘moon’’) reinforcing her lunar aspect (after Taube 1992b, figs. 29a–b).
b: Young Moon Goddess with headdress representing
zac, word for ‘‘white,’’ probably indicating visible phase of
moon (Dresden Codex 18b; after Villacorta and Villacorta
1977).
c: Death spots and closed eyes characterize eclipsed
Moon Goddess in eclipse table (Dresden Codex 53b; after
Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
d: Young Moon Goddess (Goddess I) offering symbol
for maize (Dresden Codex 22b; after Taube 1992b,
fig. 29e).
e: Young Moon Goddess offering fish (Dresden Codex
23b; after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
f: Young Moon Goddess in amorous scenes with God
N and God A, followed by scene of her carrying children
(Dresden Codex 23c; after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
g: Young Moon Goddess paired with male consorts has
clustered death spots in first scene, and in second she has
single death spots and closed eyes, both apparently refer-
ring to lunar eclipse (Dresden Codex 19b; after Villacorta
and Villacorta 1977).
h: Young Moon Goddess carrying birds that represent
divinely sent disease (Dresden Codex 16c; after Villacorta
and Villacorta 1977).
i: Moon Goddess wrapped in lunar crescent pours water from vase decorated with seashell (Dresden Codex
49a; after Taube 1992b, fig. 30c).
j: Old Moon Goddess (named T58 : 1027 in text) is
aged Goddess I wearing coral-snake headdress in her role
as beekeeper (Madrid Codex 108c; after Villacorta and
Villacorta 1977).
k: Aged Moon Goddess named T58 : 1027, meaning
‘‘old white lunar lady,’’ wears cotton coil headdress as she
lays out warp threads (Madrid Codex 102c; after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
l: Aged Moon Goddess, bearing name linked with Ix
Chel, uses weaving batten to work on weft threads (Madrid Codex 102d; after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
m: Old Moon Goddess with hybrid name performs
sewing or embroidery with God H (Dresden Codex 2b;
after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
THE YOUNG MOON GODDESS IN
COLONIAL AND POSTCLASSIC TIMES
140
LUNAR IMAGES AND DEITIES
4.7a, right). When T1026 is prefixed by T58 (zac
or sak), her name becomes ‘‘white moon lady’’
(Fig. 4.7a, left). This name appears with a number of
representations of the goddess, including one who
wears the symbol for white as a headdress (Fig. 4.7b).
Thompson (1960 : 83) notes that the young Moon
Goddess was the mother goddess and patroness
of medicine, weaving, sexual license, the earth, and
crops. He identifies virtually all youthful female figures on pages 16 –23 of the Maya Dresden Codex as
the Moon Goddess (Thompson 1972). Usually she is
bare breasted and wears a skirt of varying lengths,
sometimes as short as a man’s hip cloth. Her skirt is
netted in a number of images (Dresden Codex 18c),
which is intriguing because legends speak about the
moon being lifted up in a net made of fish during
the waxing moon (Chapter 1). The net skirt also
suggests a connection with the netted bag used to
gather maize, an activity sometimes timed by the full
moon (Chapter 1).
On Dresden Codex 16 –23, Goddess I appears
variously in amorous scenes or carrying burdens or
making offerings that include maize symbols and
fish (Fig. 4.7d–g; Thompson 1972 : 47). Her burdens
show her role as the archetypal mother. Strapped to
her back or in her arms, she carries small deities representing her divine children. In one case, she carries
two children who may be siblings of different ages
(Fig. 4.7f; Thompson 1972 : 48). Sometimes she carries birds that represent disease (koch) that are controlled by the Moon Goddess (Fig. 4.7h; Thompson
1972 : 51). This calls to mind ethnographic accounts
describing how the waxing moon brings illnesses
such as infections, tumors, or pustules (Chapter 1).
On Dresden Codex 16 –23, Hofling and O’Neil
(1992) recognize death aspects of Goddess I, with
closed eyes or death spots linked to lunar-eclipse
intervals. On page 19b, she has death spots, then
29 days later (one lunar month) she is paired with
her lover, a death god covered with death spots
(Fig. 4.7g). She has similar death spots and closed
eyes like the eclipsed Moon Goddess in the eclipse
table (Fig. 4.7c).
Amorous scenes indicate that the Moon Goddess
has a roving eye, just as contemporary folktales characterize the Moon Goddess as a deity with many ro-
mantic partners (Thompson 1939). In the codices,
Goddess I is shown paired with many different male
figures (Fig. 4.7f–g). These represent sexual unions
that symbolize conjunction. Thompson (1972 : 57–
60) notes that these scenes often have a glyph compound with crossed bands (T552) that refers to her
union with another god, indicating conjunction as a
form of marriage. This compound may refer to yatanbil, a Yucatec word for ‘‘wife’’ (Barrera Vásquez
1980). The Sun God (God G), traditionally named
as her husband in Maya legends, is not among her
consorts; instead she joins with God N in two scenes,
and in other scenes her consorts are death deities
and a dog symbolizing Venus, as on Dresden Codex
21b. It seems that the Moon has so many lovers because it moves rapidly through the sky, making frequent encounters with planets as it circles around
the sky in only 271⁄3 days (Milbrath 1996a).
A voluptuous woman seated on a sky-band throne
is the Moon Goddess ‘‘par excellence’’ on Dresden
Codex 49a (Fig. 4.7i). A moon symbol wraps around
her waist, and she pours water from a vase decorated with a conch shell, suggesting parallels with lunar symbolism in central Mexican cultures (Milbrath 1995a). Thompson (1972 : 68) identifies her as
the youthful Goddess I, and Taube (1992b : 64) concurs, although he points out that she has a different
name glyph. Her name glyph is a variant with an
aged female face infixed with the lunar glyph T181.
Andrea Stone (1990) suggests that she is Grandmother Moon, a name common among the contemporary Maya. The goddess on Dresden Codex 49a
may be linked to childbirth through imagery of the
conch shell, described as a metaphorical womb in an
Aztec account discussed earlier. As a lunar deity, she
also controls the tides when she pours seawater from
her conch shell. In another scene, Goddess I offers
fish, her bounty from the sea (Fig. 4.7e).
We can conclude that Goddess I, the youthful
Moon Goddess of the codices, is probably the waxing moon. The waxing moon is visualized as a
youthful mother goddess associated with young children. She also offers various foods essential to sustenance, such as maize and fish. On the other hand,
she has a malevolent side because she brings certain
diseases. She is also lascivious, for she has many lov-
THE AGED MOON GODDESS IN COLONIAL AND POSTCLASSIC TIMES
ers, apparently because her rapid movement through
the sky results in many conjunction events. She may
be the wife of the sun, but this role is not clearly represented in the codices. Although the full moon may
be male in some contemporary Maya accounts, the
codices more often show the youthful Goddess I in a
death aspect to represent the eclipsed full moon. The
choice of a feminine form for the full moon may be
a Postclassic phenomenon, reflecting the popularity
of female lunar cults at this time in Yucatán.
THE AGED MOON GODDESS IN
COLONIAL AND POSTCLASSIC TIMES
Colonial period accounts indicate that the moon
grows old as it wanes, an image that is echoed in
modern Maya accounts. In the Popol Vuh, the grandmother of the Hero Twins, Xmucane, has been identified as the waning moon (Girard 1979 : 52, 167, 287;
B. Tedlock 1992b : 31). Mary Preuss (1988 : 8) translates Xmucane’s Quiché name as ‘‘she who is covered
up,’’ an apt name for the waning moon. Xmucane
takes the role of an aged midwife and diviner (D. Tedlock 1985 : 40, 369). This suggests comparison with
the Yucatec goddess Ix Chel described in Landa’s account, the same name associated with the Lacandón
Moon Goddess (Chapter 1).
Landa describes Ix Chel as the goddess of childbirth, medicine, and divination, although he does
not specifically identify her as the moon (Tozzer
1941 : 129). Ix Chel’s lunar nature is apparent in a
festival held in her honor on the sixth day of Zip
involving a dance called okot uil, meaning ‘‘dance
of the moon’’ (Thompson 1970b : 242). Ix Chel was
the grandmother of the Bacabs, which makes her an
old goddess (Thompson 1939 : 137). As a goddess of
childbirth, Ix Chel takes the role of an old midwife
rather than that of the youthful mother giving birth
and carrying children (a role reserved for the young
Goddess I).
In light of recent glyphic research that links Ix
Chel to the Postclassic Goddess O, the identification
of Ix Chel with the moon has been questioned by
some (Taube 1992b : 105) and reaffirmed by others
141
(Schele and Freidel 1990 : 366). Taube identifies the
aged Goddess O as Landa’s Ix Chel, describing her as
the goddess of weaving, curing, and divination. He
distinguishes her from an aged variant of Goddess I
representing the old Moon Goddess (Taube 1992b :
68 – 69). Nonetheless, Stone (1990) points out that
these old goddesses are closely related and can be
linked by hybrid names. My research suggests that
these aged goddesses are all aspects of the waning
moon (Milbrath 1996a). There are three primary variants of the aged Moon Goddess: the aged Goddess I,
the aged Goddess O, and an aged goddess with various hybrid names (termed here Goddess I-O). Probably we should abandon the letters designating the
aged goddesses, visualizing them instead as aspects of
the old Moon Goddess assigned to different roles.
Nevertheless, here I retain letter designations to incorporate previous research. All the codical goddesses
are linked in a manner similar to the ‘‘Marı́a system’’
of the Tzutujil, which represents the Marı́as as different lunar months (Stone 1990; Tarn and Prechtel
1986 : 176, 185 n. 7). Future research on the names
associated with the various lunar deities in the codices may help to identify different lunar months.
Because the aged Goddess I is usually recognized
as an image of the moon, we will begin with study
of her character. The name glyph of old Goddess I is
an aged lunar face (T1027) with the T171 ‘‘moon’’
infix. Her T1027 name may mean ‘‘old lunar lady’’
or perhaps ‘‘Grandmother Moon.’’ The zac (white)
prefix used in the name of the youthful Goddess I is
also sometimes used to name the aged Goddess I
(T58.1027; Fig. 4.7j –k; Milbrath 1996a).
The old Goddess I with the T58.1027 name is
shown as a beekeeper in the Madrid Codex (Fig.
4.7j). Her beehive is marked by a Caban glyph, signifying a play on the word for ‘‘bee’’ and ‘‘honey’’
(cab). John Bolles (1982) records an incantation to
protect the beehive that refers to a number of goddesses, including colel cab (lady bee). Like the goddesses who guard the beehive in modern Yucatec
Maya lore, the old Moon Goddess is the keeper of
the beehive. Here she is harvesting the honey, for
the beehive is open to reveal its honeycomb, an activity associated with the waning moon, according to
ethnographic accounts (Báez-Jorge 1988 : 247–248).
142
LUNAR IMAGES AND DEITIES
This provides support for linking the aged goddess
with the waning moon.
Thompson (1939 : 130 –132; 1960 : 83 – 84) long
ago reached the conclusion that a number of goddesses linked to weaving seem to be counterparts of
the moon, but he did not explore the iconography of
the weaving complex in any detail. He says that the
young Moon Goddess is the patroness of weaving,
but this does not seem to be the case, because all the
scenes related to weaving in the codices involve old
women (Ciaramella 1994, fig. 6, table 3; n.d.; Milbrath 1996a). The aged Goddess I and hybrid forms,
referred to here as Goddess I-O, are most prominent
in activities related to weaving, including warping
(attaching the warp threads), weaving, brocading,
and sewing or embroidery (Figs. 4.7k–m, 4.9a).
The Moon Goddess is a natural weaver, moving
back and forth across the path of the sun (Fig. 2.2a).
In a previous study (Milbrath 1996a : 379 –384, 389),
I have discussed the seasonal symbolism of the
moon’s weaving complex. The moon’s weaving activity seems to refer to the motion of the moon during the dry season. According to ethnographic evidence (Earle 1986 : 160), weaving is a dry-season
activity, no doubt based on practical considerations,
because weaving is done out-of-doors.
On Madrid Codex 102c, the aged Goddess I wears
a headdress with a coil of cotton used in weaving as
she lays out the warp threads (Fig. 4.7k; Milbrath
1996a). Her name is prefixed by the color white
(zac), which is the color of cotton. White may also
refer to the white color of the moon or, more specifically, to a visible phase of the moon. Her name
(T58.1027) may mean ‘‘white old lunar lady.’’
On Madrid Codex 30a, an unnamed goddess wearing a headdress with a cotton coil and spindles pours
water on a Chicchan Serpent (Fig. 4.8a). She has lines
around her mouth, suggesting that she is at least
middle aged. She wears a net skirt like that of Goddess
I, but her activity of pouring water links her with
Goddess O. The cotton coil in her headdress could be
related to either goddess, but the spindle is more typical of Goddess O and the hybrid goddess I-O.
An aged lunar goddess working with a textile on
Dresden 2b and having a chac (red) title also may be
a hybrid goddess (Fig. 4.7m). Her name combines
the chac prefix (T109) of Goddess O with the T1027
portrait head of the aged Goddess I with a T145 suffix meaning che, a component in the chel name used
for Goddess O. Thompson (1972 : 33) refers to her as
Goddess O holding a netting implement to indicate
her role as Ix Chebel Yax. Mary Ciaramella (n.d.)
identifies the goddess as chac chel and the activity as
sewing, also confirmed by a reading of the associated
glyphs by James Fox and John Justeson (1984 : 66).
Many of the goddesses involved in the weaving
complex seem to have hybrid titles linking Goddess
I and Goddess O. An aged goddess with a hybrid
name on Madrid Codex 102d uses a weaving batten
to work on a textile mounted on a wooden frame
(Fig. 4.7l). Ciaramella (n.d.) identifies the activity as
weaving, the act of moving the weft thread through
the warp. Her name glyph incorporates the portrait
head of aged Goddess I (T1027) and the T145.612
compound that spells chel, a component in the
name of the aged Goddess O, a close counterpart
of Landa’s Ix Chel (Milbrath 1996a : 382). Ix is usually translated as ‘‘lady’’ in Colonial period texts
(Thompson 1970b : 206 –207). T1027 can be seen as
a logograph for ‘‘old lunar lady,’’ and it also may be
the glyphic counterpart for Ix. If so, we may have an
actual representation of the name Ix Chel on Madrid
Codex 102d.
Goddess O is usually named chel or chac chel
(Fig. 4.8b – c; Taube 1992b : 105). Although Taube
does not recognize a lunar connection, he notes that
a phonetic reading links Goddess O to the goddess
Ix Chel described by Landa. Goddess O can also
be equated with the Lacandón Ix Chel, the Moon
Goddess, in her role as goddess of childbirth. As an
aged midwife, Goddess O is the goddess of childbirth who prognosticates the future of the newborn.
Among the contemporary Quiché, the moon is involved with childbirth because midwives follow a
count from full moon to full moon (B. Tedlock
1992a : 30).
An old water-pouring goddess on Madrid Codex
10b has the most complete form of Goddess O’s
name known from the codices (Fig. 4.8b; Milbrath
1996a : 386; Taube 1992, fig. 10c). Her name is read
THE AGED MOON GODDESS IN COLONIAL AND POSTCLASSIC TIMES
as chac chel, with the chel formed phonetically by
T145 (che) and T612 (le). Chel is a Yucatec term for
the ‘‘arch of heaven’’ or ‘‘rainbow’’ (Barrera Vásquez
1980). Chac can mean either ‘‘red’’ or ‘‘great.’’ Here
chac may refer to a red lunar goddess. The red color
evokes Chortı́ images of the full moon mixed with
red as a sign of heavy rains (Fought 1972 : 387). Alternatively, Goddess O bearing the chac chel name
could be the ‘‘red rainbow moon,’’ also an image of
the rainy-season moon (Milbrath 1996a : 387–388).
Goddess O’s name often incorporates the T109 chac
prefix, as in a scene showing Goddess O wearing a
serpent knotted around her head and holding an
overturned water jar pouring water (Fig. 4.8c–d).
The goddess emptying water from a jar symbolizes
rain and the connection between rain and serpents
(Garza 1984 :211). The Tzutujil say that serpent rainbows surrounding the moon are a sign that there will
be rain (Tarn and Prechtel 1986 : 176). Stone (1990)
compares Goddess O’s serpent headdress with the
ophidian rainbows around Grandmother Moon described by the Tzutujil.
Central Mexican goddesses show specific overlaps
with the imagery of Goddess O (Milbrath 1995a;
1996 : 383; Taube 1992b : 103 –105). Toci and Tlazolteotl, two closely related lunar goddesses connected
with weaving, curing, divining, and childbirth, overlap to some degree with Goddess O (Fig. 4.9c).
Goddess O in her role as a water-pourer suggests
a direct connection with the Aztec water goddess,
Chalchiuhtlicue, who is sometimes shown with
weaving implements (Milbrath 1996a : 383). Goddess
O seems even more closely connected with Cihuacoatl (serpent lady), a warlike goddess who brandishes a weaving batten like a weapon (Fig. 4.9b).
Goddess O and Cihuacoatl share an association with
serpents, death imagery, and implements associated
with weaving. Cihuacoatl, also known as Tonan,
is the counterpart of Tonantsi, a contemporary
Náhua goddess who represents the moon within the
earth, an image of lunar conjunction because the
moon seems to disappear into the earth around the
time of the new moon (Milbrath 1995a, 1996).
In a previous study (Milbrath 1996a : 395 –386), I
have identified Goddess O on page 74 of the Dresden
143
Codex as the new moon threatening to eclipse the
sun (Figs. 4.8f, 7.4d). Goddess O pours rainwater
marked with glyphs referring to an 1,820-day cycle,
the same cycle associated with imagery of solar
eclipses on Paris Codex 23 –24 (Fig. 7.2a; Chapter 7).
Goddess O has an especially monstrous quality, with
her sharp claws and her skirt with crossed bones. The
clawed hands and feet seem to be those of a jaguar.
Dresden Codex 74 shows Goddess O with eclipse
signs. This makes her a counterpart of the Aztec goddess Cihuacoatl, who takes on a monstrous aspect
when she takes the role of an eclipse demon known
as a tzitzimime threatening to eclipse the sun (Milbrath 1995a, 1997). The Postclassic Maya probably
shared the contemporary Lacandón view that eclipses would bring the end of the world, a belief also
recorded among the Aztecs (Milbrath 1995b; 1997).
On Dresden 67a, Goddess O has a jaguar-spotted
eye and feline claws (Fig. 4.8e). Like Goddess O
on Dresden Codex 74, she wears a knotted-serpent
headdress and pours water from her vase, and she
has other similar monstrous features. The old (jaguar?) Moon Goddess may represent the new moon
when the sun and the moon are joined together,
a dangerous time for potential solar eclipses. This
new-moon aspect of Goddess O can be distinguished
from imagery of the waning moon, such as the old
Goddess O with human hands and feet seen on
Dresden Codex 39b (Fig. 4.8c; Milbrath 1996a : 386).
The texts on both 39b and 67a show a glyph compound with Kin and Akbal, suggesting the sun and
the moon are involved, paired in a manner similar
to texts associated with the Paddler Twins.
The serpent headdress found on a number of representations of the old goddess pouring water seems
to be linked with the rainy season (Fig. 4.8c–f; Milbrath 1996a). The Madrid Codex (30b, 32b) depicts
a related image in the old goddesses with serpent
headdresses and streams of water issuing from their
bodies (Fig. 4.8g–h). They do not bear the chac prefix typical of Goddess O, but they are shown emitting water from their bodies, suggesting a link with
Goddess O pouring water during the rainy season.
The unnamed Moon Goddess on Madrid Codex 32b
wears a serpent belt and a composite headdress with
THE AGED MOON GODDESS IN COLONIAL AND POSTCLASSIC TIMES
145
a serpent, a spindle, and a cotton coil (Fig. 4.8h). The
serpent and cotton coil in the headdress of the lunar
deity are not often seen together. She has human features, but one of her eyes is torn from its socket. This
recalls a Maya belief recorded by Thompson (1970b :
235) that the moon is less bright than the sun because the sun plucked out one of her eyes when
people complained that they could not sleep at night
because of the light. In the blue liquid flowing between her legs, a black bar represents a period of five
days and a red coefficient refers to a date with the
number nine; and on her chest there is a red date
coefficient of four and a black interval of thirteen
days. The number thirteen is linked with the moon
in a number of contexts (Milbrath 1996a : 382). For
example, the Ritual of the Bacabs describes thirteen balls of colored thread that belong to Ix Chel
(Thompson 1939 : 148).
Another old lunar goddess on Madrid Codex
108c wears both a serpent and a cotton coil in her
headdress (Fig. 4.7j). She harvests honey, indicating
an activity that possibly took place in Tzec (October 14 –November 3 N.S.), for Landa notes that
owners of the hives gave honey in abundance for this
festival (Tozzer 1941 : 157). This would indicate the
honey harvest took place near the end of the rainy
season, correlating with the honey harvest recorded
in Pom in a nineteenth-century Tzeltal calendar
(Seler 1990 –1996, 1 : 220). Seasonal transitions may
also be implied by her composite headdress. Another
goddess wears a cotton coil and spindle in her head-
dress, a headdress associated with the dry-season
weaving complex, but here the lunar goddess pours
water (Fig. 4.8a). Another transitional combination
is seen in an old goddess, wearing a knotted snake
headdress, who brocades on a backstrap loom (Fig.
4.9a; Milbrath 1996a : 382). This headdress is usually
associated with goddesses pouring water, but here
the image may represent the moon at a time of seasonal change.
Water pouring, a rainy-season activity, is more
commonly associated with old lunar ladies wearing a serpent headdress (Fig. 4.8c–f ), whereas dryseason activities linked with weaving usually involve
the old Moon Goddess wearing a cotton coil headdress (Fig. 4.7k–m). The moon pours water during
the rainy season, and the wriggling serpent suggests
the undulating path of the moon during the rainy
season when snakes are active (Milbrath 1996a).
During the dry season the moon weaves across the
sky, and the spinning and weaving of cotton thread
may describe the undulating path of the moon during the dry season.
The aged Moon Goddess wearing her serpent
headdress expresses a connection with the rainy season. In a like fashion, the Tzutujil Maya Moon Goddess wears ophidian rainbows as a sign of rain during
the rainy season. The link between a halo (rainbow)
around the moon and rainfall in Tzutujil accounts
seems to be based on actual observations (Chapter 1).
This demonstrates that Maya imagery involves metaphors that encode observations of nature.
FIG. 4.8. a: Old Moon Goddess, wearing headdress with
cotton coil and spindles, pours water on Chicchan Serpent (Madrid Codex 30a; after Villacorta and Villacorta
1977).
b: Old Moon Goddess pouring rainwater; she bears the
name chac chel (T109.T145 : 612) at top of second column
(Madrid Codex 10b; after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
c: Goddess O, named with chac title at top of second
column, is aged Moon Goddess who pours rainwater
(Dresden Codex 39b; after Villacorta and Villacorta
1977).
d: Old Moon Goddess (Goddess O) pouring rainwater
wears typical knotted-serpent headdress (Dresden Codex
43b; after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
e: Goddess O as water-pourer has jaguar-spotted eye
and feline paws, suggesting monstrous image of new
moon (Dresden 67a; after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
f: Monstrous Goddess O (new moon?) pours water
bearing glyphs that refer to period of 1,820 days (Dresden
Codex 74; after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
g: Old lunar goddess wearing serpent headdress issues
streams of water (Madrid Codex 30b; after Villacorta and
Villacorta 1977).
h: Water streams from monstrous lunar goddess with
extruded eye, death collar, and composite headdress with
serpent, cotton coil, and spindle (Madrid Codex 32b; after
Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
THE MOON IN THE POSTCLASSIC MURALS AT TULUM
147
The Moon Goddess wears a serpent in her headdress in Aztec central Mexico and on the Pacific
Slope of Guatemala, indicating a widespread tradition. Coyolxauhqui sometimes wears a coral snake
in her headdress, a snake seen in one image of the
aged Goddess I (Fig. 4.7j; Milbrath 1997 : 188, fig. 1).
Coyolxauhqui seems to symbolize the rainy-season
moon, and her decapitation is linked to a myth of
seasonal transition, for the water dries up on the
ball court when she is decapitated (Milbrath 1995a,
1997). A Classic period monument from Guatemala,
Bilbao Monument 4, depicts the Moon Goddess
wearing a knotted-snake headdress, surrounded by
flowering vines as an expression of the moon’s association with rainy-season fertility (Fig. 4.9d; Milbrath
1996a : 388). A lunar crescent fits tightly around her
body in the manner of a yoke, which could represent
a symbolic link with the stone ball-game yokes found
in the Bilbao region and in Veracruz.
We can conclude that the aged Goddess I, the old
Goddess O, and hybrid variants of the two are all
aspects of the moon, most likely associated with the
waning moon. A more monstrous form of the old
goddess is reserved for images of the new moon,
which can threaten the sun with eclipse. There seem
to be seasonal differences in the imagery of the aged
goddesses associated with the moon. The aged Goddess I and the hybrid Goddess I-O are often associated with activities related to weaving, a dry-season
activity. Aged Goddess O, in both human and monstrous aspects, is frequently associated with waterpouring during the rainy season. The imagery of
water-pouring goddesses may also indicate that the
waning moon and new moon were believed to produce the most rainfall.
FIG. 4.9. a: Old Moon Goddess with knotted-snake headdress using bone pick to add brocade designs in textile on
backstrap loom (Madrid Codex 79c; after Villacorta and
Villacorta 1977).
b: Late Postclassic Aztec goddess Cihuacoatl, with
skeletal face and threatening aspect, represented as warrior armed with shield and weaving batten (Codex Magliabecchiano 45r).
c: Postclassic central Mexican goddess Tlazolteotl
wears spindle headdress and lunar nose ornament as she
stands beside moon symbol with star field surrounding
lunar rabbit and water stream (Codex Borgia 55; after Seler 1963).
d: Classic Moon Goddess, framed by flowering vines,
wears knotted-snake headdress and lunar symbol around
her waist (Bilbao Monument 4 from Pacific Slope of Guatemala; after Tozzer 1957 : 488; Parsons 1969, pl. 33c).
e: Aged Moon Goddess (Goddess O) wearing composite headdress with knotted serpent, spindle, and maize
symbol (Mural 2, Tulum Structure 16; after Taube 1992b,
fig. 51a).
f: Youthful Moon Goddess (Goddess I?) with lattice
skirt of jade (east side of north column in Terminal Classic Lower Temple of Jaguars at Chichén Itzá; after Schele
and Matthews 1998, fig. 6.11.A3; rubbing by Merle
Greene Robertson).
g: Moon Goddess with skeletal features, crossed bones,
death eyes, and stars on skirt, counterpart to monstrous
aspect of Goddess O (north side of north column in Terminal Classic Lower Temple of Jaguars at Chichén Itzá;
after Schele and Matthews 1998, fig. 6.11.A3; Tozzer 1957,
fig. 196).
h: Moon Goddess with lattice jade skirt, probably
linked with Goddess I (west side of north column in Terminal Classic Lower Temple of Jaguars at Chichén Itzá;
after Schele and Matthews 1998, fig. 6.11.A3; rubbing by
Merle Greene Robertson).
i: Moon Goddess with pendulous breasts wearing skirt
with death eyes between crossed bones, probably counterpart of Goddess O (south side of north column in Terminal Classic Lower Temple of Jaguars at Chichén Itzá;
after Schele and Matthews 1998, fig. 6.11.A3; Tozzer 1957,
fig. 195).
THE MOON IN THE POSTCLASSIC
MURALS AT TULUM
Mural paintings from Tulum may depict different
aspects of the aged Moon Goddess on Structures 5
and 16, dating sometime after a.d. 1400 (Miller
1982 : 54, pls. 28, 37). Ix Chel was worshiped in centers all along the east coast of Yucatán, where the
waning moon makes an especially dramatic disap-
148
LUNAR IMAGES AND DEITIES
pearance in conjunction, dipping into the waters of
the Caribbean.
Tulum Structure 16, also known as the Temple of
the Frescoes, depicts the aged Goddess O wearing a
composite spindle and knotted-serpent headdress in
the lower band of Mural 2 (Fig. 4.9e; Miller 1982,
pls. 37, 38; Taube 1992b :101). The aged goddess carries a serpent staff in her hands and a maize symbol
on her back, suggesting an association with agriculture. She seems to be near the end of her life cycle,
for she has lines covering her entire face. The aged
Tulum goddess is the waning moon as it descends
into the waters of the underworld, just prior to
conjunction. The complete mural shows that she
is about to be devoured by the reptilian jaws of
the earth monster, rendered in a style that seems
strongly influenced by central Mexico. The earth
monster also swallows the sea beneath her. The sea
is filled with marine creatures such as a stingray and
a fish. According to Miller (1982 : 91), the goddess is
in a liminal state between the world of the living and
the world of the dead. Above her, another goddess
crowned by lunar rays may be the moon in the
waning quarter. This goddess has a line around her
mouth, indicating age, but she is not so aged as the
goddess floating on the sea. These images suggest
a narrative sequence involving the waning moon,
which ages as it descends toward the horizon and
finally disappears into the sea as it drops into the
jaws of the earth monster.
The Temple of the Diving God (Structure 5) depicts a sky band framing a scene with two goddesses
seated on sky-band thrones (Fig. 3.3b). The sky band
overhead has Venus glyphs alternating with solar
rays. Both goddesses wear costumes decorated with
shells, and they have earrings with rays that may represent lunar light. The one to the right has a line
around her mouth, indicating that she is the more
aged of the two. She wears an element around her
waist similar to the burden pack of the possums in
the New Year pages of the Dresden Codex (25a–
28a). Again, a narrative sequence may be implied
by the youthful and aged variants of the Moon
Goddess.
All the Tulum goddesses described above are
seated on twined cords wrapped around star sym-
bols and terminating in serpent heads. Miller (1982 :
92, 97) interprets this design as a cosmic umbilical
cord like the Kusansum, the marvelous rope or pathway in the sky known from a Maya ethnographic account recorded in Quintana Roo. He notes that the
twisted cord in the Tulum murals can simultaneously be an image of the umbilical cord, a twined
cord, and intertwined serpents (Miller 1982 : 95).
The cord seems to refer to the path of the sun, the
moon, and the planets, like that seen in the codices
(Fig. 3.4a–b).
Although nothing in the imagery expressly refers
to childbirth, the aged goddesses of Tulum may be
linked with a lunar cult dedicated to midwives, who
were usually aged women, making them the counterparts of the waning moon. Tulum was part of
a pilgrimage route associated with female cults especially connected with childbirth. The Spaniards
named the nearby island Isla Mujeres (island of
women) because female figurines were so abundant
(Miller 1982 : 85, 96). Just to the south, Ix Chel’s
principal shrine was located at the island of Cozumel, a pilgrimage site for pregnant woman. The
shrine was used in the Late Postclassic period, when
the island played a prominent role in long-distance
trade networks, but the shrine itself may have originated in Classic period times (Sabloff and Rathje
1975 : 27).
We can conclude that Tulum was dedicated to a
cult of the lunar goddesses, especially the aged aspects of the moon associated with the waning moon
descending into the waters of the Caribbean. Mural
paintings seem to show the moon’s transformation
as it descends to the eastern horizon. The waning
moon is represented by an aged goddess at Tulum,
a patroness of midwives who assisted in childbirth
and a counterpart to Goddess O in the codices and
Ix Chel in Landa’s time. For this reason, the site
may have been a center of pilgrimage for pregnant
women who sought the assistance of the moon in her
aspect as a patroness of midwives.
LUNAR DEITIES AT CHICHÉN ITZÁ
Lunar deities such as Ix Chel may have been worshiped at Chichén Itzá, the most important Yucatec
LUNAR DEITIES AT CHICHÉN ITZÁ
Maya site in the Terminal Classic and Early Postclassic periods. Andrea Stone (1990) has identified an
image of the Moon Goddess framed by a large lunar
glyph on Column 39S of the Northwest Colonnade
in the Temple of the Warriors (Morris et al. 1931, pl.
105). Other lunar deities seem to be related to the
Moon Goddess on Madrid Codex 30a (Fig. 4.8a).
Snakes slither up behind four images of the Moon
Goddess on the four sides of the north column in
the Lower Temple of the Jaguars, part of the ballcourt complex dating to the Terminal Classic period
(Fig. 4.9f–i). On the north side of the column, the
goddess has her arms held aloft in the manner of an
Atlantean (Fig. 4.9g). On the other three sides, the
upper columns are effaced, but presumably all sides
depicted Atlantean figures, because no arms are
shown on the lower columns. Despite the similarities, the four goddesses show differences in details of
costume and body form that suggest the four lunar
phases.
Taube (1992b :101, fig. 51b) identifies the north
figure as the aged Goddess O, chac chel (Fig. 4.9g).
She has a skeletal face and wears a beaded collar; the
damaged chest area shows outlines that could be a
skeletal rib cage. Her long skirt has three rows of
large circles (stars?) beneath crossed bones. This figure evokes a connection with Goddess O on Dresden
Codex 74 (Fig. 4.8f ). The skeletal Moon Goddess
probably represents the monstrous aspect of the new
moon. On the south side of the column (Fig. 4.9i),
the goddess wears a skirt with death eyes between
crossed bones, and she has pendulous breasts, a detail omitted in Tozzer’s (1957, fig. 195) drawing. This
goddess may represent Goddess O in her more human manifestation as the waning moon of the last
quarter.
On the east side of the column, the figure has
more rounded and youthful breasts than the figure
on the south side (Fig. 4.9f ). Her skirt suggests a net
pattern made of jade beads. Net skirts are characteristic of youthful and aged aspects of Goddess I and
the hybrid Goddess I-O in the codices of a different
design. The west figure also wears a skirt with a net
pattern (Fig. 4.9h). Perhaps the two different forms
of net skirt reflect two different aspects of the moon
in the first half of its cycle: from the first quarter to
149
the full moon. As previously noted, a Mopan Maya
legend describes how the moon was lifted up in a
fishing net during its waxing phase. On the other
hand, a net bag used to gather maize in Quiché accounts implies a connection with the full moon, the
ideal time to gather the first ears of maize (Chapter 1).
Four related goddesses representing four lunar
phases also may be seen in the four Ix Chels, each
associated with different colors and world directions
in the Ritual of the Bacabs (Roys 1965 : 14, 28). Another quadripartite division is suggested by four related goddesses worshiped in ancient times at Isla
Mujeres who were known as Aixchel, Ix Chelbeliax,
Ixhunié, and Ixhunieta (Tozzer 1941 : 9 –10).
The four lunar goddesses have counterparts or
mates in the four aspects of God N on the south column of the Lower Temple of the Jaguars. These representations of God N also have their arms raised in
an Atlantean pose, and they are similarly positioned
in front of undulating serpents (Schele and Mathews
1998, fig. 6.11). The faces are missing on two sides,
but the other two show aged features and three show
a headdress with a netted cap. On each of the four
sides, God N wears a costume representing a different animal: a conch on the east side, a snail on the
north side, and a turtle on the south side. The imagery on the west side is more enigmatic, but it may
represent a winged insect, based on comparison with
the four aspects of God N on the Iglesia facade
(Taube 1992b; Tozzer 1957, figs. 266, 615). God N
may be an astronomical god with a quadripartite nature. Indeed, a round column from Structure 6E1 at
Chichén Itzá depicts four God N figures with star
designs (Taube 1992b : 94).
A phonetic reading of God N’s name spells patun,
a term that clearly refers to the Pauahtuns described
by Landa, each associated with a different color, direction, and year-bearer (Tozzer 1941 : 137). Some
scholars say that the aged Pauahtuns support the
earth, whereas youthful Bacabs support the sky. On
the other hand, Taube (1992b : 92 –94, fig. 47a) points
out that there are no explicit images showing God N
holding up the earth in Maya art, and sometimes he
is seen supporting a sky band or the Cosmic Monster
representing the sky (Fig. 7.5d; Copán Structure 22).
150
LUNAR IMAGES AND DEITIES
He sees little reason for distinguishing the Pauahtuns
from the Bacabs and suggests that the terms ‘‘Mam’’
and ‘‘Bacab’’ are simply epithets for Pauahtun.
After the great flood, the four Bacabs were placed
in four parts of the world to hold up the heavens,
and each was associated with a different year-bearer,
color, and direction (Tozzer 1941 : 136 –137). The
Yucatec Maya worshiped the Bacabs and Pauahtuns
in the Uayeb festival, the five-day period marking the
end of the old year, honoring a different Bacab and
Pauahtun in each of the four years of the year-bearer
cycle. Alfred Tozzer (1941 : 137 n. 638) notes that
Colonial period sources designate the Pauahtuns as
angels of the winds linked with the Uayeb ceremonies. The Pauahtuns and Bacabs are clearly distinguished from the Uayeb gods represented by clay or
wooden idols destroyed at year end (Tozzer 1941 :
139 n. 646). The Uayeb god seems to be equivalent
to the Mam, a piece of wood dressed and then discarded or buried at year end, according to Cogolludo. God N’s name seems to relate him specifically
to the Pauahtuns. Nonetheless, Taube (1989b : 355)
suggests that God N may be linked with the Uayeb
possum gods representing the old year at the top of
the New Year pages in the Dresden Codex (25 –28),
for God N sometimes has possum traits. In any case,
God N’s counterpart took part in the ceremonies
during the five-day Uayeb period at the end of the
old year.
In his role as a god of the year’s end, God N’s various guises could relate to symbols connected with
the four different directions associated with the yearbearers. His varying attributes could also be linked
with four different lunar phases. When viewed over
a four-year cycle, the Moon at year end would be at
a different point in its 29.5-day cycle each year, because twelve synodic lunar months fall about 11 days
short of the 365-day year. Perhaps God N represents
a male aspect of the Moon linked with the year end.
Other alternatives could explain God N’s four different aspects. Two of the planets also are characterized
by a quadripartite nature in their four phases. Venus
comes to mind first, but the fact that God N appears
in the Venus pages of the Dresden Codex positioned
above the Morning Star suggests that he does not
play the role of Venus (Fig. 5.3c; Chapter 5). Mercury might present a possible counterpart for God N.
Perhaps God N is seen holding up the sky because
Mercury is always seen close to the horizon. Another alternative is that God N is the aged Sun representing the dying year in a sequence of four years.
Future study of God N should involve the mysterious God N events recorded in Classic period texts
(Schele 1990a :147–151).
We can conclude that Chichén Itzá features four
female aspects of the moon, probably representing
four lunar phases, paired with four aged aspects of
God N, an astronomical god of uncertain identity
connected with the old year. The imagery at Chichén
Itzá provides a bridge between the Postclassic and
Classic periods, for it carries on a tradition first established in the Classic period. As we will see, images
of God N paired with the Moon Goddess and an
undulating serpent appear on Late Classic ceramic
paintings that suggest a myth referring to the youthful Moon Goddess and her aged lover, a pairing repeated in later times in the codices, although the serpent is no longer present.
THE CLASSIC MAYA MOON GODDESS
The Classic period Moon Goddess often appears
with a lunar crescent, and she sometimes has a rabbit
companion (Fig. 4.10d2 , g). She often wears a net
skirt, and she seems to be a counterpart of the youthful Goddess I of the codices (Taube 1992b : 64 – 69).
The Classic Maya Maize God can substitute for
the Moon Goddess in Glyph C of the Lunar Series
(Fig. 4.10a; Kelley 1976 : 92, fig. 32). The two deities
take identical roles, marking the same six-month
lunar semester in the eighteen-month synodic lunar calendar (Linden 1996, fig. 2l, table 2). Taube
(1992b : 68) notes that the Moon Goddess often wears
the latticed or net skirt of beads, face markings, and
the coiffure of the Tonsured Maize God. He suggests
that they are merged or conflated in some contexts,
pointing out that the moon, the earth, and maize
are collectively known as ‘‘Our Mother’’ among the
highland Mam. The Yucatec Maya say that the Virgin
Mary in her aspect as the Moon Goddess is ‘‘beauti-
THE CLASSIC MAYA MOON GODDESS
ful lady, embracer of maize’’ (Thompson 1954 : 28).
The ‘‘ear-of-maize’’ moon is a term used to refer
to both the full moon and the waning moon in
various Colonial period Yucatec dictionaries (Lamb
1981 : 247).
On Copán Stela H, a royal figure wears a long netted skirt, a guise linked with both the Maize God and
the Moon Goddess (Baudez 1994, figs. 23 –24). Elizabeth Newsome (1991 : 276 –279) interprets the figure as the ruler 18 Rabbit (18 Jog) dressed as the
Maize God. On the other hand, Tatiana Proskouriakoff (1993 : 127) identifies the figure as a woman,
most probably the wife of the ruler. Claude-François
Baudez (1994 : 62) says the figure is probably a male
dressed as a female, because a loincloth covers the
figure’s skirt. The stela bears the date 4 Ahau 18
Muan (9.14.19.5.0; 11/29/730), which coincides with
the full moon. In my opinion, the royal figure takes
the guise of the Moon Goddess merged with the
Maize God because the full moon’s gender is ambiguous around the full moon, when it transforms
to a male, according to contemporary Quiché accounts. A cob of fully developed corn appears in
the headdress, suggesting the ripened corn ready
for harvest in November. The monument may refer
to harvesting practices like those that survive today
among the Tzotzil and Quiché Maya, who time the
maize harvest by the full moon.
Sometimes the lunar symbol surrounds an ancestor figure visualized as a transformation of the
moon, as on Yaxchilán Stela 4 (Fig. 4.10b; Tate 1986 :
65; 1992 : 61). Here the moon symbol has crosshatched design (netting?), a detail characteristic of
many lunar symbols. The companion cartouche
with a solar ancestor has mirrors. Perhaps the deified
ancestors of the ruling family were compared to the
sun and the moon as a conjugal couple, a relationship that survives in Maya folklore today.
At Palenque, inscriptions compare the mother of
Pacal II to the legendary moon mother, who was the
first ruler of Palenque (Robertson 1985b, table III;
Schele and Freidel 1990 : 227, 244 –245). Schele and
Freidel note that the moon was the mother of the
gods at Palenque. She was married to GI8 (First Father), who established the order of time and space
151
just after the fourth world creation on 4 Ahau
8 Cumku. Their children were born 754 years after
the beginning of the epoch, but the lunar goddess
(First Mother) and her husband were born in the
previous epoch or age. First Mother was 760 years
old when she gave birth to three divine children over
an eighteen-day period. Research suggests that the
eldest of the three is Venus (GI), the second born is
the Sun God (GIII), and the youngest (GII) is another planet, just as modern Maya legends identify
the Moon Goddess as the mother of the Sun and his
planetary siblings (Chapters 1, 3, 5). About 35 years
later First Mother acceded to the throne of Palenque
as the first ruler on a date recorded in the Temple of
the Cross (2.1.0.14.2 9 Ik 0 Yax; Lounsbury 1991 :
813; Robertson 1985b, table III). This mythological
record relates to Thompson’s (1960 : 83) belief that the
young Moon Goddess represented the first woman in
the world.
Alfonso Arellano (1995) notes that Pacal II inherited the throne from his mother, which was an unusual line of descent; therefore, he probably wanted
to legitimize her lineage and his right to the throne
by claiming direct descent from the gods through his
mother’s line. His mother and the founding goddess
bear the same name: Sak Bak’, or Zac Bak in the Colonial period orthography (Fig. 4.10e). Dennis Tedlock (1992 : 254) reads this name as Lady Egret (sak
bak’ ha’), referring to the snowy egret. On the other
hand, Mathews (1990 : 96) says that Bak can mean
‘‘heron’’ or ‘‘bone.’’ I would suggest her name is
‘‘white heron.’’ Arellano (1995) proposes that the
name glyph of the goddess was transformed into the
emblem glyph of Palenque, making the lords of Palenque the ‘‘sacred lords of the lineage of the white
heron.’’ The heron apparently substitutes for the lunar rabbit in the Palenque emblem glyph, suggesting
a lunar connection. An Aztec account notes that the
Moon God wore a heron-feather headdress (Sahagún 1950 –1982, 7 : 5).
Glyphic representations of the Moon Goddess
on monumental sculpture from Palenque depict a
portrait head glyph with an ‘‘IL’’ sign on the cheek
and a lunar crescent (T683) framing the back of the
head (Fig. 4.10c). The same face, without the lunar
THE CLASSIC MAYA MOON GODDESS
153
crescent, is used for the head variant of the number
one (T1000). Martha Macri (1982) proposes that
different head-variant numbers relate to different lunar phases, the head variant of the number one referring to the first visible crescent.
In the Naj Tunich cave, a Classic period painting depicts a lunar deity copulating with God N
(Fig. 4.10f ). The figure has hair worn in a long curl,
like Goddess I of the codices, but the headdress and
body shape seem masculine, making the gender ambiguous. Originally identified as the Moon Goddess,
the figure is now believed to be a male impersonating a female as part of a ritual performance (Stone
1995b :143 –145). Such impersonations occur in a
modern Tzotzil Maya festival in which a Chamula
man found guilty of sexual infractions is dressed as
a woman when he plays both a clown and the Spanish Lady of Passions representing the moon / Virgin
Mary deity (Gossen 1986 : 233).
Some terra-cotta figurines show the youthful
Moon Goddess wrapping her arm around the shoulders of her animal alter ego, variously represented as
a rabbit or a feline (Romain 1988, pls. 38, 39, 52).
Others show her as the industrious weaver working
on her backstrap loom or as a licentious courtesan
embracing the old God N (Schele and Miller 1986 :
143 –144, pls. 51–52). These amorous couples have
a counterpart in conjugal pairings of Goddess I with
various gods in the codices (Fig. 4.7f–g). It is possible that the scenes involving God N refer either to
an astronomical body in conjunction with the moon
or to a male alter ego of the moon.
Maya vase paintings depict the young Moon Goddess in amorous scenes with God N (Taylor 1992 :
523). Often she appears as a ‘‘dragon lady’’ wrapped
in a snake while God N peers from the serpent’s
jaws and fondles her breasts or makes her an offering (Fig. 4.10h; Kerr 1990 : 210, no. 2067; Robicsek and Hales 1981, vessels 8 –12). Sometimes
she kneels in submission to God N cradled in the
snake’s jaws (Kerr 1990 : 272, no. 2715). The giant
serpent recalls scenes showing the lunar jaguar
wrapped in a snake (Pl. 4; Robicsek and Hales
1982, no. 16).
An incised vessel from the American Museum of
Natural History shows a mirror-marked snake carrying a lunar crescent that encloses the Moon Goddess (Fig. 4.10d; Schele and Miller 1986 : 303). This
looped snake is discussed in Chapter 7. She wears a
short latticed bead skirt and a maize foliation in her
headdress, attributes that suggest she is merged with
the Maize God (Taube 1992b : 68).
In Classic period Maya vase painting, the Moon
Goddess may be seated on a sky-band throne with
the lunar crescent, or she may have the moon sign
tucked under her arm, like the Postclassic Moon
Goddess on Dresden Codex 49a (Fig. 4.7i; Coe
1978b, nos. 7, 16; 1982, no. 12). In one such scene,
she seems to have traits of the Jaguar War God, including a cruller wrapping around her eyes and
FIG. 4.10. a: Maize God substituting for Moon Goddess
e: Palenque ancestor named White Heron (Zac Bak)
may be ancestor with lunar connections (Temple of
Cross, Palenque; after Robertson 1991, fig. 9).
f: Late Classic lunar deity copulating with God N
(Drawing 18, Naj Tunich, Guatemala; after Stone 1995b,
fig. 6.28).
g: Moon Goddess with cruller nose and bound hank
of hair seen on Jaguar War God (after Taube 1992b,
fig. 43d).
h: Snake wraps around Moon Goddess as ‘‘dragon
lady’’ in amorous scene with God N, who emerges from
jaws of snake with tail ending in image of God K (after
Stone 1995b, fig. 6-30).
in lunar Glyph C of Lunar Series (after Thompson 1960,
fig. 29, no. 17).
b: Lunar symbol used for female ancestor (Yaxchilán
Stela 4; after Tate 1992, fig. 86).
c: Glyphic representations of Moon Goddess with ‘‘IL’’
marking on cheek and lunar crescent framing back of
head (Palenque Temple XVIII; after Schele and Mathews
1979, nos. 446, 471).
d 1: Mirror-marked snake wrapped around lunar crescent enclosing Moon Goddess and her lunar rabbit, while
another lunar rabbit with mirror sign blows trumpet; d 2:
detail of Moon Goddess and her lunar rabbit (American
Museum of Natural History vase; after Schele and Miller
1986, pl. 120a).
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LUNAR IMAGES AND DEITIES
bound hank of hair (Fig. 4.10g). Here she wears the
traditional netted skirt, and the lunar rabbit is her
companion. God L’s headdress with the number
thirteen is placed before her throne. This is one of a
number of scenes that suggest that she or her lunar
rabbit has taken God L’s regalia (Taube 1992b : 85).
She holds out beads, seeming to hand them to an
aged god (God D?), evoking a connection with Colonial period glosses that say the word for moon
(u) also means ‘‘necklace of glass beads’’ (Lamb
1981 : 246).
Ceramic paintings of the Moon Goddess most
typically depict a lunar eye crescent, an underarm
crescent, and a rabbit (Taylor 1992 : 519 –521). However, Dicey Taylor points out that many lunar figures
do not conform to these features. Sometimes the
Moon Goddess is named with a female portrait head
(T1000) bearing a hair knot above the brow and a
T683 lunar crescent (Pl. 5).
A polychrome vase first published by Francis
Robicsek and Donald Hales (1982, no. 1) shows a
narrative sequence that represents different aspects
of the moon (Pl. 5). Taylor (1992 : 521) interprets
this as multiple views of the Moon Goddess, showing her descent into the underworld at dawn, where
she joins the aged Moon lord. An interesting detail, not discussed by Taylor, is the ball-game belt
she wears as she descends through the sky band.
This makes her a female lunar ballplayer, apparently
a counterpart for the female aspect of Xbalanque
known in one version of the Popol Vuh. Subsequently, she is transformed into a lunar queen overseeing her court. Here the Moon Goddess has a
water-lily headdress and a lunar name (T1000 above
T683). The sequence may represent the transformation of the moon from a ballplayer to a water-lily
goddess, perhaps an image of seasonal change or
phase changes. Male companions in the scene include God N figures and an aged Moon Lord with a
lunar title, who is seated on a jaguar-skin throne
bearing what may be stylized po (moon) glyphs.
He may be the full moon, sometimes represented as
male in contemporary Maya accounts. The sky band
represents the place where the ecliptic crosses the
Milky Way (Chapter 7).
A codex-style vase shows masculine and feminine
aspects of the moon in separate narrative vignettes
(Pl. 6). The lunar twin, Yax Balam (Xbalanque),
holds up a plate that contains the decapitated head
of Hun Nal (Hun Hunahpu), symbolizing his father
the Maize God (Coe 1989 : 178, fig. 27; Taube 1985,
fig. 1). In my opinion, this image refers to the maize
harvest. Another scene shows the dark-faced Moon
Goddess seated before an ipthyphallic Maize God
with liquid dripping from his penis. Taylor (1992 :
522 –523) identifies this scene as the resurrection of
maize, with the Maize God perforating his penis in
celebration of his rebirth. She notes that the Moon
Goddess offers him a Xoc head (a fish?) and a Spondylus shell symbolizing the moon’s role in helping in
the rebirth of maize. This interpretation can be carried further because blood is equated with semen
and seeds. The semen is a symbol for the maize seeds
offered to the young Moon Goddess, who holds up
a Spondylus shell that may be symbolic of her womb
and regeneration. Even though Freidel and Schele
(1988) identify the Sun and Venus as the primary
icons of sacrifice and regeneration in Maya theology,
it seems that the Moon is also important in imagery
of cosmic rebirth. The date associated with the phallic scene is 13 Muluc 8 Zip (Schele 1992b :127). This
is not a viable date, owing to the structure of the calendar; possibly this date should be 13 Muluc 7 Zip,
corresponding to April 21, 626 (N.S.), near when the
maize seeds would be planted.
Quiché agricultural practices explain the iconography on this vessel. The annual maize planting is
done during the waxing moon, when the moon is
female, but the first ears of corn are picked at the full
moon, when the moon is male (B. Tedlock 1992b :
183 –185). The vase shows that the young Moon
Goddess receives the Maize God’s seed during the
waxing moon, and subsequently the masculine full
moon, Yax Balam, picks the harvested maize.
Some Classic period vessels seem to show the
Moon Goddess as a water carrier, a role connected
with Goddess O in the codices. Coe (1982, no. 12)
identifies a female holding a water jar on her shoulder as the young Moon Goddess. Her role as a water
carrier is more like codical images of the aged Moon
THE EVER-CHANGING MOON
Goddess. She has a shell painted on her garment,
evoking lunar connections, and the dark face painting around the eye may also be a lunar trait.
Taube (1992b : 51c) illustrates a rare Classic period image of the aged Goddess O on a painted vessel. Here the old goddess has a jaguar ear like the
one symbolizing the day sign Ix and a spotted eye
(Thompson 1960 : 89). She vomits liquid, much like
the moon produces menstrual blood and rainwater,
according to contemporary Maya accounts. This recalls another scene that shows a Water-lily Jaguar
vomiting liquid into a jar (Kerr 1992 : 405, no. 3312)
and Postclassic images of Goddess O issuing liquids from her body (Fig. 4.8g). Given the parallels,
the Classic period Goddess O might be the waning
moon during the rainy season. In light of the feline
traits associated with the she-jaguar, the lunar twin
in the El Tı́tulo de Totonicapán (7v), it is certainly
intriguing that the aged Goddess O may have jaguar
features in the Classic and Postclassic periods.
In sum, the Moon Goddess in Classic Maya art is
often accompanied by her lunar crescent, but this
element is not necessarily the defining feature in her
iconography. Often her lunar traits are more subtle,
expressed in costume and coiffure that link her with
the lunar complex. Her headdress may include a water lily or maize foliation. Her skirt sometimes has a
lattice of jade beads, much like the net skirt worn
by the more youthful aspects of the Moon Goddess
at Chichén Itzá. She is only rarely represented in
monumental sculpture, most commonly in glyphic
inscriptions with a lunar infix, such as Glyph C of
the Lunar Series. Other aspects of the Moon Goddess are linked with royal ancestors and lineages on
monumental sculpture. The lunar lineage seems to
be especially important at Palenque, where a layered
metaphor refers to the ancestral Moon Goddess as
the founder of a dynasty. Maya vase paintings are
ideal for study of lunar imagery because they show
narrative scenes that sometimes involve multiple images of the moon, apparently referring to changing
phases and seasons of the moon. An aged aspect of
the Classic Maya Moon Goddess is occasionally represented, but the youthful goddess is much more often represented in this medium.
155
THE EVER-CHANGING MOON
This chapter shows that we have only begun to unravel the mystery of the moon among the Maya.
There is considerable variety in the lunar complex,
quite possibly a reflection of images representing different phases and lunar seasons. The metaphor for
changing lunar phases is a woman growing up and
growing old, best seen in youthful and aged variants
of the Moon Goddess in the codices of the Postclassic period. The youthful Goddess I may represent the
moon from first visibility to the full moon. The waning moon is represented by an aged aspect of Goddess I, a hybrid variant (I-O), and Goddess O in her
more human form. The aged Goddess O as the waning moon lacks monstrous features because the waning moon is not considered particularly malevolent.
Only at the new moon does she take on a monstrous
form with feline claws.
The two most important Postclassic lunar images
are those relating to weaving and serpents, both
apparently metaphorical images of lunar motion.
During the dry season, the moon weaves like a
weaver as it moves back and forth across the ecliptic.
The dry-season Moon Goddess, usually represented
by aged Goddess I or the hybrid Goddess I-O,
weaves through the sky on a cotton cord, her undulating motion connected with the weaving activities of the dry season. The rainy-season Moon Goddess, usually Goddess O or hybrid forms of the
goddess (I-O), pours water and wears a snake headdress symbolizing undulating lunar motion.
Metaphorical images in the codices define attributes and roles of the young Moon Goddess. The
moon’s rapid motion through the sky is seen in images of Goddess I as a licentious lover visiting her
many sky lovers. Goddess I’s connection with medicine is evident in scenes showing her carrying birds
symbolizing various diseases. Her role as a mother
goddess is clear in scenes showing her carrying her
divine children. Judging from the frequency of deity
images in the Postclassic period, the moon was more
important than the sun. The reverse seems to be true
in the Classic period.
Color symbolism is another element distinguish-
156
LUNAR IMAGES AND DEITIES
ing the lunar goddesses of the codices. Different colors of the moon may relate to seasonal imagery.
White often appears in the name of an old lunar
goddess involved in weaving and in the name of
a youthful goddess of the waxing moon associated
with sexual pleasures, children, or symbols of diseases. The color red is used for aged goddesses linked
with water pouring and rainbows.
The eclipsed full moon is sometimes represented
by an aged face in Postclassic times, but more commonly it is a youthful female with death attributes.
On the other hand, the new moon can take on a
monstrous aspect closely linked with the aged Goddess O, especially when the moon threatens the sun
with eclipse at the time of the new moon. Imagery of
Goddess O is relatively rare in the Classic period but
seems to be increasingly important in the Terminal
Classic period in monumental images such as those
from Chichén Itzá. Classic period images of solar
and lunar eclipses are poorly understood. The key to
their imagery may lie embedded in the Lunar Series
glyphs that track the eclipse cycle.
During the Classic period, changing lunar phases
seem to be indicated by different genders. Sometimes the Moon God is merged with the Maize God
in imagery that seems to refer to the full moon, apparently reflecting a special link between the full
moon and the maize harvest still seen today. The
masculine moon, visualized as a jaguar ballplayer
who is the twin of the sun, may also symbolize the
full moon.
Coe (1989 : 166) notes that jaguar figures on
Classic period ceramics show an ‘‘almost protean
variability.’’ Such variability may reflect transformations associated with the changing lunar seasons or
phases. The Jaguar War God, also known as the Jaguar God of the Underworld, is seemingly connected
with the Moon, Venus, and the dry season, the season of warfare. On the other hand, the Water-lily
Jaguar is a deity that may embody the rainy-season
Moon draped with seasonal vegetation. Other jaguar
aspects of the Moon include Yax Balam, the counterpart to Xbalanque and God CH of the codices.
A number of animals are metaphorically linked
with the moon. Fish, mollusks, frogs, and toads are
connected with the moon’s watery nature, for the
moon seems to control all bodies of water. The lunar rabbit embodies the moon in a number of ways,
and its hopping motion may even be another metaphor expressing rapid motion and the way the moon
jumps back and forth across the ecliptic.
Seen in the light of natural history, lunar imagery
is transformed from a bewildering array of inconsistencies to a more cohesive picture reflecting the
changing aspects of the moon. The moon has remained mysterious because scholars have been looking for the moon. In fact, there are many moons. If
we consider the four lunar phases and thirteen lunar
months, there may be fifty-two different moons!
5
VENUS AND MERCURY:
THE BODY DOUBLES
Of all the planets, Venus is clearly the most important in Maya art, cosmology, and
calendrics. Like the Moon, Venus has multiple personalities. Different Venus gods
embody various phases and seasonal aspects. Some manifestations of Venus seem to
be connected with the rainy season and agricultural fertility; others reflect warfare
and the dry season. A Venus cult linked with central Mexico emphasizes the feathered serpent. Central Mexican influence also is evident in a Tlaloc cult connected
with Venus warfare during the Classic period. Chac, a Yucatec Maya deity merged
with Tlaloc in some contexts, is also associated with Venus. Sometimes Venus and
the Sun are conflated in imagery that suggests conjunction, as in the case of Hun
Ahau, who is linked with both the underworld Sun and Venus.
Except for possible links with owl imagery, we have little information on Mercury,
and it is difficult to identify Mercury in Maya art. The reader should be cautioned,
however, that some images identified as Venus deities may actually refer to Mercury.
And, in this context, we should not ignore the possibility that God N, discussed in
Chapter 4, may be linked with Mercury.
This chapter begins with an analysis of the type of Venus observations made by
the Maya and follows with a look at Colonial period accounts of Venus. Postclassic
Venus images discussed include the Dresden Codex Venus table representing five
different deities that show the Morning Star rising at different times of year. The
chapter also incorporates a study of central Mexican Venus images and their relationship to Maya Venus images; an examination of Venus connections with dynastic
history and the role of warfare in the Venus cult; an analysis of images that may
incorporate information about the sidereal position of Venus and images that pair
the Moon and Venus. It concludes with a short section on Mercury.
VENUS OBSERVATIONS AMONG THE PRECOLUMBIAN MAYA
The first and last visibility of Venus were certainly of great interest to the Maya, with
the first visibility being especially important in the Dresden Codex. In calculating
these events, the Dresden Codex uses canonical intervals for the different phases,
rather than recording observations of the real intervals. The reappearance of the
Morning Star, however, does seem to be keyed to actual observations. The Dresden
Codex records the eight-year Venus Almanac, noting 584 days as the average length
of an individual Venus cycle, quite close to the true average. The phases of the synodic period are modified to create canonical intervals, and only the 8-day period
158
VENUS AND MERCURY: THE BODY DOUBLES
of inferior conjunction can be considered accurate.
The codex records 90 days for superior conjunction,
when the true average for this period is around 50
days, and it notes the Morning Star interval as 236
days and the Evening Star period as 250 days, although in reality these phases are approximately the
same length, averaging around 263 days. As we will
see, the Postclassic Maya chose canonical intervals for
Venus phases in order to lock in with the lunar cycles.
The Venus Almanac of the Dresden Codex is like
the octaeteris of classical antiquity, linking eight solar
years, five Venus synodic periods, and ninety-nine
lunar months (Aveni 1992b : 104). In the discussion
that follows, we will see architectural reliefs that incorporate the numbers five and eight as a reference
to this Venus Almanac. Ceremonies alluding to the
eight-year Venus Almanac are not yet documented,
but records may be embedded in Maya texts. A similar interval is evident today in Lacandón rituals performed every eight years (McGee 1990 : 51). Furthermore, the Venus Almanac is apparent in the Aztec
Atamalcualiztli festival, which can be traced back to
Classic period Teotihuacán (Milbrath 1995d).
Clearly the Maya observed and recorded the
changing horizon positions of Venus in relation to
the eight-year Venus Almanac (Aveni 1991). The horizon extremes of Venus correlate with the beginning
and end of the rainy season in Mesoamerican latitudes; the greatest northern extreme occurs in late
April or early May and the southern extreme in late
October or early November (Aveni 1979; 1980 : 93 –
94, fig. 37; Sprajc 1987–1988 : 94). Evidence for such
orientations is seen at Uxmal (discussed below). At
Chichén Itzá, an oblique line from the inner left to
the outer right of Window 1 of the Caracol observatory points to the northern extreme of Venus as the
Evening Star at 287538 north of west, whereas an
oblique line from inner left to outer right in Window 2 points to its southern extreme at 277498 south
of west (Fig. 3.1b). The lunar standstill alignments
illustrated by Sharer (1994 : fig. 7.6) are not valid;
they are based on fieldwork from the 1930s that has
been disproved by Aveni’s work (Aveni 1975, 180,
fig. 4, table 4; 1980 : 258–267, figs. 90–91; Aveni et al.
1975).
Since the average period when Venus was visible
in the morning and evening sky is close to the length
of one Tzolkin (260 days), the Maya may have used
subsets of the Tzolkin to record intervals within
the period of visibility. The period of ascent as the
Morning Star is quite rapid (about 80 days), and
the Evening Star phase involves a rapid descent when
Venus seems to dive down in only 80 days. Venus is
especially bright during the period of descent, but its
time of greatest brilliance is when it makes its ascent
in the Morning Star phase. Both the phases are represented by specific images in Maya art discussed in
later sections.
Scholars have proposed that the Maya observed
maximum elongations, that is, when Venus is farthest removed from the Sun (about 477). Linda
Schele and David Freidel (1990 : 444 – 446) claim
that a significant position is reached when the date
in question is within 17 of maximum elongation. On
the other hand, Venus remains near maximum elongation for relatively long periods of time. This fact,
along with the difficulty of ascertaining the exact
time of greatest elongation without modern computer-generated tables, makes the greatest elongation
an unlikely candidate for naked-eye observations.
Nonetheless, the Maya could have noted that Venus
rises three hours before the Sun around the time
of maximum elongation and is therefore positioned
relatively high in the sky (Aveni 1980 : 85). And
around the spring equinox, the maximum altitude
of Venus approximately coincides with its maximum
elongation (H. Bricker 1996, fig. 8).
Anthony Aveni and Lorren Hotaling (1994 : S31)
believe that the Maya observed Venus when it was
at its maximum altitude. In their analysis of a set
of ninety-eight Classic Maya dates with astronomical ‘‘tags’’ (star glyphs or related iconography), they
found that the dates often correlated with times
when Venus was high in the sky (Aveni and Hotaling 1994 :S34 –S35). Furthermore, the astronomical
dates more often coincide with Evening Star visibility, with 70 percent of the dates corresponding to
that period. The Classic Maya evidently focused on
the Evening Star, a conclusion confirmed in studies
by Ivan Sprajc (1993a, 1993b).
VENUS IN THE POPOL VUH
Floyd Lounsbury (1982 : 163) notes that the retrograde period of Venus was important in the Classic
period. The two stationary points bracket the short
period of inferior conjunction, and maximum brilliance as Morning Star follows only a few weeks after
the second stationary point, just as the Evening Star
is most brilliant a few weeks before the first stationary point.
This summary of observational features associated
with Venus serves as a departure point for discussion
of Venus imagery. All of these Venus cycles may be
evident in Maya dates and images. As will be seen,
the greatest emphasis was placed on the Venus Almanac of five Venus cycles in eight solar years. Study
of astronomically tagged dates suggests that the Evening Star was of greater importance during the Classic period, but the Dresden Codex shows that the
Morning Star received great emphasis in the Postclassic period.
VENUS IN THE POPOL VUH
During the Colonial period, Venus is referred to as
the ‘‘sun passer’’ and the ‘‘great star’’ (nima ch’umil)
in a section of the Popol Vuh dealing with the fourth
creation or world age, the historical epoch of the
Quiché (Edmonson 1971 : 159). In previous world
ages, Venus seems to have had different names.
Dennis Tedlock (1985 : 40, 111, 134; 1991) suggests that in a previous world age two brothers
known as Hun Hunahpu and Vucub Hunahpu represented the Morning Star playing ball on the eastern
horizon. When the lords of death called them to the
underworld, they were killed and the Morning Star
disappeared. Tedlock interprets Hun Hunahpu’s decapitated head, placed in a tree by order of the death
gods, as a symbol of the first visibility of the Evening
Star above the horizon in the west. Hun Hunahpu’s
head produces semen that fertilizes the young Moon
Goddess, Xquic (Blood Woman), giving birth to Hunahpu and Xbalanque. According to Tedlock, prior
to their rebirth as the Sun and the Moon—an event
that issues in the fourth world age—the Hero Twins
took the role of the Morning Star, replacing their
father and uncle (Tedlock 1991 : 166 –168). He rec-
159
ognizes five episodes involving decapitated heads
or balls representing heads and interprets these as
five cycles in the Venus Almanac (Tedlock 1991 :
172 –173).
Hun Hunahpu’s head on the ball court may be a
Venus symbol. The Popol Vuh recounts that when
the Hero Twins saw their father (Hun Hunahpu), his
head now transformed into a calabash fruit hanging
in the fork of a tree in Xibalba, they put him back
together and left him at the Place of Ball Game Sacrifice to be worshiped by future generations (D. Tedlock 1985 : 113, 159). Michael Closs (1989 : 397) assigns the role of Morning Star to Hun Hunahpu,
noting that he stays behind to rule the underworld as
the Morning Star when his son Hunahpu is transformed into the Sun.
Citing the fact that Hun Hunahpu’s name incorporates 1 Ahau, Michael Coe (1973 : 93; 1975b : 90)
identifies Hun Hunahpu as the Morning Star and
Vucub Hunahpu as the Evening Star. He notes that
1 Ahau implies heliacal rise, and Vucub Hunahpu’s
name (equivalent to 7 Ahau) falls 240 days later in
the Tzolkin, suggesting a transformation into the
Evening Star. Sprajc (1993a : 40 – 41, 53) questions
this conclusion, pointing out that the interval from
the first of the Morning Star and the first of the
Evening Star is 313 days on average (or 326 days
in the canonical period of the Dresden Codex). He
concludes that both Hun Hunahpu and Vucub Hunahpu represented the Morning Star—until their
death, when Hun Hunahpu’s severed head became a
symbol of the Evening Star with its fertilizing powers. Another possibility is that the period of 240 days
approximates the interval between the first and last
day of the Morning Star (given as 236 in the Dresden
Codex), in which case Hun Hunahpu could represent the first of the Morning Star and Vucub Hunahpu the Morning Star as it disappears.
David Kelley (1980 : S26) identifies Hun Hunahpu
as the Maize God and the embodiment of Venus,
noting that his name means 1 Ahau (Hun Ahau)
in Yucatec. Karl Taube (1992b : 48) agrees that the
Maize God is the counterpart of Hun Hunahpu,
but he distinguishes Hun Ahau as a separate entity
linked with Hunahpu. Taube (1992b : 116) concludes
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VENUS AND MERCURY: THE BODY DOUBLES
that Hun Ahau in his death aspect is the same as the
chief demon of the underworld known as Hun Ahau
in Landa’s Colonial period account (Tozzer 1941:132
n. 618). The Motul dictionary glosses a similar name
(Cumhau) as ‘‘Lucifer, prince of the devils.’’ Eric
Thompson (1970b : 303) points out that Lucifer denotes both devil and the Morning Star. This may
also explain why the Morning Star is sometimes
linked with the devil in Maya ethnographic accounts
(Closs 1989 : 395). Taube’s interpretation finds support in the fact that Hunahpu (Junajpu) is named
as the Morning Star by the contemporary Quiché
(Chapter 1). If this is the case, the Popol Vuh implies
that the Morning Star is transformed into the Sun at
the beginning of the fourth world age.
In sum, one or more sets of brothers may play the
role of Venus in the Popol Vuh. The situation is not
clear because there are conflicting points of view and
evidence can be marshaled to support identifying
both Hun Hunahpu and Hunahpu with the Morning
Star. Whether their brothers were also aspects of Venus remains debatable. Based on evidence presented
in Chapter 3, it seems that Hunahpu symbolizes the
underworld Sun, closely linked with the Morning
Star, which announces the Sun’s emergence from the
underworld. Perhaps this image also represents Venus in inferior conjunction with the Sun. This would
help account for the underworld aspect of Hunahpu.
Hun Hunahpu may take the role of Venus in the
Some names recorded in the Colonial period refer
to different Venus phases. Among the most intriguing is chac ec, a reddish wasp that does not sting,
used as a reference to the Morning Star in the Ritual
of the Bacabs (Roys 1965 : 132, 135). Some dictionary references allude to the Evening Star aspect,
such as ah oczah kin (he who makes the sun enter
[the underworld]) and hózan ek, glossed as ‘‘the star
of the evening,’’ named as the black Bacab of the
west (Lamb 1981 : 235, 242 –243). Dictionary entries
glossed simply as ‘‘Morning Star’’ or ‘‘Evening Star’’
are usually interpreted as Venus, even though the
planet is not always named.
Some terms seem to refer to Venus in both morning and evening skies. Among the recorded names
are noh ek (big star), chac ek (red or great star), chac
noh ek (red, big star), and xux ek (wasp star; Lamb
1981 : 242 –243). All these names appear in contemporary Yucatec dictionaries (Barrera Vásquez 1980).
Noh ich, meaning ‘‘great eye,’’ is a name for Venus
that implies a dual nature because ich can also mean
‘‘twin’’ (Galindo 1994 : 81).
Arthur Miller (1982 : 86) describes sky-band
FIG. 5.1. a: Venus as diving god with insect traits (eclipse
table on Dresden Codex 58; after Villacorta and Villacorta
1977).
b: Tulum diving god adopts pose similar to images of
Maya bees (Structure 25; after Tozzer 1957, fig. 256a).
c: Diving god holding honeycomb, probably representing Venus as Evening Star (Late Postclassic ceramic vessel,
Mayapán, Regional Museum of Anthropology, Mérida).
d: Diving-bee god (Madrid Codex 80; after Tozzer
1957, fig. 256b).
e: Postclassic Mixteca-Puebla images of insects with
star-tipped wings (Codex Nuttall 19, 38; after Seler 1960 –
1961, 4 : 729, figs. 919, 923).
f: Morning Star as Lahun Chan (‘‘10 Sky’’) with scorpion carapace on torso and stinger terminating in Venus
glyph (T510f ); maize-foliation headdress may refer to
season of ripening maize (Dresden Codex 47b; after Seler
1904a, fig. 101i).
g: Striped star warriors suspended from sky band with
Ollin sun and Venus glyphs with rays alternating with
lobed designs that represent star-tipped insect wings (Codex Nuttall 21; after Seler 1960 –1961, 3 : 219, fig. 15).
h: Evening Star, Xolotl, faces Sun descending into underworld with skeletal Morning Star disappearing in conjunction (Codex Borbonicus 16; after Séjourné 1976,
fig. 26).
i: Nocturnal new-year ceremonies of Ix years with crescent moon and howling dog bearing T559 design on rib
cage (T559 also in companion glyphic text), probably refers to Evening Star as Tzul Ahau, or Tsul Ahaw in revised
orthography (Madrid Codex 37; after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
other underworld phase (superior conjunction) or
the Evening Star emerging from the underworld.
COLONIAL AND POSTCLASSIC
IMAGES OF VENUS
162
VENUS AND MERCURY: THE BODY DOUBLES
designs on Postclassic murals from Santa Rita and
Tulum as stylized images of Venus as the ‘‘wasp star’’
(Fig. 3.3b). Stanislaw Iwaniszewski (1987 : 211) suggests that a relief on Structure 5 represents Venus as
a diving figure (Marquina 1964, pl. 399). Ralph Roys
(1967 : 63 n. 7) identifies the Tulum diving figures as
the Maya bee god, Ah Muzencab. Structures 5, 16,
and 25 all depict similar figures that resemble Maya
images of bees (Fig. 5.1b, d). Indeed, at the Regional
Museum of Anthropology in Mérida, a Late Postclassic ceramic vessel depicts a similar diving god
holding a honeycomb framed by stacked log hives
(Fig. 5.1c). The Mixteca-Puebla Codex Nuttall depicts bees and possibly wasps with pairs of gauzy
wings (Fig. 5.1e). The connection between Venus
and bees and wasps is evident because the wings are
very similar to Venus symbols in sky bands of the
same codex. These have a star in the center radiating
two gauzy wings that alternate with three red rays
(Fig. 5.1g). The Venus glyph seems to represent the
insect aspect of Venus. The five radiating elements
allude to the ‘‘fiveness’’ of Venus implicit in the Venus Almanac’s five synodic periods.
Although Arthur Miller (1982 : 87, 89 –91, 97)
links the Tulum diving figures to the cult of the
Morning Star, they seem more closely connected
with imagery of the Evening Star. The diving pose
evokes Venus making its rapid descent over the
course of 80 days. These diving gods are positioned
on the west face of the temple structures, and the
temples themselves have a west-facing entry, a pattern that would seem to be linked with the Evening
Star (Sprajc 1993a, 1993b). Maize foliation on the
headdress of the diving god at Tulum is appropriate
in light of a pattern linking maize and the Evening
Star noted by Sprajc (Fig. 5.1b). Cords attached to
the diving gods probably symbolize the ecliptical
cord linking the sky and Earth, as well as a path
of descent for Venus moving into the underworld.
This is reminiscent of images of Venus as EhecatlQuetzalcoatl descending on a cord in the Codex Vindobonensis (Fig. 5.4f; Milbrath 1988a).
In the Dresden Codex eclipse table (58b), a bee or
wasp aspect of Venus is represented by a diving god
with a Venus glyph as its head and a knifelike tail that
suggests an insect abdomen (Fig. 5.1a; Aveni 1992b :
71). Closs (1989 : 405 – 406) suggests that Venus acts
as the cause or agent of eclipse in this image.
A Venus god plays the role of a Bacab raising the
heavens after the great flood. The Chilam Balam of
Chumayel notes that Lahun Chan (10 Sky) went to
the west, where the black tree of abundance was
located, when the four Bacabs took their position
at cardinal points to raise the sky after the great
flood. Roys (1967 : 100 –101, 171) suggests that Lahun Chan’s placement in the west equates him with
the Bacab called Hozanek, a name for the Evening
Star in Colonial period sources. Lahun Chan is the
same as Lakunchan, an idol with very ugly teeth and
claws described by Diego López de Cogolludo (Roys
1967 : 101 n. 2). From various accounts, Thompson
(1960 : 77, 218) concludes that Lahun Chan had the
head of a jaguar and the body of a dog, and he
walked like a drunkard. As we will see, Lahun Chan
is more closely connected with the Morning Star.
The flood account may indicate that the Morning
Star was sent to the west in a time of turmoil.
In the Dresden Codex, the glyphic name 10 Sky
identifies Lahun Chan, the same name used in Colonial period accounts (Fig. 5.1f ). Maize foliation on
his headdress leads Closs (1989 : 397) to compare
him to Xolotl, the Aztec god of the Evening Star
who brought maize to humankind, according to the
Anales de Cuauhtitlán. The Codex Borbonicus pairs
the canine Xolotl with the Sun descending into the
underworld, clearly indicating a role as the Evening
Star (Fig. 5.1h). Closs suggests that Lahun Chan is
the counterpart of a Maya dog deity named Tsul
Ahaw (Tzul Ahau), because of the resemblance of
Lahun Chan’s rib cage to T559, a glyph interpreted
logographically as ‘‘dog’’ (tsul or tzul). One of the
New Year pages in the Madrid Codex clearly shows
a dog with a similar T559 rib cage howling at the
Moon (Fig. 5.1i). Indeed, the name Tsul Ahaw appears as the last glyph compound on the page, a
name apparently linked with the Evening Star (Fig.
5.7r; Closs 1989, fig. 31.5). The Evening Star may be
Tsul Ahaw as Closs proposes, but this name, associated with a canine figure and a diving insect in the
codices, is not used for Lahun Chan (Fig. 5.1a). Lahun Chan clearly plays the role of the Morning Star
in the Dresden Codex, and he has a different glyphic
THE DRESDEN CODEX VENUS PAGES
163
FIG. 5.2. Introduction to Venus table listing names for
Venus in first column (A5 –A9); in second column:
God N, Moon Goddess, Hun Ahau, Mars Beast?, and
Death God as regents (B5 –B9); in third column: God L
and Lahun Chan as Morning Stars (C4 –C8) and God K
as first in list of five victims (C8 –C12); followed by
9.9.9.16.0 (2/4/623), one day before new Moon on 2/5/
623 (Dresden Codex 24; after Villacorta and Villacorta
1977).
name (10 Sky; Fig. 5.1f ). Indeed, Lahun Chan does
not even have canine traits. On close inspection we
can see that Lahun Chan’s torso is the scorpion thorax seen on other Venus gods, such as God L in the
Madrid Codex (Fig. 5.11b). This is made clear by the
fact that Lahun Chan’s headdress has a beaded element representing the scorpion’s segmented tail, here
terminating with a Venus glyph. The ‘‘rib cage’’ on
the dog of the Evening Star is a scorpion thorax
(Fig. 5.1i).
In sum, the Colonial period accounts relate to
Postclassic imagery of Venus, most notably in the insect aspects of Venus. A diving bee or wasp may be
linked with imagery of the Evening Star’s rapid descent. Venus is also equated with a sky-bearer or Bacab (Hozanek) associated with the Evening Star. Lahun Chan, named in Colonial period records, has his
counterpart in Postclassic representations of Venus as
the Morning Star, where he has scorpion traits also
seen on the canine Evening Star. As we will see, the
best single source of evidence for imagery of the Postclassic Venus god is found in the Dresden Codex.
THE DRESDEN CODEX VENUS PAGES
The Dresden Codex Venus pages (46 –50) depict the
most intriguing astronomical images in the Maya
codices (Fig. 5.3). This section of the codex has long
been recognized as a Venus Almanac, but its relationship to the chronology of the Yucatec Maya has
been debated.
John Teeple (1926) showed that the Maya adjusted for the difference between the true length of
the synodic period and the canonical Venus Round
(VR) of 584 days by including corrections so that the
Tzolkin calendar of 260 days and the Venus calendar would synchronize with the rise of the Morning
Star on a day 1 Ahau. They accomplished this by
FIG. 5.3. a: God L as Morning Star
at heliacal rise embodying Venus
as dry-season warrior god killing
God K (Jupiter?); regent on sky-band
throne wears headdress that may
represent Mars Beast (Dresden Codex 46; after Villacorta and Villacorta
1977).
b: Lahun Chan as Morning Star
rising during season of green corn;
his victim below is Water-lily Jaguar
representing rainy-season Moon; regent is death god (Dresden Codex
47; after Villacorta and Villacorta
1977).
c: Howler monkey as Morning Star,
associated with name linked with
Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli, depicts Venus
rising at dawn when maize planting
season begins; his victim is Maize
God; regent is God N (Dresden Codex 48; after Villacorta and Villacorta
1977).
d: Central Mexican Xiuhtecuhtli
as Morning Star rising at beginning
of dry season; he spears turtle god
(Orion) as sign of drought; regent is
Moon Goddess pouring seawater
from her seashell jar (Dresden Codex
49; after Villacorta and Villacorta
1977).
e: Itztlacoliuhqui, counterpart
to central Mexican god of frost, as
Morning Star rising on 1 Ahau 13
Mac, just before summer solstice in
a.d. 1227; his victim is an enigmatic
god possibly associated with fish; regents are Maize God and Hun Ahau
(Dresden Codex 50; after Villacorta
and Villacorta 1977).
f-j. Layout of Venus cycle on
Dresden Codex 46 –50 with Calendar
Round dates (after Thompson 1972 :
66). Line 15, omitted by Thompson,
is the ‘‘mirror-in-hand’’ glyph compound, which appears with T181 on
all pages except page 46, the first
page, and the last column before the
Venus god on page 50. Letters A–T
(lines 17 and 21) refer to a sequence
of deity names.
166
VENUS AND MERCURY: THE BODY DOUBLES
subtracting four days at the end of sixty-one Venus
Rounds (35,624 days or 97.5 years) or by subtracting
eight days at the end of fifty-seven Venus Rounds.
Scholars disagree as to whether the table shows a
real ephemeris used to predict observable positions of
the planet. Closs (1992) argues that the table represents idealized Venusian synodic periods, representing the mean motions of the planets. On the other
hand, Lounsbury’s (1983) study places the Venus
table in the context of Postclassic Maya chronology,
correlating the heliacal rise events with specific dates.
I favor the latter interpretation and believe that it may
be possible to relate the table to observations of Venus at heliacal (dawn) rise as part of a seasonal cycle.
The reference to Long Count dates in the introduction and the Calendar Round dates in the almanac itself present the possibility of placing the images
of five Venus gods in the setting of real time, helping
to reveal their seasonal associations. The Dresden
Codex Venus pages (46 –50) represent five different
gods of the Morning Star hurling a dart with an atlatl. Eduard Seler (1904b) recognized that the format
of five Venus gods spearing victims with atlatls parallels scenes in the Postclassic codices of the Borgia
group. Each of the five manifestations is separated
from the next by an interval of 584 days, closely approximating the synodic period of Venus. Each subsequent dawn rise occurs about a year and seven
months later, and the entire cycle repeats every eight
years.
John Justeson (1989 : 100 –101) notes that the use
of fixed stations for the Venus cycle in the vague year
(365 days) arose because the canonical Venus Round
of 584 days does not accommodate well to the 260day Tzolkin, repeating only after a prohibitively long
period of time (104 years), whereas the eight-year
intervals provide a relatively short period for repeats.
This suggests that the Venus Almanac developed in
tandem with the solar calendar.
Ernst Förstemann (1906), a German librarian in
Dresden, first recognized that pages 46 –50 represent a Venus calendar approximating the average
synodic period of Venus (583.92 days). The layout
of the pages in Dresden Codex 46 –50 presented
by Thompson (1960 : 222; 1972 : 66) shows that each
line running across five pages totals eight years (Fig.
5.3f–j). The dates in the vague year appear on lines
14, 20, and 25. The Tzolkin dates are on lines 1–13,
and the subdivisions of the 584-day Venus cycle are
on line 26. The Venus cycle incorporates four canonical intervals: 236 days as Morning Star, 90 days
of invisibility around superior conjunction, 250 days
as Evening Star, and 8 days of invisibility around inferior conjunction, an interval that actually can vary
from 0 days up to a few weeks (Aveni and Hotaling
1994 : S25). Aveni (1980 : 184 –187) points out that
only the 8-day period of inferior conjunction approximates the average interval for the corresponding Venus event. The other intervals used in the table
are far off the mark. He notes that the Venus periods
in the Dresden Codex are rounded off to conform
with lunar intervals (Aveni 1992a; Justeson 1989).
This cycle joins the Sun, the Moon, and Venus
in a celestial dance that repeats its sequence every
eight years (Aveni 1997 : 123 –124). Aveni (1991 : 315;
1992a : 89 –90) notes that the table expresses the occurrence of Venus events in lunar time units, allowing the Moon to be observed in relation to Venus.
Teeple (1930) pointed out that the canonical Morning Star interval of 236 days has a lunar significance
(236 5 8 3 29.5). Thus the Moon would be in the
same phase at the end of this period as it was when
Venus rose at dawn. The 90-day interval for superior conjunction is three lunar months plus 1.5 days,
a leeway reflecting differences in the length of the
lunar month (29.5 days registered as alternating periods of 29 or 30 days). Justeson (1989 : 94 –95)
points out that the 90th day is the first date that the
Evening Star was visible when the Moon was in the
same lunar phase as when Venus rose as the Morning Star. He suggests that the unusual 90-day interval
for superior conjunction was a Postclassic invention
triggered by a particular eclipse, following Aveni’s
(1990 : 315) discovery that the historical base dates of
the Venus table are linked to a cycle of eclipses visible
in Yucatán. Justeson (1989 : 95) adds that the number
of lunar months incorporated in the table (8 1 3
lunar months and 3 1 8.5 lunar months) are ‘‘spans
frequently separating, respectively, pairs of visible lunar eclipses and a lunar-solar or solar-lunar eclipse
sequence.’’ It is no coincidence that the length of the
Venus table equals the length of three eclipse tables
THE DRESDEN CODEX VENUS PAGES
plus eight cycles of 260 days, for the Maya related
lunar and Venus phenomena (Aveni 1992b : 104).
After five Venus Rounds, the seasonal cycle of Venus repeats (5 3 584 5 8 3 365), establishing a pattern linking each Venus Round to different times of
year. Over time there would be shift, but the slippage
between Venus events and the associated solar dates
occurs rather slowly, for the planet appears an average of 5.2 days earlier every two Calendar Rounds
(104 years; Lounsbury 1983 : 4, 9). The Maya adjusted by stopping short of a complete run through
the table at an earlier 1 Ahau date that was found to
be closer to heliacal rising of the Morning Star. This
new date then served as a new base for the table. The
original base was 1 Ahau 18 Kayab (Fig. 5.3f–j, lines
13 and 20), and the last time this base was used was
in a.d. 1038 (10.10.11.12.0). By this time a 5.2-day
error had accumulated from the previous heliacal
rise on 1 Ahau 18 Kayab 104 years earlier (65VR) in
a.d. 934. By the next pass through the table on the
57th VR (line 12, Fig. 5.3g), the table would call for
a heliacal rise on 9 Lamat, but the heliacal rise had
slipped back so that it was closer to a 1 Ahau date
8 days earlier. At this point they shifted to 1 Ahau
18 Uo on lines 12 and 20 (10.15.4.2.0; 12/4/1129
O.S.). This replacement base involved an 8-day correction. Around the time the table was actually in
use, a new base was introduced involving a 4-day
correction that shifted the heliacal rise to 1 Ahau 13
Mac in a.d. 1227 (lines 13 and 14). Subsequently another 4-day correction would realign the Venus Almanac on 1 Ahau 3 Xul in a.d. 1324. These dates are
called bases because they are the ‘‘day zero’’ for a
specific calendar sequence.
The introduction to the Venus table on pages 46 –
50 of the Dresden Codex appears on page 24. Although the page numbers imply that the introduction was separated from the table, Thompson (1972 :
18) notes that the codex was split in two and improperly numbered. He rearranges the pages in his
commentary to the codex but retains the earlier page
numbers because of long-standing use.
Page 24 opens with glyphic texts referring to a list
of Venus names (column A5 –A9, Fig. 5.2) paired
with the names for regents (column B5 –B9), alongside a third column that names victims speared by
167
the Morning Star (last five names in column C).
Each column closes with a series of calendric inscriptions (Table 5.1). Using X to mark the place of noncalendric texts, we can diagram the calendar periods
to be read from top to bottom (lines 1–27) across
columns A–G. Calendar Round dates appear in columns A–C at the bottom, and presumably also at the
top, but here they no longer survive except for the
date 8 Cumku at C2. Figures in parentheses indicate
the total number of days or Venus Rounds.
The numbers begin with 6.2.0 displayed vertically
in column A (lines 21–24), followed by 9.9.16.0.0 in
column B (lines 14 –19), and 9.9.9.16.0 in column C
(lines 18 –24). The Calendar Round date of 1 Ahau
18 Kayab at the bottom of Column B belongs with a
Long Count date, displaced by one column apparently because there was not sufficient space. Columns D through G display multiples of 584 days,
except for lines 7–12, which are correction or calculation factors (Table 5.1). The 6.2.0 inscription
in Column A is a Ring Number, with a ring around
a shell representing zero, indicating it is to be used
in addition or subtraction of an interval totaling
2,200 days.
The date 9.9.9.16.0 1 Ahau 18 Kayab corresponds
to 2/4/623 (in the 584,283 correlation preferred here;
2/6/623 in Lounsbury 1983). This is the earliest date
in the table. It is designated as Base A, the first of a
series of fixed dates that mark entry points in the
table (Lounsbury 1983, table 3). Base A falls more
than two weeks before the heliacal rise of Venus, but
Lounsbury (1983 : 4, fig. 1) considers this an acceptable error because the date was calculated back to a
time centuries before the table was recorded. It may
be that the Base A date is not an error, but instead
refers to a lunar observation made prior to the heliacal rise of Venus. Aveni (1992, table 3.2) notes that
the 9.9.9.16.0 date was one of a number of the bases
keyed to lunar eclipses. The 9.9.9.16.0 date, one day
before the new moon on 2/5/623, represents the last
visibility of the Moon in the month following a lunar
eclipse on 1/22/623 (Goldstine 1973). The last visible crescent may have begun the lunar month in
Classic Maya times (Chapter 4).
The 9.9.16.0.0 inscription in column B is usually
interpreted as a Long Reckoning (LR) distance num-
168
VENUS AND MERCURY: THE BODY DOUBLES
TABLE 5.1. CALENDAR INSCRIPTIONS ON DRESDEN CODEX 24
LINE
1
A
B
C
D
X*
X
X*
1*
2
E
F
G
1*
15 *
10 *
5*
3
X
X
8 Cumku
1
16 *
10 *
5*
4
X
X
X
14
6
16
8
5
X
X
X
0
(260 VR)
(151,840 d)
0
(195 VR)
(113,220 d)
0
(130 VR)
(75,920 d)
0
(65 VR)
(37,960 d)
1 Ahau
1 Ahau
1 Ahau
1 Ahau
6
7
X
X
X
1
8
X
X
X
5
9
4
1
14
11
12
5
9
10
X
X
X
4
7
8
5
11
X
X
X
0
(185,120 d)
0
(68,900 d)
0
(33,280 d)
0
(9,100 d)
1 Ahau
1 Ahau
1 Ahau
1 Ahau
12
13
X
X
X
4
4
4
3
14
X
X
X
17
9
1
13
15
X
X
X
6
4
2
0
16
X
X
X
0
(60 VR)
(35,040 d)
0
(55 VR)
(32,120 d)
0
(50 VR)
(29,200 d)
0
(45 VR)
(26,280 d)
17
X
6 Ahau
11 Ahau
3 Ahau
8 Ahau
ber giving the interval from the beginning of the era
in 4 Ahau 8 Cumku (Thompson 1972 : 62). It counts
1,366,560 days since the beginning of the current era,
when the chronological ‘‘odometer’’ began again after it reached its maximum at 13.0.0.0.0 4 Ahau 8
Cumku, signaling a new count of 13 Baktuns (on
August 11, 3114 b.c., in the Gregorian calendar or
September 6, 3114 b.c., in the Julian Calendar). The
number 9.9.16.0.0 (1,366,560 days) represents an
idealized value for bringing a Venus event back to
the same place in the tropical year, and it corresponds to many different calendric cycles (Aveni
1980 : 192; 1981:S3 –S4; Lounsbury 1978; McCluskey
1983 : 96, 99; Thompson 1960 : 226). This interval
can be divided without remainder by the following
cycles: the cycle of Nine Lords of the Night; the 20day Uinal; the 260-day Tzolkin; the 365-day Haab;
the 584-day Venus synodic period; the 780-day Mars
synodic period; the 8-year Venus Almanac cycle of
2,920 days; the shorter eclipse cycle of 9,360 days; the
Calendar Round of 18,980 days; and the great Venus
cycle of 37,960 days (104 years).
The introduction continues to the right in Columns D–G, with four columns divided into five
THE DRESDEN CODEX VENUS PAGES
169
TABLE 5.1. (continued )
LINE
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
18
X
9
9
3
2
2
2
19
X
9
9
4
16
8
0
20
X
16
9
16
14
12
10
21
6
0
(40 VR)
(23,360 d)
0
(35 VR)
(20,440 d)
0
(30 VR)
(17,520 d)
0
(25 VR)
(14,600 d)
22
2
13 Ahau
5 Ahau
10 Ahau
2 Ahau
1
1
12
4
16
8
5 ***
0
(20 VR)
(11,680 d)
6
0
(15 VR)
(8,760 d)
4
0
(10 VR)
(5,840 d)
2
0
(5 VR)
(2,920 d)
7 Ahau
12 Ahau
4 Ahau
8 Ahau **
0
16
23
24
0
0
(2,200 d)
(2,340 VR)
(1,366,560 d)
4 Ahau
8 Cumku
1 Ahau
18 Kayab
25
26
27
0
1 Ahau
18 Uo
Note: Numbers in parentheses refer to equivalents in numbers of days (d) and Venus Rounds (VR).
* Information missing from table.
** Date written as 8 Ahau should be 9 Ahau to reflect addition of 5 Venus Rounds to 1 Ahau base date.
*** 1.12.5.0 should be 1.12.8.0 for 20 Venus Rounds.
tiers, each ending with an Ahau Tzolkin date. The
top tier (lines 1– 6) and the bottom three tiers (lines
13 –27) show multiples of 584-day Venus Rounds
(VR) in decreasing order as you move down and
across the page. The inscriptions on lines 7–12 of
the second tier have been interpreted as correction
factors or calculation factors. All but one of these
seem to be intervals that lead from an earlier base
to a later one, for they add one or more foreshortened runs of the table to locate a new base on a day
1 Ahau (Lounsbury 1992b : 207–208). For example,
the 4.12.8.0 inscription (33,280 days) in column F of
the second tier is 57 VR minus 8 days or 65 VR
(37,960 days) minus 2 3 2,340 days (approximately
4 VR). Lounsbury (1992b) proposes that each of the
correction factors involves subtracting a multiple of
2,340 days from a multiple of 65 VR. And each
2,340-day subtraction results in a 4-day correction,
while preserving the Tzolkin day 1 Ahau, because
2,340 is divisible by 260 days without remainder, and
it is 4 3 584 1 4 days. One of these intervals (1.5.5.0
or 9,100 days; lines 8 –11 in column G) had been
identified as an error in the table (Thompson 1972 :
63). However, Lounsbury (1992b : 207–212) has a
different explanation for the recorded interval; he
proposes that it is another base-shifting mechanism
like the other numbers in the second tier, because
1.5.5.0 (16 VR minus 244 days) involves a 244-day
correction (236 1 8d), incorporating the canonical
intervals of Morning Star and inferior conjunction.
Adjustment by subtracting intervals from the Great
Venus Round of 37,960 days (65 3 584 days) al-
170
VENUS AND MERCURY: THE BODY DOUBLES
lowed a foreshortened run through the table, permitting a new base to be located on the date 1 Ahau
when the heliacal rise of Venus strayed too far from
the canonical 1 Ahau date. On the other hand, both
Closs (1977 : 92) and Justeson (1989 : 93, 97–98)
consider the 1.5.5.0 interval to be a calculation factor
referring to 15 Venus Rounds plus 340 days, equivalent to the interval from canonical setting of the
Morning Star to the subsequent canonical setting of
the Evening Star (15 3 584 1 90 1 250 5 9,100
days). Justeson also notes that this interval is useful in calculating eclipse cycles between base dates
(1 Ahau 18 Kayab base to 1 Ahau 13 Mac base 5
9.11.7.0 days [column E]; 9.11.7.0 2 1.5.5.0 5 2,025
lunar months). Closs says the calculation factor
spans the interval from heliacal rise on 1 Ahau 18
Kayab in 9.9.9.16.0 forward to the heliacal rising of
the Evening Star on 1 Ahau 13 Pax, a date not among
the recorded bases on page 24, but given in the almanac section on page 47.
The bottom three tiers (lines 13 –27, Columns D–
G) refer to even multiples of Venus cycles, each associated with an Ahau date that would be reached by
adding the given multiple to the 1 Ahau base (Table
5.1). The last tier ends with the inscription 8.2.0,
equaling five Venus Rounds and eight years (2,920
days). This inscription leads in to pages 46 –50,
which represent sets of five Venus Rounds. The Calendar Round dates on pages 46 –50 place the five Venus Rounds in relation to eight solar years.
In sum, we can see that the introduction to the
table places the Venus events in historical perspective,
referring back to a Long Count date of 9.9.9.16.0, the
historical base of the table in the seventh century
keyed to the last visible crescent just before the heliacal rise of Venus. The introduction also provides the
framework for counting forward in time from the
early Postclassic period, when the codex was in use
at the time of the 1 Ahau 13 Mac base in a.d. 1227.
THE LAYOUT OF PAGES 46 – 50
In Dresden Codex 46 –50, each of the five pages covers 584 days, with a cumulative total across five pages
of 2,920 days, equaling five Venus cycles or eight solar years of 365 days (Fig. 5.3a– e). The thirteen rows
of Tzolkin dates at the top indicate that the table was
reused thirteen times for a total of 65 (13 3 5) Venus
Rounds or 104 vague years (65 d 3 584 d 5 37,960
d 5 104 y 5 146 Tzolkins). Thus the table relates the
Venus cycle to the solar year and the Great Cycle of
two Calendar Rounds (2 3 52 years). The Venus
Round interval of 584 days is slightly longer than the
true length of the Venus cycle (583.92 days), so an
error of approximately 5 days accumulated over 104
years (Lounsbury 1983 : 9).
Thompson (1960 : 77, 218, 299; 1972 : 65) notes
that the idealized Venus cycle always ended on the day
1 Ahau, a day that probably named Venus at heliacal
rise. Because two columns of Tzolkin dates on page 47
include 1 Ahau dates, a new 1 Ahau base could be
adopted when the calendar strayed too far from
the real heliacal rise date (Fig. 5.3g). Apparently, the
Maya waited to make correction until they were
about to complete 65 Venus Rounds in the second
run through the table so that they could reuse the 1
Ahau Tzolkin date (Lounsbury 1983 : 4 –11, table 3;
Thompson 1972 : 62 – 63). With a mean drift of 5.2
days after 65 Venus Rounds (104 years), they could
wait until the next cycle on the 57th Venus Round,
when the total would be around 8 days, allowing them
to recover the 1 Ahau date. They did so by shifting the
1 Ahau day assigned to the last visibility of the Evening Star to the first rise of the Morning Star, taking
advantage of the 8-day interval that occurs between
those dates on page 47 in the table. This required a
shift in the corresponding month as well.
Lounsbury notes that between a.d. 934 and 1129,
the table shifted from 1 Ahau 18 Kayab (used in
Bases A–D) to 1 Ahau 18 Uo (Base F). Through such
calculations a series of base dates have been reconstructed for the table as follows: 9.9.9.16.0 1 Ahau
18 Kayab (Base A), 9.14.15.6.0 1 Ahau 18 Kayab
(Base B), 10.0.0.14.0 1 Ahau 18 Kayab (Base C),
10.5.6.4.0 1 Ahau 18 Kayab (Base D), 10.10.11.12.0 1
Ahau 18 Kayab (Base E), 10.15.4.2.0 1 Ahau 18 Uo
(Base F), 11.0.3.1.0 1 Ahau 13 Mac (Base G), with
the last base on 11.5.2.0.0 1 Ahau 3 Xul falling in
the fourteenth century. In the layouts proposed by
Lounsbury (1983, table 3) and Aveni (1992, table 4),
the base dates fall at the end of a 104-year run
through the table, marking the transition from one
THE LAYOUT OF PAGES 46 – 150
cycle to another at the time of heliacal rise. Thus in
Thompson’s layout (Fig. 5.3j), 1 Ahau in line 13 is
linked with 13 Mac in line 14 to form the date
11.5.2.0.0, with 18 Kayab in line 20 to form the date
10.0.0.14.0, and with 3 Xul in line 25 to form the
date 11.5.2.0.0.
Lounsbury (1983 : 11) and Justeson (1989 : 93)
agree that the Venus table is contemporary with the
1 Ahau 13 Mac base, which they correlate with the
Long Count date of 11.0.3.1.0 in June of a.d. 1227
(Base G). This dating is generally confirmed by the
Postclassic style of the codex, ca. 1150/1250 –1450
(Paxton 1990). Furthermore, the two central Mexican deities represented in the Venus pages (discussed below) clearly pertain to the Postclassic epoch
(Taube 1992b, figs. 56e–g; 67a). Their closest stylistic counterparts are seen in Borgia Group manuscripts, especially Codex Borgia 12 –13, and there is
no evidence of deities with similar iconographic details in Classic period imagery from central Mexico.
The 13 Mac date is associated with a verb, a flat
hand (T713a) and mirror (T24 or T617a) compound on line 15 just above the glyph for ‘‘east’’
on line 16 in the last column before the pictures on
page 50 (Figs. 5.3e; 5.7a). In the Venus table, this
compound is used to signal times when Venus is visible, including days when Venus first appeared as the
Morning Star and canonical dates when it was last
visible as the Evening Star. The lower section of each
page shows two other sets of month dates (Fig. 5.3f–
j, lines 20 and 25). There are no mirror-hand glyphs
associated with these dates. The associated base dates
suggest that line 20 refers to past events and line 25
to future events.
Lounsbury (1983 : 11) proposes that 1 Ahau 18
Kayab was reused repeatedly in base dates from a.d.
623 (9.9.9.16.0) through a.d. 1038 (10.10.11.12.0).
By 1129, the actual Venus events lagged eight days
behind the heliacal rise dates recorded on line 20, so
the astronomers were able to shift the heliacal rise
event to a date previously used for the last visibility of the Evening Star (1 Ahau 18 Uo; lines 12 and
20; Fig. 5.3g), resulting in a new base by 1129
(10.15.4.2.0 1 Ahau 18 Uo). This base was reused
until 1 Ahau 13 Mac became the base in 1227
(11.0.3.1.0). It was recognized that another base shift
171
would be required in the future, resulting in a new
base that would be in use by a.d. 1324 (11.5.2.0.0 1
Ahau 3 Xul). Line 25 predicts the dates when the heliacal rise would take place in the period 1318 –1324.
In other words, the table contains dates for actual
Venus events in the past, present, and future.
Even though Lounsbury (1983 : 11–16, fig. 1) accepts that 1 Ahau 13 Mac (a.d. 1227) is the end point
of the current run of the table, he focuses his analysis
on the earlier bases. He notes that the 1 Ahau 18 Uo
(12/4/1129) heliacal rise was significant because Venus was in conjunction with Jupiter as it rose, an
event that had not been seen since a.d. 244 (Lounsbury 1983 : 16 –17, fig. 3). However, he maintains
that the 1 Ahau 18 Kayab base in a.d. 934 is the only
one to accurately peg the heliacal rise on 11/20/934
(Lounsbury 1983 : 8 –13, 17, fig. 2). He finds this especially significant because this date also coincides
with the heliacal rise of Mars, a pairing that had not
occurred since a.d. 6. Despite this intriguing association with planetary conjunctions, the question remains: Why would the table accurately record the
heliacal rise in a.d. 934 and not in a.d. 1227 when
the table was in use? Dennis Tedlock (1992 : 268)
notes that Lounsbury’s reconstruction of the table
using the 584,285 correlation would mean that ‘‘Mayan astronomers let their Venus calendar run a day
or two late, even in the act of correcting it’’ (emphasis
in original). He points out that the solution is to apply the 584,283 correlation, which produces not one
but two heliacal rises that fall right on target. This
correlation gives an unbroken chain of events from
the Postclassic into the Early Colonial period, as
Thompson (1960 : 305) recognized when he adopted
the GMT2 correlation in his later work. Furthermore, the 584,283 correlation is in accord with the
Quiché calendar of today and the Aztec calendar of
the sixteenth century, a correspondence recognized
by Lounsbury (1992a : 199 –204).
Aveni (1992, table 3.2) compares the canonical
dates with actual heliacal rise dates. Of all the bases,
only the dates in a.d. 934 (Base D), a.d. 1129 (Base
F), and a.d. 1227 (Base G) place the canonical event
in proximity (within two days) to the actual heliacal
rise. Using Lounsbury’s preferred correlation factor
(584,285), he notes that the a.d. 934 base is only one
172
VENUS AND MERCURY: THE BODY DOUBLES
TABLE 5.2. HELIACAL RISE DATES IN VENUS TABLE OF DRESDEN CODEX COMPARED
WITH ACTUAL RISE DATES
PAGE
CALENDAR ROUND
GEORGIAN DATE
JULIAN DATE
ACTUAL RISE DATE
1/26/1221
1/19/1221
1/19/1221
46
5 Kan 7 Xul
47
4 Lamat 6 Kayab
9/2/1222
8/26/1222
8/24/1222
48
3 Eb 0 Yax
4/8/1224
4/1/1224
3/30/1224
49
2 Cib 14 Uo
11/13/1225
11/6/1225
11/4/1225
50
1 Ahau 13 Mac
6/20/1227
6/13/1227
6/13/1227
Source: Based on Aveni 1992a, table 3.2, adjusted for 584,283 correlation.
day off, and the 1 Ahau 18 Uo (a.d. 1129) and 1
Ahau 13 Mac (a.d. 1227) bases are each two days off.
But if we shift to the 584,283 correlation, now preferred by Aveni, we find that the last two bases (F and
G) are perfect matches with the heliacal rise events
on December 4, 1129, and June 13, 1227. This means
that the previous run of the table (104 years earlier)
and the current run in a.d. 1227 are both precise
observations of the event, as would be expected in a
record of recent historical events. As noted previously, the base on 1 Ahau 18 Uo in a.d. 1129 is
linked to a significant planetary event. When Venus
first appeared as Morning Star, it was in conjunction
with Jupiter. Furthermore, the Moon was at last
quarter, locking in a lunar event. Of all the proposed
bases, only the 1 Ahau 13 Mac base on June 13, 1227,
places the heliacal rise in proximity to an important solar event. The summer solstice took place on
6/15/1227 in the Julian calendar or 6/22/1227 in
the Gregorian calendar (Aveni, personal communication 1995). Since the summer solstice can shift between June 21 and 22 from year to year, the base was
probably visualized as falling just before the summer
solstice. The 1 Ahau 13 Mac base therefore synchronizes an important Venus event with a significant
event in the tropical year. Such a link would be expected because the calendar is laid out to show the
relationship between five Venus cycles and eight solar years.
Rather than being a copy of a Classic period table,
as has been commonly assumed, the Venus table fo-
cuses on current events in the thirteenth century, incorporating past events as points of reference. The
current run of the table is the eight-year Venus-solar
cycle that began in 1219 and closed in 1227 with 1
Ahau 13 Mac. In addition to synchronizing the solar
and Venus cycles, this run of the table also incorporates a supremely important calendric event. The
10th Baktun (11.0.0.0.0; 5/18/1224) came to a close
during the Morning Star period covered by the first
column on page 49. At this time, Venus was near its
maximum altitude as Morning Star (reached 28 days
later; Aveni and Hotaling 1994, table 1).
Laying out the table with the first page correlating
with 5 Kan 7 Xul and the last with 1 Ahau 13 Mac
gives us five points that record the heliacal rise of
Venus on a specific Calendar Round date in the thirteenth century (Table 5.2). Both the first and last
Calendar Round dates precisely match with the actual heliacal rise dates of Venus on January 19, 1221,
and June 13, 1227 (Aveni 1992, table 3.2). In this layout, the last of the five synodic periods of Venus falls
two days before the summer solstice.
In sum, the Calendar Round dates on pages 46 –
50 refer to current heliacal rise dates, as well as those
in the past and future, spanning a period from the
tenth through the fourteenth centuries. The lock-in
point for the table is 1 Ahau 13 Mac, just before the
summer solstice in a.d. 1227. Although the 584,285
correlation provides a close fit with the summer solstice in a.d. 1227, there seems to be greater precision
in recording the Venus events if we use the GMT2
THE SEASONAL ASPECTS OF VENUS
correlation, which accurately places the heliacal rise
dates in a.d. 1129 (the previous run of the table) and
in a.d. 1221 and a.d. 1227. The Dresden Codex Venus pages provide a template for understanding the
seasonal aspects of five Venus gods representing the
newly emerged Morning Star over the course of an
eight-year cycle that was tracked over hundreds of
years.
THE SEASONAL ASPECTS OF VENUS
Having established the probable dates for each page,
we can turn to the visual imagery to identify the Venus gods and their companions in relation to the
seasonal cycle. The five Venus gods represent the
Morning Star in different seasonal aspects. All are
poised with dart throwers in hand, having just
speared their victims below (Fig. 5.3a– e). Seated on
sky-band thrones overhead, the regents watch the
events from a distance.
On page 46, the first Venus god represents the
newly risen Morning Star in the guise of God L
(Fig. 5.3a; Schellhas 1904 : 34 –35). God L’s name
(T1054) is a black-faced portrait glyph with an Imix
prefix, a name paired with a Venus glyph on page 46
(columns E–F). God L’s warlike nature may be emphasized in the Dresden Codex, for he is the only
one of the five shown holding a war shield. He has
an eye volute and a shell beard, attributes that overlap with those of the Jaguar War God, a god specifically associated with war shields in Classic Maya
iconography (Chapter 4, Fig. 4.2g). Placing the 1
Ahau 13 Mac date on page 50 just prior to the summer solstice in 1227 indicates that God L on page 46
represents Venus at heliacal rise on 1/19/1221 (Table
5.2). He embodies the first appearance of the Morning Star during the height of the dry season, a time
of year for warfare among the Aztecs and the Yucatec Maya (Milbrath 1988b : 63; Torquemada 1943, 2 :
299). He may also represent the entire period of the
Morning Star’s rapid ascent. Taking eighty days as an
average for the interval from heliacal rise to maximum western altitude provides an idealized period
for ascent ending on 4/9/1221 O.S., still well within
the dry season, the epoch of warfare.
Lahun Chan (10 Sky) on page 47 is the second
173
seasonal manifestation of the Morning Star (Figs.
5.1f, 5.3b; Thompson 1972 : 68). The markings on
his torso are the segments of a scorpion thorax, and
his headdress is a scorpion’s tail tipped by a star
glyph in place of the stinger, as can be seen by comparing the image of God L representing Venus on
Madrid Codex 79a (Fig. 5.11b). Lahun Chan’s headdress also has a prominent maize element like that of
God E. This seems significant because the heliacal
rise date on 8/26/1222 coincides with a time when
the maize was ripening. If he also embodies the
ascending Morning Star, the eightieth day falls on
11/13/1222 O.S. (11/20/1227 N.S.), coinciding with
the first solar nadir at 197 N latitude, a date linked
with the maize harvest at the onset of the dry season
(Milbrath 1988b : 61– 63).
Page 48 shows a monkey as the third seasonal aspect of the Morning Star (Fig. 5.3c). Here the Morning Star has the beard of a male howler and the deer
ear seen on a number of howler images in Classic
Maya art (Coe 1978a : 345 –346). The monkey god
wears the vulvate oyohualli, an ornament relating
him to the central Mexican gods of song and dance
(Seler 1960 –1961, 2 : 167). When howlers awake
between 5 and 6 a.m., the troop howls to the rising sun, just as the rising Morning Star announces
sunrise. Gordon Whittaker (1986 : 57) identifies the
glyphic name of the Morning Star god in column E
as tawisikala (T96 : 277 : 146.25 : 140), linking it with
the first syllables in Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli, a name
for the central Mexican god of the Morning Star. Venus, as a howler monkey rising at dawn on 4/1/1224,
hurls his dart, killing the Maize God at the driest
time of year when all the maize has been harvested
and the stalks are burned, undergoing a form of
death. This death is the preface to the rebirth of
maize. The ascent of the Morning Star over the next
eighty days parallels the rise of the maize plant out
of the ground during the first months of the rainy
season.
Karl Taube and Bonnie Bade (1991 : 18) were the
first to recognize the Morning Star god on Dresden
49 as a representation of Xiuhtecuhtli, the central
Mexican Fire God (Fig. 5.3d). Here the god of the
Morning Star bears a phonetic name of chak xiw(i)tei
that resembles the name Xiuhtecuhtli (‘‘turquoise
174
VENUS AND MERCURY: THE BODY DOUBLES
lord’’ or ‘‘year lord’’). The Morning Star aspect of
Xiuhtecuhtli wears a xiuhuitzolli crown with the
xiuhtototl bird and a medallion that resembles the
headpiece of Quetzalcoatl on Dresden Codex page 4a
(Taube 1992b : 125). Xiuhtecuhtli is primarily a central Mexican deity, but a Postclassic mural from
Tulum shows he was also known in the Maya area
(Taube 1992b : 125, fig. 67d). On page 49, Xiuhtecuhtli shoots the turtle at a time of year coinciding
with the beginning of the dry season, for the heliacal
rise date corresponds to 11/6/1225 O.S. (11/13/1225
N.S.). Over the next eighty days, as the Morning Star
ascended, the rains abruptly ceased. Spearing the
turtle victim, a patron of rain, proclaims drought,
according to Thompson (1972 : 69). The association
with the onset of the dry season also provides a link
with the central Mexican Fire God, who is prominent in dry-season festivals taking place after the
maize harvest (Nicholson 1971, table 4).
Thompson (1960 : 220) proposes that the blindfold worn by the Morning Star god on page 50 of the
Dresden Codex refers to the planet moving backward ‘‘blindly’’ in retrograde motion (Fig. 5.3e). Indeed, the heliacal rise of Venus always coincides with
retrograde motion. The god on page 50 most closely
resembles Tezcatlipoca-Itztlacoliuhqui-Ixquimilli, a
central Mexican god who wears a blindfold over his
eyes and twin plumes in his headdress on Codex
Vaticanus B 39 and on Codex Fejérváry-Mayer 33
(Fig. 5.6a; Taube 1992b : 110 –112; Thompson 1972 :
69). Itztlacoliuhqui is the central Mexican god of
frost associated with the Venus cult (Sprajc 1993a :
32 –33; Sullivan 1976 : 256). In the Codex FejérváryMayer, he wears a rayed corona on the top of his
headdress and a smoking mirror on one foot, the insignia of Tezcatlipoca, as he makes an offering to a
possum in the temple of the north. We also find Itztlacoliuhqui associated with the temple of the north
in the Codex Borgia (50). It seems significant that
in the Dresden Codex Itztlacoliuhqui’s counterpart
represents the Morning Star rising on 1 Ahau 13 Mac
(6/13/1227 O.S.), positioned close to the sun at its
northern extreme at the summer solstice. Nonetheless, in the Aztec festival calendar, Itztlacoliuhqui
played a prominent role as god of frost in the September festival of Ochpaniztli (9/2 –9/21 O.S.), which
marked the beginning of frosts in central Mexico
(Nicholson 1971, table 4; Sahagún 1950 –1982, 2 :
121, 7 : 19). Frost is not found in lowland Yucatán,
where the Dresden Codex was painted, but possibly
Itztlacoliuhqui’s association with that time of year
was retained when his cult was imported from central Mexico. If we view the Venus god on Dresden
Codex 50 as ruling a period of eighty days, his reign
lasted until the beginning of September, around the
time of year his festival began in central Mexico. In
Yucatán, this is the time for doubling over the ears
of maize (maı́z menudo).
We can conclude that there are five seasonal aspects of Venus in the Dresden Codex almanac. Perhaps all the Morning Star gods in the Dresden Codex
rule not only the day of heliacal rise but also a period
of up to eighty days associated with the ascent of the
Morning Star. If this is the case, we would have a fivepart division of the year, with God L on page 46 ruling
from late January through March, a period associated
with the season of warfare. The howler monkey on
page 48 reigns from April through mid-June, the season of planting. The blindfolded god on page 50 rules
from the summer solstice through the end of August,
when the crops are maturing. Lahun Chan on page 47
rules from September to early November, when the
main harvest began around the end of the rainy season. The central Mexican Fire God on page 49 rules
from mid-November through mid-January, a season
associated with the beginning of the dry season and
Fire God rituals in central Mexico.
REGENTS AND VICTIMS
IN THE VENUS PAGES
On each of the five pages of the Venus Almanac, a
regent deity looks over the Venus god spearing a victim (Fig. 5.3a– e). Four of the regents clearly have a
celestial quality, because they are seated on sky-band
thrones. All hold overturned jars, but only some of
the jars seem to hold water. The regents are named
in the second column of page 24 (B5 –B9) in a sequence beginning with a Pauahtun (God N), who is
the regent on page 48 (his name prefixed by the
number four). The list ends with the Death God regent of page 47 (his name prefixed by a mirror
REGENTS AND VICTIMS IN THE VENUS PAGES
glyph). The same names appear on lines 17, 21, and
22 on pages 46 –50 in Thompson’s (1972 : 66) table,
which assigns letters of the alphabet to list the names
of the gods (these bear no connection with the Postclassic gods identified by letters of the alphabet). The
sequence invariably links the regents with the eastern
direction (Fig. 5.3f–j; Kelley 1976, fig. 28). One enigmatic aspect in the sequence of names is that each
regent’s name actually appears in the middle section
of the previous page. Thus the Moon Goddess regent
on page 49 is named on page 48 in the column associated with the heliacal rise of the Morning Star.
The analysis presented links the regents with the
events represented on the page they are pictured on,
but it is possible that they represent astronomical
events 584 days earlier.
Only the Moon Goddess on page 49 has been securely identified, so our analysis should begin with
her. She is named in the column associated with the
heliacal rise date 4/1/1224 (page 48). On this date,
the waxing Moon was located in Leo. On the other
hand, if we look at the regent on page 49 as a representation of the Moon on the heliacal rise date recorded on the same page (11/6/1225), we find the
waxing Moon above the western sky at dusk in Capricorn on the edge of the Milky Way. In my opinion,
the most important feature locating the Moon Goddess in the sky is her sky-band throne. As we will see
in Chapter 7, the layout of the Paris Codex zodiac
reveals that all the constellations attached to the sky
band are located where the ecliptic crosses the Milky
Way or at locations framing the crossing point (Capricorn and Libra). Based on this pattern, I have assigned the regent Moon Goddess to the heliacal rise
on page 49, rather than 584 days earlier. It would
seem that the other regents on sky-band thrones in
the Venus pages may also correspond to astronomical gods located on or at the edge of the Milky Way.
The regent on page 46 might be associated in
some way with Mars because he wears a headdress
very much like the Mars Beast (Dresden 45b). Presuming the image relates to the Morning Star rising
on the 5 Kan 7 Xul date recorded on page 46 (1/19/
1221), we find a good correspondence because Mars
and Venus were rising together in the dawn sky,
echoing the conjunction event on 1 Ahau 18 Kayab
175
in a.d. 934 considered so important by Lounsbury
(1983). The Mars regent’s sky-band throne may represent the Milky Way. On the heliacal rise date associated with page 46, Mars was in Capricorn at the
edge of the Milky Way.
The skeletal regent on page 47 cannot be identified in terms of an astronomical counterpart
(Fig. 5.3b). Harvey and Victoria Bricker (1992) have
linked a skeletal figure in the Paris Codex with Pisces, but the regent of the Venus pages seems to be
different. His closest counterpart is seen on Dresden
Codex 12b, where God A wears a similar animal
headdress.
In a departure from the pattern seen for other regents, the regent on page 48 is seated on a rooftop,
clearly representing a different location than the skyband throne (Fig. 5.3c). Here a Pauahtun, designated
as God N by Schellhas, is seated on a roof decorated
with death eyes, which may signal he is close to the
horizon or in the underworld. He has a quadripartite
nature in other contexts, best seen in his four guises
at Chichén Itzá (Schele and Mathews 1998, fig. 6.11;
Tozzer 1957, figs. 261–264, 266). As noted in Chapter 4, God N may be linked in some fashion with the
four phases of the Moon or the four synodic aspects
of the inferior planets (Venus and Mercury). The fact
that he appears on the same page with the Morning
Star suggests that he must be an entity other than
Venus. His identity, however, remains enigmatic.
Page 50 shows two regents associated with the Venus cycle ending 1 Ahau 13 Mac at the time of heliacal rise on 6/13/1227, just before the summer solstice. The Maize God appears with Hun Ahau, a
pairing also seen on Dresden Codex 2a (Fig. 4.4h,
left). Indeed, Taube (1992b : 116) notes that the two
appearing together is consistent with Classic Maya
imagery of the Popol Vuh, for the Maize God is the
Classic period version of Hun Hunahpu, the father
of Hunahpu and Xbalanque. Hun Ahau, the Classic
period counterpart of Hunahpu, is related to both
the Sun and its clarion, the Morning Star (Chapter
3; B. Tedlock 1992a : 28; D. Tedlock 1991 : 160, 342).
The sky-band throne is appropriate because both the
Sun and Venus were crossing the Milky Way on the
date of heliacal rise (the Sun in Gemini, Venus in
Orion). The Maize God co-regent may symbolize the
176
VENUS AND MERCURY: THE BODY DOUBLES
maize crop sprouting in the rain-soaked fields of late
June, for the glyphs on page 50 refer to an abundance of maize (Thompson 1972 : 69).
The victims of the five Venus gods are named on
page 24 in column C beginning at C8, the victim
shown on page 46 (Fig. 5.3a). The list conforms to
the sequence of images appearing on the bottom
of pages 46 –50. The second victim is a feline. The
Maize God is the third victim. The turtle is the
fourth victim. The fifth victim is identified by
Thompson as a fishing god. In the middle of each
page (46 –50), above the pictures of the Morning
Star gods, a set of glyphs pairs the victim’s name with
the spearing-event glyph (T653). This glyph pair immediately follows glyphs referring to the heliacal rise
of the Morning Star. Thus the spearing act is directly
related to the rise of the Morning Star. In fact, Venus
is the agent of the spearing event.
The turtle victim on page 49 is especially interesting (Fig. 5.3d). Thompson (1972 : 64, 69 –70) links
the name (T743[281].227) of the speared victim on
page 49 to T227 in the list on page 24 at C11, pointing out that the seated manikin in a ‘‘siesta’’ pose is
a dwarf (ac), a homonym for the turtle, which is also
called ac, a relationship reinforced by the turtle-head
prefix joined with T227 on page 49. Although Closs
(1989 :406, 411, fig. 31.3) identifies T227 as part of
the name for Venus as lord of the underworld, it
clearly names the victim in the Dresden Codex. The
victim on page 49 seems to be a turtle constellation.
Analysis of the Paris Codex ‘‘zodiac’’ on pages
23 –24 indicates that there is a turtle constellation in
the region of Orion (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 1992;
Love 1994). Although Thompson (1972 : 67) suggested that the speared victims are constellations in
conjunction with the rising Morning Star, the turtle
constellation was actually at the opposite side of the
sky when Venus rose at dawn on 11/6/1225. Thus the
spearing event refers to opposition in the sky rather
than conjunction. In the seasonal cycle of Venus, the
rise of the Fire God aspect of the Morning Star ushered in the dry season when the turtle constellation
died at dawn. The turtle constellation had to die and
descend to the underworld in the west so that the
dry-season Morning Star could rise in the east.
The last victim in the Venus pages is named with
the T1055 glyph at C12 on Dresden 24 and in column E on Dresden 50, where his name has an unusual prefix (T608). Thompson (1972 : 69) identifies
T608 as a fish tail, leading him to conclude that this
god is associated with fishing (Figs. 5.3e, 5.7b, lower
left). Even though T608 is now more commonly interpreted as a penis (Kurbjuhn 1989), it is interesting to note that the victim may be linked with Sagittarius, which correlates with a fish-snake in the Paris
Codex zodiac (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 1992, table
6.5). On 6/13/1227, when Venus rose at dawn, Sagittarius was in opposition to the Morning Star, perhaps symbolized by the victim positioned in opposition to the rising Morning Star on page 50.
Although the victims on pages 49 and 50 may represent constellations, other victims may be planets.
The God K victim on page 46 seems to represent Jupiter, which was in opposition to the rising Morning
Star and undergoing retrograde motion on 1/19/
1221 (Fig. 5.3a). This identification is in accord with
my previous research on Classic period images of
God K associated with dates when Jupiter was in retrograde motion (Milbrath 1996b; Chapter 6).
The victim on page 47 represents the Moon setting opposite the rising Morning Star (Fig. 5.3b).
The Moon sometimes takes the form of a jaguar, especially around the full Moon (Chapter 4). At the
time Venus rose heliacally on 8/26/1222, the Moon
was three days past full (8/23/1222; Goldstine 1973).
The seasonal aspect of the Moon on page 47 may be
important. The red feline bears a water-lily headdress and the same name as the Water-lily Jaguar on
Dresden 8a (Chac Bolay; Thompson 1972 : 35, 68,
70). Study of Classic period inscriptions indicates
that the Water-lily jaguar may be a rainy-season aspect of the Moon (Chapter 4). Representation of the
Moon in the Venus Almanac is not surprising, given
the fact that lunar cycles are built in to the calendric
structure of the table.
Page 48 represents the Maize God as a victim who
dies on 4/1/1224 (Fig. 5.3c). It seems appropriate
that the victim is the Maize God at a time of year
when the maize seeds are about to be placed in the
earth, a form of burial that may be linked with the
annual descent of the Maize God into the underworld. Apparently, a specific seasonal aspect of the
QUETZALCOATL-KUKULCAN
Morning Star is responsible for the death of maize,
just as certain seasonal positions of the Evening Star
were believed to promote maize fertility (Closs et al.
1984; Sprajc 1993a, 1993b). A link between Venus
positions and maize agriculture survived into the
eighteenth century, as documented in a Quiché codex that describes Venus observations in relation to
the agricultural cycle (Tedlock 1994).
In sum, several of the victims in the Dresden Codex Venus pages seem to represent constellations,
the Moon, and planets positioned in opposition to
the Morning Star. As Venus rose, it hurled its atlatl
dart across the sky, killing the astronomical deity at
the opposite side of the sky. The regents enthroned
on the top of the page may show astronomical bodies positioned at the intersection of the Milky Way
and the ecliptic, represented as a sky-band throne.
The regents include the Maize God and his co-regent
Hunahpu, the Moon Goddess, and a regent possibly
connected with Mars, as well as two others whose
astronomical identities remain enigmatic. Venus remains the central character in the drama, but the
scenes of the victims and regents indicate an interest
in the positions of other astronomical bodies as the
Morning Star emerged from inferior conjunction.
QUETZALCOATL-KUKULCAN: THE
VENUS GOD FROM CENTRAL MEXICO
A Venus cult connected with Quetzalcoatl seems
to have been imported from central Mexico to the
Maya area at a relatively early time, well before the
complex of central Mexican Morning Star gods seen
in the Dresden Codex. There is evidence of a cult to
Quetzalcoatl-Kukulcan in the Classic period architecture of Uxmal, and Jeff Kowalski (1990 : 51–53)
says that the feathered-serpent symbolism probably
spread from Chichén Itzá between a.d. 850 and 900.
Just when the cult first arrived in Yucatán is debatable, but the chronicles imply the cult centered on
a form of worship linked to a central Mexican ruler
named Quetzalcoatl who died in Yucatán. A sixteenth-century source says that Quetzalcoatl led his
people from Tollan to Tabasco and then on to
Campeche and Yucatán, because he wanted to avoid
warfare (Torquemada 1943, 1 : 255 –256). In a sev-
177
enteenth-century chronicle, Cogolludo (1954 : 352)
identifies Kukulcan of Yucatán as the same individual called Quetzalcoatl in Cholula. According to
Landa, the Itzá settlers at Chichén Itzá were ruled by
Kukulcan, who came from central Mexico, where
he was worshiped as the god Quetzalcoatl (Tozzer
1941 : 20 –23 n. 128). In the year 1 Reed, Quetzalcoatl
died and was transformed into the Morning Star in
the ‘‘land of writing,’’ alluding to the Maya area,
according to one central Mexican source (Anales de
Cuauhtitlán; Seler 1960 –1961, 2 : 740). The white
circle in the sky mentioned in the Chilam Balam
of Chumayel is a reference to the planet Venus,
which is connected with the return of QuetzalcoatlKukulcan in the Katun 11 Ahau (Thompson 1960 :
219). Quetzalcoatl-Kukulcan is apparently a Toltec
ruler who was apotheosized as Venus. His history
can also be seen in Mixteca-Puebla codices, where he
is similarly identified with Venus (Milbrath 1988a).
A number of early chronicles link round structures to a cult connected with Quetzalcoatl-Kukulcan
(Tozzer 1941 : 25 n. 134). Landa describes a round
structure at Mayapán, a city reportedly founded by
Kukulcan after he left Chichén Itzá (Tozzer 1941 :
23 –25). As noted earlier, the most famous round
structure, the Caracol at Chichén Itzá, has windows
with oblique angles oriented toward the northern
and southern horizon extremes of Venus. The stairway to the main platform also has a stylobate niche
with one wall aligned to the setting Sun, but the center point from the rear wall faces the northernmost
setting point of Venus (Fig. 3.1b). The back of the
niche has a pair of columns; one was painted red, the
other black. The red and black coloration provides
an intriguing link with the cult of Quetzalcoatl, for
the Aztecs said that Quetzalcoatl died in the ‘‘land
of writing’’ (tlilan tlapallan), meaning literally ‘‘the
land of red and black,’’ the colors used in Maya writing (Seler 1960 –1961, 2 : 740).
Round structures are also connected with EhecatlQuetzalcoatl in Guatemala and in central Mexico.
Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl, the central Mexican Wind God
characterized by a beaklike mask, appears in the Classic Maya area as early as the 10th Baktun on Seibal
Stela 19 (Schlak 1996, fig. 3). Seibal has a round
temple dedicated to this deity. It faces west, as do the
178
VENUS AND MERCURY: THE BODY DOUBLES
round temples dedicated to Quetzalcoatl-Kukulcan
in Yucatán. Sprajc (1993a : 5) points out that this
orientation suggests a link with the Evening Star,
whereas the central Mexican round temples face east
toward the Morning Star. Such a temple is found at
Calixtlahuaca, a round temple built in four stages,
with the oldest level dating back to Teotihuacán
times, which housed a magnificent sculpture of
Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl (Marquina 1964, pl. 91). Perhaps such round structures were symbolically linked
to Quetzalcoatl-Kukulcan as a coiled serpent.
Stephen Houston and David Stuart (1984 : 799 –
800) identify a coiled serpent on Dresden Codex 36b
as Kukulcan (Fig. 5.4c). Although the serpent is not
feathered, it bears a five-pointed star, a design that
has clear connections with Venus, as we will see in
the discussion to follow. The associated sky glyph
suggests a link with a ‘‘quetzal-sky’’ compound
found on a Uaxactún vessel identified by Houston
and Stuart (1984 : 799 – 800, figs. 17, 18a) as the only
known hieroglyphic reference to Kukulcan during
the Classic period.
The anthropomorphic God H seems to be the
counterpart of Quetzalcoatl-Kukulcan in the codices. Seler (1960 –1961, 1 : 698 –702; 1990 –1996, 1 :
214) noted long ago that a figure that Schellhas identifies as God H on Dresden Codex 4a is probably
Quetzalcoatl-Kukulcan with a snail-shell necklace, a
quetzal on his back, and a snake in hand (Fig. 5.4a).
Taube (1992b : 60, 137) concurs and adds that the
figure wears a turquoise headdress disk like that seen
on Postclassic images of Quetzalcoatl from central
Mexico. This god leads off a series of twenty deities
in Almanac 8 of the Dresden Codex (4a–10a) associated with Tzolkin dates that define a period of 5 3
52 days (Hofling 1988). Seler (1960 –1961, 1 : 700,
figs. 28 –29; 1990 –1996, 1 : 215 –216) also recognizes
images of Quetzalcoatl-Kukulcan planting maize
seeds in the Madrid Codex (26b, 35a). Fertility and
plant growth are probably part of God H’s domain,
for he shares traits with Goddess I and the Maize
God. God H is also linked with God D in the codices,
as in scenes on Dresden Codex 12c and 15c, where
God D appears with God H’s flower title (Stone
1995a; Taube 1992b : 63).
Taube (1992b : 63) links God H with the Water-lily
Serpent and with the head variant of the number
three, believed to be a wind god because of an association with the Ik glyph. In the Dresden Codex (50),
Ik is a day sign associated with the emergence of the
Evening Star (Fig. 5.3e). The Ik symbol at Palenque
is interpreted as a reference to the Evening Star
(Lounsbury 1974 : 11; Robertson 1985b, fig. 243).
Zoomorphs (serpent faces?) from Palenque marked
with Ik symbols may be representations of the Evening Star (Fig. 5.7m–n). In the Codex Borgia (9),
Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl is the patron of the day Wind,
the counterpart of Ik. This suggests that God H, the
FIG. 5.4. a: Quetzalcoatl-Kukulcan with snail-shell necklace, quetzal on his back, and snake in hand (Dresden Codex 4a; after Taube 1992b, fig. 27a).
b: Venus God Quetzalcoatl with conical hat, long beak,
and beard (Aztec Codex Telleriano-Remensis 9; after
Taube 1992b, fig. 27b).
c: Vulture attacks coiled serpent representing Venus as
Kukulcan (Dresden Codex 36b; after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
d: Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl, holding implements of priest,
watches as skeletal Morning Star descends into underworld carrying implements of war; possibly represents
Evening Star rising when Morning Star was no longer visible, hence its skeletal or underworld aspect (Codex Borgia 19; after Seler 1960 –1961, 3 : 256, fig. 48).
e: Twin Venus serpents, holding twin Ehecatl-Quetzal-
coatl figures in their jaws, form center of radiant disk representing planet Venus with red and black rays and star
eyes (Codex Borgia 30; after Seler 1963, 2).
f: Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl descends on celestial cord
through fleshy opening in sky band decorated with Venus
glyphs, showing Venus passing through Milky Way on
ecliptical cord (Codex Vindobonensis 48; after González
Torres 1975, fig. 5).
g: Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl lifts up sky band with water
motifs and five Venus glyphs, one of sixteen different
transformations of Venus in creation epic of this MixtecaPuebla codex (Codex Vindobonensis 47b; after Baird
1989, fig. 33).
h: Half-star Venus symbol on Classic feathered rattler
(Maltrata, Veracruz; after Baird 1989, fig. 39).
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VENUS AND MERCURY: THE BODY DOUBLES
Water-lily Serpent, and Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl are all
related by an association with Venus and the wind.
The evidence for associating Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl
with a specific Venus phase, however, remains
debatable.
At the dawn of the fifth world age, Quetzalcoatl
and Ehecatl faced to the east to await the sunrise,
which would suggest a Morning Star association (Sahagún 1950 –1982, 4 : 7, 52). Some texts, however,
refer to Quetzalcoatl as Héspero, a name for the Evening Star (Sprajc 1993a : 28 –29). Aztec legends have
Quetzalcoatl traveling to the east, where he is transformed into the Morning Star, at which point he becomes Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli. This suggests perhaps
that Quetzalcoatl is a god of the Evening Star who
changed identity when he became the Morning Star.
The most comprehensive inventory of Postclassic
Venus imagery is found in the Codex Borgia, believed to be from the area of Tlaxcala or Puebla
(home to Cholula’s cult to Quetzalcoatl). Here we
see a great variety of images of Quetzalcoatl. Sometimes he takes the form of Ehecatl, with a longbeaked wind god mask, or he can be a starry Venus
serpent wearing the same mask (Fig. 5.4e). Some
Codex Borgia images depict Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl as
an anthropomorphic being with a conical hat, a long
beak, a shell necklace, and a beard (Fig. 5.4d). Similar images of Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl are represented in
Mixtec and Aztec codices (Fig. 5.4b, f, g).
Codex Borgia 19 may represent contrasting images of Venus as a warrior and a priest (Fig. 5.4d).
Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl watches as the skeletal ‘‘lord of
dawn’’ (Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli) descends into the underworld. The imagery suggests that one aspect of
Venus is replaced by another. Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl
holds the bloodletting implements of a priest, while
the dying Morning Star holds an atlatl and a shield,
perhaps indicating a contrast between the Morning
Star as a warrior and the Evening Star as a priest.
A similar scene in the Codex Borbonicus depicts
the Evening Star, Xolotl, watching the Sun carry the
mummy bundle of the skeletal Morning Star into the
underworld (Fig. 5.1h). Both Venus figures wear very
similar headdresses with a star center and stacked
knots that may be related to Venus. Bloodletting implements marked with a star are positioned between
them. As Xolotl dances, the skeletal Morning Star,
pierced by a dart, descends into the jaws of the earth
monster. Perhaps this scene and the one in the Codex Borgia tell us that the Morning Star must descend to the underworld when the Evening Star rises.
This is the reverse of the transformation represented
in the chronicles, where the priest-ruler Quetzalcoatl
dies when the warlike Morning Star rises as Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli (Lord of Dawn), reflecting a transformation from one phase to another.
Throughout the Codex Borgia, there are many Venus transformations representing Quetzalcoatl and
Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli (Milbrath 1989). In my opinion, pages 29 – 46 represent the motions of Venus in
a pattern substantially different from that originally
proposed by Seler (1963, 2 : 9 – 61). My research indicates that this eighteen-page sequence correlates
with the eighteen months of the festival calendar,
with each page representing a different 20-day period; the Venus cycle is integrated into this calendric
sequence (Milbrath 1989, fig. 1).
The first page (29) refers to days 20 – 40 of the
Morning Star phase, when Venus is clearly visible
rising above the horizon. The wriggling figures of
Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl emerging from the ashes of a
burning bundle apparently symbolize the transformation of Venus as it becomes the Morning Star,
recalling an account in the chronicles saying that
Quetzalcoatl was burned when he was transformed
into the Morning Star.
Page 30 represents days 40 – 60 of the Morning
Star phase, when Venus reaches its maximum brilliance as it rapidly ascends in the dawn sky. The
rayed disk on page 30, often referred to as the ‘‘night
sun,’’ is actually the resplendent planet Venus (Fig.
5.4e; Milbrath 1989). The rayed disk frames intertwined star serpents representing Ehecatl figures in
the jaws of the twin Ehecatl serpents, evoking the
dual nature of the planet Venus. The Venus disk is a
360-degree version of Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl’s headdress, characterized by a fan of red rays with squared
ends on a nocturnal corona of black inlaid with stars
(Fig. 5.4d). The red rays alternating with black rays
represent the crepuscular light of Venus. In subsequent scenes (pages 39 – 40), Venus enters the underworld, disappearing into the jaws of the earth
QUETZALCOATL-KUKULCAN
monster as Venus becomes invisible in superior conjunction. A similar concept may be found as far back
as the Preclassic period, for Izapa Stela 11 depicts a
bearded god (Venus?) surrounded by rays positioned
in the jaws of the earth monster (Norman 1976,
fig. 3.11).
At Chichén Itzá, the cult of the feathered serpent
is associated with images of warriors armed with
weapons in the Terminal Classic and Early Postclassic periods, spanning the period from a.d. 800 to
1250 (Fig. 5.5c, e). In light of Quetzalcoatl’s direct
link with Chichén Itzá in the chronicles, it is not surprising that his images are very common at the site
(Taube 1992b : 136). Taube suggests that featheredserpent images refer to the Morning Star aspect of
Venus, because Quetzalcoatl was transformed into
the Morning Star in the chronicles.
Venus glyphs in a non-Maya style appear with images of the feathered serpent in a variety of contexts.
A bench in the Mercado depicting a scene of captives
and sacrifice has two feathered serpents on the tablero, with Venus glyphs grouped in sets of five along
the sides of each serpent, suggesting a link with the
five Venus cycles in the eight-year Venus Almanac
(Fig. 5.5d). Here the Venus glyphs have five rays, a
form that also probably symbolizes the five Venus
cycles (Carlson 1991). In the Northwest Colonnade,
a warrior wearing a Venus symbol as a star belt has
the feathered serpent as his alter ego (Fig. 5.5c). A
jadeite plaque from the Cenote shows a serpent carrying a warrior with a star belt and an armed dart
thrower, an image that may represent the warlike Venus as it rises as the Morning Star (Tozzer 1957,
fig. 131). Although this serpent does not have feathers on its body, it does have a design of concentric
circles that may represent stars (Chapter 7).
An unusual image on the Venus Platform shows a
face in the jaws of a feathered reptile, represented
frontally with clawed feet. Seler (1990 –1996, 1 : 211,
fig. 14) identifies the reptile as Quetzalcoatl, noting
that it appears alongside Venus glyphs on a panel related to the Venus cycle (Fig. 5.5a). Such an image
recalls the Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl serpents with clawed
front feet that represent aspects of Venus in the Codex Borgia (Fig. 5.4e). The Chichén Itzá image also
evokes comparison with the front head of the Cos-
181
mic Monster, which sometimes has clawed front feet
and a deity face in its jaws (Fig. 7.5e).
The Upper Temple of the Jaguars, dated between
a.d. 800 and 900, has a lintel that depicts a warrior
framed by a sun disk and another cradled by a feathered serpent, with a water-lily monster and a Maya
star glyph between the two warriors (Fig. 5.5e). In
the temple interior, a reclining goddess emits two
feathered serpents from her abdomen, alluding to
the twin nature of Venus; a similar image is preserved in the North Temple of the Great Ball Court
(Fig. 5.5f–g). Her body may represent the Milky
Way (Chapter 7; compare Fig. 7.4a).
The feathered serpent warrior is seen repeatedly in
murals of the Upper Temple of the Jaguars. The central mural scene opposite the doorway depicts two
astronomical warriors (Fig. 5.5h). The solar warrior
on the left, representing a local Maya ruler, wears
Maya-style costume elements, including a jade nose
bar and a jade mask on the front of his headdress,
whereas the serpent warrior seems to be a foreigner
wearing a gold pectoral (Coggins 1984 : 160 –163,
fig. 17). The serpent warrior emanates darts and rays,
a non-Maya image suggesting the fiery rays of the
Morning Star that may involve a Náhuatl play on
words that links darts and rays of light (Taube 1994 :
223, fig. 11c). Arthur Miller (1977) identifies the
feathered-serpent figure as Captain Serpent, a foreigner leading his troops against Captain Sun Disk,
a Maya leader. On the other hand, Charles Lincoln
(1988) says the two warriors are Kakupacal (fire
shield) and Kukulcan (sprouting serpent), acting as
dual rulers of Chichén Itzá. They are linked with two
lineages or cults honoring the Sun and Venus (Milbrath 1988c : 65 – 66). The feathered serpent warrior
may be the historical Kukulcan-Quetzalcoatl who
brought the Venus cult from central Mexico.
The feathered serpent appears with an astronomical warrior in a number of battle scenes in the Upper
Temple of the Jaguars (Coggins 1984, figs. 17–20).
Often the solar warrior is also represented, but the
mural scenes do not show the two in close proximity.
A landscape on the east wall depicts warfare taking
place in the red hills of the Puuc area; in the scene a
Venus god is emerging from the jaws of a serpent
(Coggins 1984 : 159; Wren 1991 : 55). On the south
QUETZALCOATL-KUKULCAN
183
wall, a warrior wrapped in a feathered serpent
mounts a scaffold that Linnea Wren (1996) interprets as a siege tower used in warfare (Coggins 1984,
fig. 20). Overhead, a solar warrior is accompanied by
a star warrior carried by a red-and-yellow serpent.
On the west wall, an assault seems to take place near
a large body of water, for canoes are prominent in
the imagery (Coggins 1984, fig. 19). Once again the
solar warrior appears with a star warrior, but this
time the serpent seems to be colored yellow.
Clemency Coggins (1984 : 157–165) relates the sequence of murals to a single synodic period of Venus
beginning with heliacal rise on the east wall. She suggests that Venus appears in superior conjunction on
the north wall and in inferior conjunction on the
south wall, with the four walls giving a quadripartite
division of the 584-day Venus cycle. Nonetheless, the
format of the mural sequence is better suited to a
cycle showing Venus in its different aspects over the
course of eight solar years. There is actually an eightpart division of the mural sequence, suggesting an
association with the Venus Almanac, with one scene
for each solar year. If the campaign of battles shown
in the murals took place over the course of eight
years, then each scene may show a different Venus
position in the eight-year Venus Almanac. The Maya
of Chichén Itzá clearly had knowledge of this cycle,
for five Venus cycles is equated to eight solar years in
the inscriptions of the Venus Platform (Fig. 5.5a).
Some aspects of Quetzalcoatl and his feathered
serpent alter ego are closely linked with origin
myths. Quetzalcoatl took part in the original events
of creation pictured in the Mixteca-Puebla Codex
Vindobonensis. On page 48 of that codex, EhecatlQuetzalcoatl descends on a celestial cord through a
fleshy opening in a sky band decorated with Venus
glyphs in a scene that refers to his rebirth with divine
attributes (Fig. 5.4f; Milbrath 1988a). Here Quetzalcoatl descends slowly along a cord, perhaps imitating the slow descent of the Morning Star phase. On
Codex Vindobonensis 47b, he lifts up a sky band
with water motifs and half-star glyphs representing
Venus, a scene that is part of a creation epic involving sixteen different transformations of the deity
(Fig. 5.4g; Furst 1978 :102 –108).
Coggins (1988b : 76 –77, fig. 8) suggests that Quet-
FIG. 5.5. a: Venus Platform at Chichén Itzá depicts predominantly central Mexican images (year bundle, year
sign, half star, fleshy opening, and number eight) paired
with Maya number five as symbol of Venus Almanac
equating ninety-nine lunar months and five Venus cycles
with eight solar years (after Seler 1960 –1961, 5, fig. 243).
b: Star warrior with Venus belt combining rays and
lobes like Mixteca-Puebla Venus glyphs (Terminal Classic
mural on southeast wall in Upper Temple of Jaguars,
Chichén Itzá; after Miller 1989 : 294).
c: Venus warrior wearing star belt has feathered serpent
as his alter ego (Northwest Colonnade at Chichén Itzá;
after Tozzer 1957, fig. 595).
d: Venus glyphs grouped in sets of five along sides of
two feathered serpents evoke five Venus cycles in Venus
Almanac of eight years (Mercado bench at Chichén Itzá;
after Tozzer 1957, fig. 598).
e: Solar warrior (Kakupacal) framed by sun disk and
Venus warrior (Quetzalcoatl-Kukulcan) cradled in feathered serpent (Terminal Classic lintel in Upper Temple
of Jaguars, Chichén Itzá; after Maudslay 1889 –1902, 3,
pl. 35).
f: Two feathered serpents, alluding to dual nature of
Venus, pass through abdomen of reclining sky goddess
(Milky Way?), evoking links with Mixteca-Puebla images
that depict Quetzalcoatl emerging from Milky Way (Upper Temple of Jaguars, Chichén Itzá; after Seler 1960 –
1961, 5 : 355, fig. 227).
g: On North Temple of Great Ball Court at Chichén
Itzá, two Bacabs flank twin Venus serpents emerging from
abdomen of reclining sky goddess, whose body may represent Milky Way (after Seler 1960 –1961, 5 : 321, figs.
195 –196).
h: Solar warrior (Kakupacal) wearing Maya headdress
faces Venus warrior surrounded by feathered serpent (detail from murals of Upper Temple of Jaguars, Chichén
Itzá; after Schele and Matthews 1998, fig. 6.30.B7A).
i: Cornice of Upper Temple of Jaguars depicts shields
with crescent moons flanked by felines and feathered serpents; entry to temple guarded by two giant feathered rattlesnakes (Great Ball Court complex at Chichén Itzá; after
Tozzer 1957, fig. 85).
184
VENUS AND MERCURY: THE BODY DOUBLES
zalcoatl is part of a Venus cult that links the cosmic
sea and rebirth. In the Popol Vuh, the feathered serpent floats in the sea before the first sunrise at the
dawn of creation. In a like fashion, representations
of the feathered rattler at Teotihuacán float in seawater on the Temple of Quetzalcoatl (Fig. 5.6g). The
corona of luminescent quetzal feathers around the
serpent’s face may symbolize the shining rays of Venus. The placement of the temple complex may incorporate units of measure that allude to the Venus
cycle (Sugiyama 1993 : 114). The deity images were
intentionally destroyed, apparently as part of a religious or political conflict (Sugiyama 1989 : 104).
This form of representation predates the quetzalrattlesnake images associated with blood sacrifice in
Teotihuacán Zone 5-A murals, suggesting that the
Venus cult changed over time (Fig. 5.6d). Perhaps
Quetzalcoatl’s role as a creator god was subordinated
to a Venus cult connected with warfare and sacrifice
in the later periods of Teotihuacán.
Quetzalcoatl is paired with a jawless reptile head
bearing reflective mica mirrors in its eyes and twin
rings on its brow on the Temple of Quetzalcoatl
(Fig. 5.6g). Coggins (1996 : 24) interprets the twin
rings as a reference to the morning and evening
phases of Venus. Michael Coe (1981 : 168) proposes
that the reptile is an early form of the starry fire ser-
pent known as Xiuhcoatl among the Aztecs, favoring
an identification proposed by Caso and Bernal in the
1950s. He interprets the Temple of Quetzalcoatl as a
representation of the initial creation of the universe
out of a watery void through the actions of two opposing forces or deities, Quetzalcoatl and the old Fire
God. Taube (1992a : 54 –55, 59 – 60, fig. 5) identifies
the reptile as a headdress representing the War Serpent, a Classic period counterpart of Xiuhcoatl, the
serpent of the Fire God. In terms of cosmic symbolism, it is noteworthy that Codex Rı́os (folios 6r, 6v),
an Aztec codex showing the world destructions, depicts the fire serpent and the feathered serpent as
representatives of two sequential world ages. Saburo
Sugiyama (1992 : 207–209, fig. 3) compares the reliefs on the temple to murals in Tepantitla Room 2
depicting a feathered serpent with headdresses along
its body (Miller 1973, fig. 173). He does not see dualism in the imagery, and he notes that the feathered
serpent swimming in water is the primary image.
Nonetheless, other images from the Maya area suggest duality is prominent in related imagery.
A Tikal platform bears Venus glyphs that seem
to substitute for the head of Quetzalcoatl on the
Temple of Quetzalcoatl at Teotihuacán (Fig. 5.6f ).
And the paired ring designs on the Tikal platform,
possibly representing twin stars, seem to substitute
FIG. 5.6. a: Tezcatlipoca-Itztlacoliuhqui-Ixquimilli, central Mexican Venus god with blindfolded eyes and headdress of twin plumes, makes offering to opossum at
temple of north (Codex Fejérváry-Mayer 33; after Seler
1960 –1961, 4 : 507, fig. 186).
b: Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli’s quincunx face painting represents five dots, probably referring to ‘‘fiveness’’ of Venus
in Venus Almanac of eight solar years (Codex Borgia 19;
after Seler 1960 –1961, 3 : 642, fig. 48).
c: Quincunx face painting characterizes newly risen
Morning Star, Tlauhuizcalpantecuhtli, here wearing loincloth with Venus symbol as he spears victim (Codex Vaticanus B 80; after Seler 1960 –1961, 1 : 662, fig. 69).
d: Quetzal-rattlesnake with half stars and rayed lunar
disks frames sacrifice scene with priests dressed as owls
carrying knives with bloody hearts (Zone 5-A, Portico 19,
Mural 1, Teotihuacán; after Baird 1989, fig. 14).
e: Half-star Venus symbol has five points, indicating
link with Venus Almanac of five Venus cycles equaling
eight solar years (after Carlson 1993, fig. 8.1b).
f: Central Mexican–style Venus glyph with five radiating elements alternating with twin circles probably symbolizing twin stars (Structure 5D-43 at Tikal; after Baird
1989, fig. 20).
g: Quetzalcoatl framed by corona of raylike feathers
and feathered body with rattle tail; second jawless head
with mosaic or reptile skin has knot in headdress and twin
stars on brow (Temple of Quetzalcoatl, Teotihuacán; after
Sugiyama 1993, fig. 5).
h: Quincunx face painting decorates Venus heads on
sky band above ecliptical cord serving as path for rayed
sun disk, Venus glyph, and sky god emerging from cleft
in sky band (Palace 4, Church Group, Mitla; after Seler
1960 –1961, 3 : 403, fig. 20).
186
VENUS AND MERCURY: THE BODY DOUBLES
for the twin circles above the eyes of the Teotihuacán second reptile. The alternating symbols indicate
some form of duality that seems related to Venus.
We can conclude that Quetzalcoatl represents the
planet Venus, and his imagery does not seem to
be confined to a single phase in the Venus cycle. The
chronicles and codices provide clear evidence of the
connection between Quetzalcoatl-Kukulcan and Venus. The confirmation of his migration legend in
chronicles from two different culture areas suggests
historical events somehow related to Venus events.
In the Maya codices of the Postclassic period, Quetzalcoatl-Kukulcan is represented by the anthropomorphic God H, possibly associated with agriculture. He also is represented as a starry serpent in the
codices. At Chichén Itzá, the feathered serpent is associated with Venus glyphs, sometimes represented
in groups of five. Venus glyphs also appear on a
building with an eight-part mural sequence linked to
the eight-year Venus Almanac. Warfare is predominant in this Terminal Classic mural. In late Teotihuacán times, this cult of Venus warfare may have supplanted a cult devoted to Venus as a creator god.
CENTRAL MEXICAN VENUS SYMBOLS
IN THE MAYA AREA
John Carlson (1991, 1993) suggests that the half-star
symbol is part of a cult of Venus-regulated warfare
imported from Teotihuacán to the Maya area. The
Teotihuacán half-star symbol of the Classic period
usually has five points, indicating a link with the five
Venus cycles in the eight-year Venus Almanac (Fig.
5.6d– e; Carlson 1991, 1993). The half-star symbol is
often associated with images of death, war, and sacrifice in the later phases of Teotihuacán, after around
a.d. 550, according to Ellen Baird (1989 : 118 –119).
Late Teotihuacán murals from Zone 5-A depict half
stars on a path traveled by priests wearing owl costumes; they carry knives with bloody hearts that indicate human sacrifice (Fig. 5.6d). In the surrounding frame, Quetzalcoatl appears as a rattlesnake with
quetzal heads, half stars, and footprints along its
body. The half-star symbol is also associated with
the feathered rattler at Maltrata in Veracruz during
the Classic period (Fig. 5.4h). Baird notes that the
half star at Teotihuacán has its counterpart in the
Maya star glyph, and although they are different in
form, they have a similar meaning.
The platform at Tikal shows central Mexican–
style Venus glyphs with five radiating elements like
the five-pointed half stars at Cacaxtla and Teotihuacán (Fig. 5.6d–f; Carlson 1993, figs. 8.1a, 8.9a; Miller
1973, figs. 137, 156, 197; Sugiyama 1993, fig. 6). The
Classic period Teotihuacán half stars in turn resemble a cross-sectioned conch with five points in a
water band at Cacaxtla (Carlson 1993, fig. 8.11). The
conch-star connection is certainly intentional, as can
be seen in the five-pointed conch pectoral, worn exclusively by Venus gods such as Quetzalcoatl and
Xolotl in the Mixteca-Puebla codices of the Postclassic period (Figs. 5.1h, 5.4d).
The star belt is worn by warriors at both Tula and
Chichén Itzá (Fig. 5.5b; Miller 1989, fig. 20.28). At
Chichén Itzá, the star belt combines rays and a lobed
design that evokes the combination of elements seen
in Mixteca-Puebla Venus glyphs that represent startipped wings of a bee or wasp (Figs. 5.1e, g, 5.4f–g).
A star belt with five lobes appears on a Venus deity with a scorpion tail at Cacaxtla (Carlson 1993,
fig. 8.6b). In the center there is a horseshoe-shaped
design framing a star eye, similar to the Venus symbol worn by Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli in the Codex Vaticanus B (Fig. 5.6c). The horseshoe frame around a
star may represent Venus glyphs at Maya sites over a
wide geographical area (Fig. 5.8k–l).
The Venus Platform at Chichén Itzá combines central Mexican and Maya Venus imagery (Fig. 5.5a). A
Mexican-style Venus glyph is tied to a bar symbolizing the number five in Maya glyphic writing. The
Venus glyph is framed by a fleshy opening resembling the clefts through which Quetzalcoatl passes in
Mixteca-Puebla imagery (Milbrath 1988a). Alongside there is a year sign, a year bundle, and eight dots
representing eight years, all rendered in the central
Mexican style. The equation is eight years equaling
five Venus cycles, if we take into account the Mayastyle number five. Carlson (1993 :209) says that the
year sign embodies the eight-year Venus Almanac.
MAYA GLYPHS AND SYMBOLS REPRESENTING VENUS
On the other hand, Seler (1960 –1961, 5 : 366, 375;
1990 –1996, 1 : 211) proposes that a ceremony like
the Aztec New Fire Ceremony is represented by the
year bundle, signifying a bundle of 52 reeds (one
for each year in the Calendar Round), which is to
be multiplied by eight to yield 260 Venus Rounds.
Clemency Coggins and David Drucker (1988 : 23)
suggest that the Venus Platform commemorates a
specific calendar ceremony aligning the Maya and
central Mexican calendars, referring to both the New
Fire Ceremony and the end of the ninth Maya Baktun falling on the day 7 Ahau (3/9/830), a date that
was followed by the end of the 52-year Calendar
Round at the heliacal rise of Venus on the day 1 Ahau
on the winter solstice.
Another central Mexican–style Venus symbol,
quincunx face painting, appears in the Codex Borgia
and the Codex Vaticanus B (Fig. 5.6b – c). All five
variants of Tlauhuizcalpantecuhtli representing the
newly risen Morning Star spearing victims can be
seen in the Codex Vaticanus B on pages 80 – 84. Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli’s face painting displays five dots
(two on the cheeks, and one each on the nose, brow,
and chin), a quincunx design that probably refers to
the ‘‘fiveness’’ of Venus in the five Venus cycles of the
Venus Almanac. The same face painting is found on
heads framed by Venus glyphs at Mitla (Fig. 5.6h;
Seler 1960 –1961, 3 : 403). According to Thompson
(1960 : 170 –172, fig. 31, nos. 33 – 40), the Maya
quincunx glyph (T585a) may represent a variant of
the central Mexican Venus sign. It has considerable
antiquity, having been found on an Olmec scorpion
sculpture (Monument 43) from San Lorenzo dated
before 900 b.c. (Joralemon 1971, fig. 12).
In sum, the half-star glyph in the Maya area seems
to be of central Mexican origin, most probably from
Teotihuacán. The origin point for the star belt is
more difficult to determine, but one of its earliest
manifestations is at Cacaxtla, where it is a five-part
rayed design evoking a connection with the five Venus cycles in the Venus Almanac. A number of the
Venus symbols have five rays or five parts, suggesting the ‘‘fiveness’’ of Venus. The quincunx design,
clearly associated with Venus in some contexts, is
widespread and quite ancient.
187
MAYA GLYPHS AND SYMBOLS
REPRESENTING VENUS
Central Mexican influence is evident in some forms
of Maya Venus imagery, but the Maya Venus glyph
has distinctive elements derived from Maya symbolism. Thompson (1960 : 77, 229) identifies Lamat
(T510a), the eighth day in the Maya calendar, as
the sign for the planet Venus (Fig. 5.7c). A similar
form without the day-sign cartouche is identified
as T510b, meaning ‘‘star’’ (*e:k’; Justeson 1984 : 339).
In the Dresden Codex Venus pages, T510b is paired
with the T109 glyph in a glyphic compound meaning chac ek (T109.510b), or chak ek’ in the revised
orthography, a term for Venus as both the Morning
and Evening Star (Fig. 5.7a, bottom row). It has a
cruciform design surrounded by four doughnut-like
circles, often interpreted as symbols for jade or water
but here probably connoting the luminescent quality of a star. The fact that there are four circles
in a cross-shaped frame naturally suggests the four
phases of Venus associated with four different directions. However, the same type of symbol can also
refer to bright stars, as in the turtle constellation of
Bonampak Room 2 (Fig. 7.1k).
Heinrich Berlin (1977 : 139 –140) notes that a
number of Venus intervals recorded in Palenque’s
Temple of the Inscriptions involve Lamat dates. He
points out that the west tablet of the Temple of the
Inscriptions records an interval that counts from
Pacal II’s accession on 5 Lamat 1 Mol forward to
another 5 Lamat 1 Mol date, which is separated by
an exact Venus interval (80 3 18,980 days) from
the accession date. A more general study of Lamat
dates should be undertaken to see if there is any Venus patterning. Indeed, Thompson (1960 : 299 –300)
notes that prognostications on the day 8 Lamat seem
to refer to Venus in the Tizimin manuscript.
The Lamat glyph sometimes represents a half star
with a stylized water lily (Imix), resembling a variant
of the star glyph known as T510e (Fig. 5.7f; Ringle
and Smith-Stark 1996 : 303). The T510e form appears in the eye of the Cosmic Monster in House E
at Palenque, with the water lily serving as an eyelid
(Fig. 5.7g).
MAYA GLYPHS AND SYMBOLS REPRESENTING VENUS
189
A truncated star glyph, sometimes referred to as
the half Lamat glyph, has been classified as T510f
by William Ringle and Thomas Smith-Stark (1996).
Sky bands often incorporate the T510f star glyph or,
less commonly, the T510b variant seen in the sky
band on page 74 of the Dresden Codex (Fig. 7.4d).
Both forms, usually paired with the Chac prefix, are
used to refer to Venus in the Dresden Codex Venus
pages 46 –50 (Fig. 5.3a– e). On page 47 the T510f
glyph also appears in the headdress of Lahun Chan
(Fig. 5.1f ), where the two circles are rendered in a
fashion similar to central Mexican star glyphs, like
red-lidded circular eyes.
In Classic period Initial Series dates, the T510f
star also serves as the introductory glyph for Yax, a
month that may be connected with Venus, according
to Thompson (1960 : 111–112). Sometimes a longsnouted ‘‘dragon’’ substitutes instead (Fig. 5.7h). One
particularly fine example has a mirror insert in the
snout and the T510f star in its eyes (Fig. 5.7h, lower
right). Coggins (1988c :101) suggests that this Yax
variant is a Venus serpent, but it also seems to
resemble the front head of the Cosmic Monster
(Fig. 5.7g).
Climbing the stairs of the Tower at Palenque, one
cannot help but notice a prominent T510f star glyph
painted over the stair passage leading to the second
floor (Aveni 1992b, fig. 3.4c). This astronomical
glyph has been interpreted as a giant introductory
glyph for the month Yax, the rest of which is destroyed (Robertson 1985b : 77). The glyph does not
necessarily refer to Venus, for similar star glyphs appearing in other architectural contexts at Palenque
seem to refer to other planets (Chapter 6). Here its
context near a window is intriguing, because it could
mark an observation post in the tower.
FIG. 5.7. a: On second row from top, verbal compound
of flat hand (T713a) and mirror (T617a) signals Venus is
visible around beginning and end of Venus phases, as in
first visibility of Morning Star on 13 Mac; on bottom row,
chac ek (T109.510b) refers to Venus in all its phases (Dresden Codex 50; after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
b: On bottom row, spearing glyph follows name of victim (T1055) with T608 prefix, variously interpreted as penis or fish tail (Dresden Codex 50; after Villacorta and
Villacorta 1977).
c: Lamat (T510a), eighth day in Maya calendar, probably symbolizing planet Venus (after Thompson 1960,
fig. 7, no. 58).
d– e: Lamat glyphs depicting Chac’s face with elongated
upper lip and infixed star glyph, suggesting Chac’s link
with Venus (after Thompson 1960, fig. 7, nos. 59 – 60).
f: Lamat glyph evoking Venus as ‘‘big eye’’ with stylized
water-lily (Imix) eyelid and star glyph in eye (compare
Fig. 5.7g; after Thompson 1960, fig. 7, no. 61).
g: Front head of Cosmic Monster with eye formed by
star glyph, deer ear, sky-band body, and water flowing
from mouth (House E, Palenque; after Robertson 1985a,
fig. 87).
h: Introductory glyphs for month Yax in Classic period
Initial Series dates include animal heads and T510f star
glyphs, or combinations of both (after Thompson 1960,
fig. 22, nos. 50 –54, 56 –58).
i: Chac mask with star glyphs and number eight evoking Venus-solar cycle (western facade of Chenes temple,
House of Magician, Uxmal; after H. Bricker and V.
Bricker 1996, fig. 6).
j: Toothy-skull headdress backed by star glyph in scene
associated with Katun ending 9.14.0.0.0, when Venus was
about to reemerge as Evening Star (Tikal Stela 16; after
Jones 1977, fig. 7).
k: Venus glyph (T510b) in murals associated with shell
motif signifying underworld or southern direction (south
wall of Early Classic Rı́o Azul Tomb 12; after Bricker
1988a, fig. 1).
l: Preclassic cross pattern with star symbols positioned
in four quarters, possibly early form of Lamat symbolizing
Venus (Olmecoid vessel from Copán; after Schele and
Miller 1986 : 119).
m–n: Two stylized serpent faces may represent Venus
as Evening Star marked by Ik; one on left (Pier F) has
mirror brow, and one on right (Pier B) has skeletal jaw
(House D, Palenque; after Robertson 1985b, fig. 243).
o–q: Star (T510f ) over shell glyph, star over earth
glyph, and star over place-name for Seibal—all may mark
warfare events apparently linked with Venus positions (after Lounsbury 1982, fig. 2).
r: Tzul ahau or tsul ahaw may be canine name for Evening Star (Dresden Codex 47; after Closs 1989, fig. 31.5).
190
VENUS AND MERCURY: THE BODY DOUBLES
The T510f star appears as part of an event glyph
in a number of Maya texts and is often interpreted
as a reference to Venus (Closs 1977; Lounsbury
1982). It appears in a compound known as the ‘‘shell
star,’’ which is associated with warfare (Fig. 5.7o).
After studying twenty-five shell-star dates, Arthur
Schlak (1996 : 186, table 1) concluded that all refer to
a time when Venus was moving slowly relative to the
Sun, a phenomenon that occurs at specific times
in its synodic period (during superior conjunction,
during its descent as the Morning Star, and during
its ascent as Evening Star). I would add that visual imagery helps support this interpretation, for the
shell seems to be that of a mollusk, a slow-moving
creature. Furthermore, the shell-star image contrasts
with the insect image of Venus, discussed at the beginning of the chapter, which seems to represent Venus when it is moving rapidly as the descending Evening Star.
Among the Maya, the star/ Venus glyph appears
in a number of contexts, most commonly to indicate
a Venus alignment, to note a date when a Venus
phenomenon occurred, or as part of general starwar imagery (Miller 1988 : 180). Less common, but
nonetheless intriguing, are sets of Venus symbols
that allude to the ‘‘fiveness’’ of Venus, no doubt symbolizing the Venus Almanac of five Venus cycles correlating with eight solar years.
On the north side of the Nunnery at Uxmal, the
Venus Temple facade depicts five star glyphs—resembling truncated Lamat glyphs (T510f )—that
symbolize Venus (Pl. 22; Kowalski 1990 : 46, 49 –50).
Like other buildings in the Nunnery Quadrangle, the
Venus Temple is believed to date to around a.d. 900.
Although no specific Venus alignment has been
documented for the south-facing Venus Temple, the
grouping of five Venus symbols confirms an association with the ‘‘fiveness’’ of Venus. Other Puuc-style
architectural structures at Uxmal show similar glyphs
associated with sets of five Chac masks, as noted
below.
The House of the Governor (Governor’s Palace)
at Uxmal is the best-known example of a building
with star/ Venus glyphs and an alignment toward a
Venus position (Aveni 1980 : 273 –276; 1991 : 78). It
displays Chac masks associated with more than 350
star glyphs, probably indicating a relationship with
Venus (Aveni 1991 : 317; Sprajc 1993a : 47). Aveni
concludes that the alignment faces Venus when
it rises at an azimuth of 1187228 at its maximum
southerly eight-year excursion behind the pyramid
of Nohpat 6 km distant. Sprajc (1993a) argues that
the alignment is in the opposite direction (azimuth
of 2887228), with the palace serving as the backsight
for observing the northern extreme of Venus setting
as the Evening Star, as viewed from the top of the
principal pyramid at Cehtzuc, located 4.5 km from
Uxmal. Aveni (1995 : S79; 1997) now recognizes that
Cehtzuc marks the alignment, but he stands by his
original interpretation that the principal alignment
faces east, noting that the House of the Governor
faces outward from the predominantly north-south
axis of other buildings, and it is skewed by 207 in
relation to other buildings.
A sky-band throne on the facade of the Governor’s
Palace shows constellations, the Sun, the Moon, and
Venus in a configuration that may suggest the appearance of the sky in the early tenth century. Harvey
and Victoria Bricker’s (1996 : 204, fig. 3) interpretations of the imagery are adapted to fit observations
of both the northerly and southerly extremes of Venus. If the Aveni hypothesis is correct, they maintain
that the sky band shows a zodiac band replicating the
sky at the time Venus rose at its southerly extreme
before sunrise in a.d. 912 (4/29/912 O.S.). They
note that one of the sky-band glyphs (T510f ) most
probably alludes to Venus. They suggest that the star
glyph has an asymmetrical variant of T109 as a superfix, denoting chac ek, a name for Venus. The
building facade itself has many Chac masks with
T510f star glyphs over the eyes, perhaps forming a
kind of rebus for Venus as chac ek. On northeast
and northwest corners of the fourth platform, these
masks have the number eight inscribed in the eyebrow, alluding to the eight-year Venus Almanac and
possibly also to the eight-day inferior conjunction
period (Aveni 1991: S9, fig. 1; 1992b : 197; Aveni and
Hartung 1986, fig. 6f; Kowalski 1987, fig. 60; Sprajc
1993b : S47).
The western facade of the Chenes Temple in the
Pyramid of the Magician also has a mask with T510f
star glyphs and the number eight, evoking the Ve-
MAYA GLYPHS AND SYMBOLS REPRESENTING VENUS
nus-solar cycle of the Venus Almanac (Fig. 5.7i). An
angled sight line (2407138) from the doorway passes
through the center of the ball court to the center of
the north plaza in the South Group and the principal door of the West Group toward the maximum
southerly extreme of Venus reached every eight years
(Sprajc 1995a : 45). The temple actually faces sunset
on April 12 and August 13 (azimuth 2797178). Aveni
(1991 : 79 – 80) notes that this orientation may be
part of a count involving the zenith dates at Uxmal,
for April 12 is two lunar months before the solar zenith on May 22, and adding three Uinals (60 days)
brings you to the second solar zenith on July 22. Observations from the temple probably integrated the
Venus cycle, the solar year, and the lunar months as
part of the eight-year Venus Almanac.
The East Building of the Nunnery, another building at Uxmal with Chac masks bearing star glyphs,
also seems to allude to the eight-year Venus Almanac
(Aveni 1991 : 78; Lamb 1980). The facade has stacked
Chac masks flanked by groups of double-headed serpents on a background of X-shaped mosaics. The
average number of X-shaped blocks bounded by the
five sets of double-headed serpent bars is 584, suggesting an equation with the synodic period of Venus
(Lamb 1980). The serpent bars are grouped with
eight bars in each set, symbolizing the eight solar
years that make up the Venus-solar calendar. On
each group of bars there is a mask that may represent
an owl (Kowalski 1990 : 48). As we will see, owls appear in imagery linked with Venus, but the owl itself
does not seem to be a Venus god.
Mary Miller (1988 : 180) suggests that the Venus
glyph (T510b) on the Jaguar Stairway at Copán may
symbolize the Evening Star, because of its position
on the western side of the East Court, although no
Venus alignment has been documented to date. The
glyph frames the face of the Jaguar War God, linked
with both the Moon and Venus (Chapter 4).
Venus glyphs decorate a window in Copán Structure 22 designed to observe Venus during the reign
of 18 Rabbit (Aveni 1991 : 318). The west window
was aligned to observe the northerly extremes of Venus as the Evening Star, which invariably occurred
in late April or early May in the eighth and ninth
centuries (Closs et al. 1984 : 234, table 1). Further
191
study indicates that the Evening Star’s last appearance before inferior conjunction was always preceded by quite a long span of visibility through the
window, which included both the maximum brilliancy and the stationary point of the planet (Sprajc
1987–1988 : 92 –94; 1993a : 50 –53). The window also
functioned as a viewing aid to locate the Evening Star
at its first visibility after superior conjunction at
eight-year intervals, when its appearance in the window served as a sign for the burning of the fields in
April.
Analysis of glyphs and dates recorded on Copán
Structure 11, built in the reign of Yax Pac, suggests it
has a Venus association (Schele and Miller 1986 :122 –
123). David Kelley and Ann Kerr (1973 : 185 –186)
point out that this structure has one of the few known
Classic period ‘‘great star’’ (chac ek) inscriptions that
clearly refers to Venus, for it is associated with the
same verb seen in the Venus table. The date given
(5 Cib 10 Pop) is not a viable calendar date, and it is
usually interpreted as 5 Cib 9 Pop (9.15.15.12.16).
Linda Schele and Mary Miller (1986 : 123) point out
that the text is partly written in reverse order, and
they translate the text as ‘‘it shined, the great star,’’
referring to the first appearance of the Evening Star.
Lounsbury (1982 : 154 –155) notes that this date
probably marks an heir-designation ceremony coinciding with the first visibility of Venus as an Evening
Star on 2/11/747. Aveni and Hotaling (1994, table 1)
adjust this date to the 584,283 correlation and point
out that the Evening Star actually rose five days earlier, but this does not diminish the likelihood that
Venus was important in timing the ceremony.
A ‘‘smoking’’ skull on Copán Stela A, another of
18 Rabbit’s monuments (Fig. 3.6c; Pl. 20), may represent Venus at the first visibility of the Evening Star.
This stela is inscribed with the dedication date of
9.14.19.8.0 12 Ahau 18 Cumku (1/28/731), coinciding with a time when Venus reappeared as the Evening Star, according to my analysis. This was also the
day of the full Moon. Another interplay between
the Moon and Venus is evident on Stela C, another
stela commissioned by 18 Rabbit. The text on this
stela mentions Venus in two passages, one that seems
to be a mythological antecedent and another that refers to an actual Venus event linked with the Katun
192
VENUS AND MERCURY: THE BODY DOUBLES
ending 9.14.0.0.0 (11/29/711; Lounsbury 1982 : 156 –
157; Schele and Matthews 1998 : 146, fig. 4.16). A
toothy-skull glyph appears in a text associated with
the Katun end. Although Lounsbury associated it
with the first visibility of the Evening Star at the Katun end, Venus actually rose four days later (Aveni
and Hotaling 1994, table 1). The toothy-skull glyph
may actually refer to Venus in superior conjunction,
which would be appropriate because the skeletal
form may refer to the underworld. The Katun ending
is also the night of the full Moon (6 : 16 a.m., 11/30/
711; Goldstine 1973). Tikal Stela 16, which depicts
the ruler wearing a mosaic headdress with a toothy
skull backed by a Venus or star glyph, also records
the Katun ending 9.14.0.0.0, when the Moon was full
and Venus was about to reemerge as Evening Star
(Fig. 5.7j). This type of skeletal imagery may relate to
Venus when it was still invisible in superior conjunction. Parallel images occur in central Mexico, for the
Codex Borgia image discussed earlier shows Xolotl
(the Evening Star) watching the skeletal Morning
Star disappear into the underworld, indicating that
the Morning Star was no longer visible and the Evening Star was ascendant (Fig. 5.4d). In a study of the
sequence of Venus images in Codex Borgia 29 – 46, I
concluded that the skeletal Morning Star represents
times when Venus was invisible in superior conjunction and times when the Morning Star was not visible because the Evening Star had emerged (Milbrath
1989 : 112, fig. 1).
A number of Copán monuments with Katunending dates may be associated with the first visibility of the Evening Star (Schele 1991a; Schele and
Fash 1991). Smoke Imix God K, who came to power
in a.d. 628 as the twelfth ruler of Copán, initiated
a program of sculpture that focused on the heliacal rise of the Evening Star at the Katun ending
9.11.0.0.0 (10/9/652), recorded on Copán Stelae 2,
3, 10, 13, 19, and 23. Certainly the rise of the Evening Star so close to the Katun ending would have
been considered an auspicious beginning for the new
Katun, since the Evening Star was associated with
agricultural fertility (Sprajc 1993a, 1993b). Lounsbury (1982 : 156) discovered that the Katun ending 9.11.0.0.0 coincides with the heliacal rise of the
Evening Star in the Temple of the Inscriptions at Pa-
lenque. Astronomical calculations indicate the Katun
ending fell only four days after the heliacal rise of
Venus (Aveni and Hotaling 1994, table 1). This Katun ending was a close counterpart to the Katun
ending 9.14.0.0.0, which occurred four days before
Venus rose as the Evening Star. Indeed, a Venus phenomenon occurring on one date will recur three
Katuns later, which may explain the sets of three Katuns recorded at Palenque in the Temple of the Inscriptions (Berlin 1977 : 123). Lounsbury (1991 : 817)
suggests that the astrological information recorded
in the Katun records amounts to astrological ‘‘Katun
prophecies.’’
The T510b star glyph represents Venus in murals
on the south wall of the Early Classic Rı́o Azul Tomb
12 (Fig. 5.7k). Here it is paired with a shell motif
signifying the direction south or the underworld. On
the north wall, the Moon glyph is linked with an
image of the Maize god, apparently symbolizing the
overhead direction, or north (Fig. 3.2b; Chapter 3).
Victoria Bricker (1988a) interprets the mural scene
as a representation of astronomical events that
placed the Moon overhead when Venus was at the
opposite side of the sky, close to its nadir.
An early form of the T510b star appears on the La
Mojarra Stela, dated to the Protoclassic period, in association with calendar dates representing nine Venus cycles of 584 days (Justeson and Kaufman 1993 :
1708; Macri and Stark 1993 : 6). The design has a
cruciform center inscribed in a diamond. Different
variants show four dots or four rays arranged around
the center. The Venus glyph may be traced back to
around 800 b.c. at Copán, where an Olmecoid vessel
depicts a cross pattern with star symbols positioned
in the four quarters, possibly alluding to the four
phases of Venus (Fig. 5.7l).
The stucco piers of House D at Palenque may depict two images of Venus as the Evening Star, distinguished by their Ik insignia (Fig. 5.7m–n; Robertson
1985b, fig. 243). The one at the base of Pier B has a
skeletal jaw and an Ik glyph at the top of its head; the
other, on Pier F, depicts a face with an Ik earring. As
noted earlier, Lounsbury (1974 : 11) links the day
sign Ik with the cult of the Evening Star, because this
is the canonical day for the rise of the Evening Star
in the Dresden Codex Venus table. It is interesting to
VENUS WARFARE
note that Copán Stela 7 names the Paddler Twins
and an Ik god who may be Venus on a date associated with the maximum altitude as Evening Star
(9.9.0.0.0; 5/7/613; Aveni and Hotaling 1994, table 1;
Schele 1987c). Further testing of the association between Ik and the Evening star is called for.
Venus imagery may appear in a different form on
the Palenque Palace Oval Tablet. Pacal II wears an
Ik glyph pectoral that may be a Venus reference
(Lounsbury 1985 : 56; Robertson 1985a, fig. 91). The
panel was set in a background that has a dancing figure with a star glyph. Venus events coincide with
events in Pacal’s life in a surprising fashion. His birth
date may be linked with the first appearance of Venus as the Evening Star (Dütting 1985 : 269). His accession date in a.d. 615 (9.9.2.4.8) corresponds to
the first appearance of Venus as the Morning Star
(Berlin 1977 : 140). Such coincidences have led scholars to conclude that Pacal manipulated the dates of
his life history to correspond to astronomical events
(Marcus 1992 : 346).
In sum, a number of monuments and architectural facades with star glyphs (usually T510b or
T510f ) are linked with dates or orientations related
to Venus events. Groupings of five such glyphs or
their association with the number eight suggest the
Venus Almanac. Katun endings in the Late Classic
period coinciding approximately with the first appearance of the Evening Star are associated with star
glyphs and skeletal imagery, possibly an allusion to a
specific Venus phase. Not all star glyphs are related
to Venus images and events, and not all Venus imagery depicts star glyphs. The Ik symbol and certain
star-eye forms may be related to Venus. The star
glyph seems to symbolize Venus in the day sign Lamat, in the Initial Series introductory glyph for the
month Yax, and in glyphic passages where it is paired
with the chac prefix. The shell-star compounds may
also refer specifically to Venus at times when the
planet is moving slowly through the sky.
VENUS WARFARE
Floyd Lounsbury (1982) was the first to associate Venus specifically with warfare. His research demonstrates that warfare or raids are expressed with com-
193
pounds involving stars, usually T510f over an earth
symbol, a shell, or a place-name (Fig. 5.7o–q). His
study of the distribution of star-war dates indicates
that war imagery is linked with the first visibility of
Venus in the morning and evening sky, as well as
with the short period of inferior conjunction. The
timing of the Venus-war events indicates that they
cluster in the dry season, the time of year preferred
for warfare, whereas raids could take place during
the rainy season (Aveni and Hotaling 1994; Nahm
1994). Apparently, warfare was avoided when Venus
was invisible in superior conjunction.
John Justeson (1989, table 8.8) surveyed the starglyph dates and found that star-war events were
uncommon during the canonical period of superior
conjunction, an artificially long period of ninety
days that overlaps with the last visibility of the
Morning Star and the first visibility of the Evening
Star. Justeson (1989 : 123 n. 20) concludes that some
territorial wars began at special points in the Venus
cycle, but many more were timed by a lunar count
beginning with the heliacal rise of Venus. As far back
as Protoclassic times, Venus was linked with warfare,
for the La Mojarra Stela indicates that battles were
timed by Venus and the Venus-star glyph (*matza)
was used as a warrior title (Justeson and Kaufman
1993 : 1705, fig. 7c).
The Venus warfare cult, found at a number of
Maya sites with imagery of a goggle-eyed deity later
known as Tlaloc, apparently originated in Teotihuacán (Carlson 1991, 1993). Venus warfare can be
traced at least as far back as sixth-century Teotihuacán, where the cult is linked with Tlaloc and the atlatl, a spear-thrower common in central Mexico. The
Teotihuacán trapeze-and-ray year sign, often associated with this deity in the Maya area, may encode the
Venus Almanac, according to Carlson (1993 : 212).
Monochrome red murals in Teotihuacán’s Tepantitla compound depict goggle-eyed warriors emanating flames who are framed by a corona of rays
(Fig. 5.8a). Laurette Séjourné (1976 : 106) identifies
these as the warrior aspect of the Morning Star carrying an atlatl. Although these figures do not have
Tlaloc’s monstrous mouth, they have goggled eyes
and may be connected with Venus imagery.
A recently discovered stucco relief in the North
VENUS WARFARE
195
Group at Palenque shows a goggle-eyed figure carrying an atlatl, a counterpart for the storm god of
Teotihuacán, indicating a warrior cult linked with
Tlaloc at Palenque (Pl. 14). This relief probably represents Venus in a warrior aspect.
Schele (1991a) notes that a complex of symbols
borrowed from Teotihuacán accompanies the Maya
star-war complex. These include the goggle-eyed
war deity called Tlaloc by the Aztecs; a trapeze-andray sign symbolizing the Mexican ‘‘year sign’’; a fullbodied jaguar suit; a spherical ‘‘balloon’’ headdress;
a War Serpent mask in a mosaic pattern; owls; and
spear-throwers (Fig. 5.8c–d). Linda Schele and David Freidel (1990 : 444 – 446, fig. 4 : 17) propose that
the Tlaloc warfare complex on Classic Maya monuments is associated with significant planetary positions of Jupiter, Saturn, and Venus, especially Venus
as an Evening Star.
Aveni and Hotaling (1994) provide an excellent
synthesis of the star-war dates associated with specific star-glyph compounds (Fig. 5.7o–q), plotting
them in terms of their proximity to Venus events,
retrograde periods, and eclipses. They also plotted
dates associated with the Tlaloc-war complex (Fig.
5.8c–d) and the tsul ahaw (tzul ahau) glyph (Fig.
5.7r). They use a chi-square statistical model to test
whether these ‘‘astronomically tagged’’ dates have a
distribution that confirms a relationship with Venus
events. Testing ninety-eight dates, they found that
96 percent matched times when Venus was visible,
suggesting that the dates are not randomly distributed. The majority of dates (70%) correlate with the
Evening Star period. Of these, an unusually high
percentage correspond to the first appearances of the
Evening Star (84%), if one allows a five-day window
on either side of the actual Venus event. Aveni and
Hotaling found that when there is not an appropriate Venus event, the dates can often be correlated
with the first appearance of Mercury or with retrograde motion of the superior planets.
A convincing connection with Venus events is evident in a star-war date recorded on Dos Pilas Stela 2
(formerly known as Stela 16) and Aguateca Stela 2
(Fig. 5.8c–d). Both monuments bear a ‘‘star-overSeibal’’ glyph compound that refers to a war event
on 9.15.4.6.4 (11/27/735), which corresponds to the
first appearance of the Evening Star (Fig. 5.7q; Aveni
and Hotaling 1994, table 1; Lounsbury 1982, table
1). Schele and Freidel (1990 : 445) link these monuments to an astronomical cult related to Tlaloc. The
FIG. 5.8. a: Warrior aspect of Venus represented by star
rite; note five-part Venus glyph with heavy-lidded eye on
interlaced volute (Yaxchilán Lintel 25; after Tate 1992,
fig. 98).
g: Tlaloc on star symbol (Zone 2, Patio of the Jaguars,
Portico 1, Mural 1 detail, Teotihuacán; after Miller 1973,
fig. 24).
h–i: Lineage glyph known as founder glyph has main
sign (T600) formed by two reed bundles symbolizing 104
years in great Venus cycle; goggled eyes on one example
evoke founder’s guise as Tlaloc (Copán Structure 33; after
Schele 1992a, figs. 8d– e).
j: Heavy-lidded eye (T819) may be form of Venus symbol representing Venus as ‘‘big eye.’’
k: Tlaloc mask flanked by rayed ‘‘horseshoe’’ designs
that frame heavy-lidded eyes alluding to Venus as ‘‘big
eye’’ (Structure 26, Copán; after Fash 1992, fig. 16a).
l: Heavy-lidded eye is framed by rays representing radiant Venus eye (Palace of the Stuccoes, Acancéh; after
Miller 1991, fig. 20).
warrior surrounded by rays (Tepantitla, Patio 9, Mural 3
detail, Teotihuacán; after Séjourné 1976, fig. 23).
b: In group of five Tlalocs on Codex Borgia 27, central
one has red striped body paint of star gods and year-sign
headdress of Teotihuacán storm god known as Tlaloc A
(after Tozzer 1957, fig. 233; Seler 1963).
c–d: Warrior imagery linked with Tlaloc, including
Mexican year sign, spherical ‘‘balloon’’ headdress, owl,
and spear thrower, on two stelae that record star-war date
of 9.15.4.6.4, corresponding to first appearance of Evening Star on 11/27/735 (Dos Pilas Stela 2 and Aguateca
Stela 2; after Houston 1993, figs. 3.28, 4.20).
e: Ruler of Copán known as Smoke Imix God K bears
Tlaloc images on seventh-century monument recording
date coinciding with end of retrograde for planet Venus
(Copán Stela 6; after drawing by Barbara Fash in Fash
1991, fig. 60).
f: Double-headed skeletal snake carries Tlaloc-masked
ancestor (founder of lineage?) honored in bloodletting
196
VENUS AND MERCURY: THE BODY DOUBLES
war event coincides with the beginning of the dry
season, the epoch of warfare. On both monuments,
the ruler wears a Tlaloc mask and a headdress with
a Mexican-style year sign, which is associated with a
variant of Tlaloc known as Tlaloc A at Teotihuacán
(Pasztory 1974). Both rulers wear a goggle-eyed insignia on the torso and an owl pendant as a war insignia. Carlson (1993, fig. 8.2c) calls this bird the
War Emblem Owl, noting that it wears a five-pointed
Venus symbol on the Dos Pilas stela. Given the link
between owl imagery and Mercury discussed at the
end of this chapter, it is interesting to note that
Mercury had just dipped below the horizon for its
last visibility as the Evening Star. Essentially the two
planets traded places on 11/27/735.
There is also evidence of Venus warfare in the
northern Maya area at Chichén Itzá. The murals of
the Upper Temple of the Jaguars show war events
that may relate to the Venus Almanac, as noted earlier. Venus may be linked with warfare and the dry
season on Lintel 4 of the Temple of Four Lintels.
Michel Davoust (1991 : 156) reads the associated text
as ek’ tok’ pakal u kaban mah, translated as ‘‘Venus
knife shield (war), his land dried.’’
In Room 2 of Structure 1 at Bonampak, a battle
scene is associated with a partial Calendar Round
that Lounsbury (1982 : 149, 164) reconstructs as
9.18.1.15.5 13 Chicchan 13 Yax, the day Venus was
in inferior conjunction and the date of the second
solar zenith at the site. If we shift to the 584,283
correlation, the date (7/31/792) marks the midpoint
of the planet’s disappearance interval around inferior conjunction, a few days before the solar zenith
(Aveni and Hotaling 1994, table 1). Because the dates
are problematical, we must be cautious in interpreting the nature of the Bonampak star-war events
(Marcus 1992 : 426, 431). In any case, the astronomical symbols in the ceiling of Room 2 show that astrology was important in timing the battle (Fig. 7.1i–j).
Ultimate victory remained beyond their grasp, for
warfare caused Bonampak to be abandoned abruptly
before the artists could complete the murals of
Structure 1, the last building constructed at the site.
Venus is also implicated in the Calendar Round
dates that Lounsbury (1982 : 146, 158, 163, table 1)
reconstructs for Room 1 at Bonampak. One date
(9.18.0.3.4; 12/8/790) records a dynastic ritual that
took place at the first stationary point of Venus (12/
10/790; Meeus n.d.). A second date (9.18.1.2.0; 11/
9/791) corresponds to the first appearance of Venus
as the Evening Star and to a ritual designating the
heir to the throne. However, there are no clear examples of the star glyph in the Initial Series inscriptions of Room 1 (M. Miller 1986 : 29).
We can conclude that Venus was closely connected with warfare among the Maya. The patterning of dates suggests that warfare was avoided during
times when Venus was invisible in superior conjunction. There was also a seasonal cycle in the warfare,
for the star-war dates seem to cluster in the dry season. Although not all of these dates specifically relate
to Venus, it seems that Venus was the most prominent planet in events involving warfare. Venus warfare may be closely linked to Tlaloc imagery, and
probably was part of a cult imported from Teotihuacán. As we will see, this cult seems to be associated
with lineage founders at a number of sites, suggesting that foreigners bringing the cult may also have
founded dynasties in the Maya area.
LINEAGE FOUNDERS
AND THE VENUS CULT
Venus may be linked with the founders of some
Maya lineages. The ‘‘founder glyph’’ appears on Yaxchilán Lintel 25, depicting a double-headed serpent
bearing a ruler wearing a Tlaloc mask (Fig. 5.8f ).
Peter Mathews (1990 : 91) identifies the masked figure as an ancestral portrait. Tatiana Proskouriakoff
(1993 : 90, 169) refers to the figure as an ancestor of
uncertain identity. Schele says the ancestor figure is
Yat Balam, the founder of a Yaxchilán lineage or dynasty (Schele 1989a; Schele and Freidel 1990 : 266 –
267, fig. 7 : 3b). The text alongside the serpent ends
with a phrase that Carolyn Tate (1992 : 276) transcribes as ‘‘It is recorded, [the] alter ego [in?] [of ?]
the house of the Founder of the Lineage.’’ The
masked figure seems to be a lineage founder connected with a goggle-eyed deity later known as
Tlaloc. His warlike stance hurling a spear evokes Venus warfare. Another Tlaloc face appears in the jaws
of the second serpent head at the base of the lintel.
TLALOC AND THE STORM GOD
The double-headed serpent on Lintel 25 intertwines
with a volute bearing a heavy-lidded eye framed by
five radiating elements, a form of Venus symbol that
may refer to Venus as the ‘‘big eye.’’ The Calendar
Round date 4 Imix 4 Mac (9.12.9.8.1; 10/18/681)
marks a time when Venus was relatively high in the
sky as the Evening Star.
Venus seems to be the alter ego, or way, of Copán’s
royal lineage (Andrews and Fash 1992 : 101). Schele
(1992a : 141–142) notes that the founder is not actually the first ruler at Copán, but he founded a specific lineage traced back to the early fifth century.
The lineage founder at Copán, who bears the name
Yax K’uk’ Mo’, seems to be connected with Tlaloc
imagery, for he has goggled eyes on Copán Altar Q.
Here he is associated with a founding event on 5 Caban 15 Yaxkin (8.19.10.10.17; 9/3/426), when Venus
was approximately at its maximum altitude as the
Morning Star (Schele 1989a : 2; Schele and Fash
1991). It may also be significant that the full Moon
was setting while Mars, Mercury, and Jupiter were
all grouped close together on the eastern horizon at
dawn on that date.
The upper temple of Structure 16 at Copán has
the founder glyph and goggle-eyed lineage founder
Yax K’uk’ Mo’ wearing a headdress with his bird
spirit, a quetzal-macaw, as on Altar Q (Schele 1989a :
5; Schele and Fash 1991). The Margarita Building
depicts a macaw intertwined with a quetzal, symbolizing the name of the founder, K’inich Yax K’uk’ Mo’
(Stuart 1997 : 84 – 85). This avian image evokes a link
with murals from Teotihuacán that show a bird
combining attributes of both species (Berrin 1988,
pls. 17–19). One of these murals shows a quetzalmacaw holding a dart and a war shield, suggesting a
guise of Venus (Miller 1973, fig. 363). The founder
may be linked with avian Venus imagery brought
from Teotihuacán (Coggins 1988c : 98 –99).
One example of the founder glyph compound at
Copán depicts goggled eyes with pupils that take the
same form as central Mexican stars, recalling Tlaloc’s
star eyes in central Mexican art (Fig. 5.8i; Milbrath
1980a). The main sign (T600) in the founder glyph
has been identified as a logograph referring to lineage (Grube, cited in Kurbjuhn 1989 : 82). Coggins
(1993) suggests that the T600 glyph represents
197
bound bundles like those used in the Aztec New Fire
Ceremony, performed every 52 years at the end of a
Calendar Round when the ‘‘vague year’’ and divination calendar realigned. In fact, a longer cycle of time
is suggested because the bundles in the founder’s
glyph are in pairs, suggesting instead the Great Cycle
of about 104 years that links the Tzolkin, Venus
cycles, and solar calendar (Fig. 4.8h–i).
As mentioned earlier, there may be two lineages at
Chichén Itzá, one linked with the Sun, the other with
Venus. The cycles of these two astronomical bodies
are connected in the Venus Almanac of 8 years and
the Great Cycle of 104 years. Goggle-eyed figures
hold burning year bundles on the Temple of the Warriors, and year bundles appear as part of a calendar
inscription on the Platform of Venus (Fig. 5.5a). The
Great Cycle is recorded in the Dresden Codex, a
manuscript that may have been painted around a.d.
1250 before Chichén Itzá was abandoned.
We can conclude that the founder at two Maya
sites is associated with a foreign cult with visual
trappings of the Tlaloc complex imported from
Teotihuacán, most probably connected with Venus.
This complex involves the goggle-eyed deities and
deified lineage founders whose attributes suggest
central Mexican connections. These founders may
be historical figures somehow connected with a Venus cult imported from Teotihuacán, or they may
be mythological Venus figures that legitimize the divine ancestry of lineages claiming an affiliation with
Teotihuacán.
TLALOC AND THE STORM GOD
Since the founder and Venus imagery are both connected with Tlaloc in the Maya area, we need to
better understand the role this storm god plays in
central Mexico. The chronicles allude to Tlaloc’s astronomical nature. The Historia de los mexicanos por
sus pinturas (1973 : 35) notes that Tlaloc is the father
of the Moon. In another account, Tlaloc and the
Moon rule the lowest heaven, beneath the heaven of
the Sun (Codex Rı́os, folios 1v–2r). Tlaloc’s position
in the lowest heaven could allude to an inferior
planet; only the Moon and the inferior planets pass
in front of the Sun, and in an Earth-centered cos-
198
VENUS AND MERCURY: THE BODY DOUBLES
mos, they would seem to be in a layer beneath the
Sun. Tlaloc could symbolize either Venus or Mercury, but the evidence seems stronger for linking
Tlaloc with Venus.
Cecelia Klein’s (1980) extensive study of Tlaloc indicates that he controlled thunder and lightning; he
was closely associated with the calendar and time;
and he may be especially linked with period endings
involving the Sun and Venus. She suggests that the
year sign in his headdress alludes to such period endings. Carlson (1993 : 212) proposes that the trapezeand-ray year sign, when it appears in Tlaloc’s Venus
warfare complex, alludes to the Venus Almanac of
five Venus cycles in eight solar years. Klein (1980 :
178 –180) suggests that Tlaloc is the counterpart of
the Maya bee Bacab Hobnil, connected with the Evening Star. There are some images that seem to show
him with insect attributes (Klein 1980, fig. 9). Evidence presented earlier indicates bees and wasps may
be aspects of the Evening Star connected with the
period of its rapid descent. Although it seems premature to link Tlaloc with a specific Venus phase, the
evidence linking him with Venus seems intriguing.
Klein (1980) identifies Tlaloc’s eyes as mirrors,
presumably with goggles representing the mirror
rim. In the Codex Borgia (25), his eyes are encircled
by goggles made of turquoise, the same material
used for pendants, collars, and mirror backs. In
Aztec art, Tlaloc’s eyes are actually stars encircled
by goggles (Codex Magliabecchiano, folios 34r, 44r;
Milbrath 1980a). Stars and mirrors may overlap in
their imagery, for both share a shiny quality, and
mirrors symbolize astronomical bodies in a number
of different contexts.
Codex Borgia 27 shows five figures of Tlaloc that
Esther Pasztory (1974 : 7–10) identifies as variants of
the Teotihuacán storm god known as Tlaloc A, most
often characterized by a headdress with knots or a
year sign. The Tlaloc figure positioned in the center
has a year-sign headdress and the red striped body
paint of the star gods (Fig. 5.8b). The four Tlalocs
surrounding him appear with year signs marking a
sequence of years, each associated with a different
cardinal direction and different pests and weather
patterns affecting the maize crop. The four dates
run counterclockwise around the page at intervals of
thirteen vague years of 365 days beginning with 1
Reed, linked with the day 1 Crocodile. Next we find
the year 1 Knife with the day 1 Death, expressing an
interval of exactly 13 3 365 days. Then we have the
year 1 House followed by the year 1 Rabbit, with day
signs appropriate to marking two more intervals of
thirteen years. And if we continue the count to the
end of the year 1 Rabbit, we have a total of forty years
or five Venus Almanacs equaling 5 3 8 years or 5 3
99 lunar months, implying a symbolic link with the
five Tlalocs. The year 1 Rabbit may have had special
significance because it was the year of the New Fire
Ceremony in the epoch of the Codex Borgia, prior
to a change made in Aztec times (Milbrath 1989 :
117). Presumably the entire fifty-two-year cycle is
also represented because the next page (28) brings
the count again to 1 Reed, the year that opened the
count on page 27.
Page 28 has a similar composition to that seen on
page 27, but this time the five Tlalocs are associated
with a cycle that runs for about five years. The sequence begins with a date reconstructed as the year
1 Reed, paired with the day 4 Movement, and runs
through the year 5 Reed and the day 1 Water, recording a total interval of three synodic cycles of Venus
(3 3 584 days), according to Seler (1963, 1 : 263 –
265), who notes that this is just seventy-three days
short of five solar years. He concludes that this page
reflects an interest in comparing the solar year with
the Venus cycle, probably counted from the superior-conjunction phase when Venus and the Sun are
joined together. I would add that counting from the
end of the year 1 Rabbit on page 27 to the beginning
of 5 Reed, the last year on page 28, gives a total of
sixteen years, or a double Venus Almanac, again
linking the cycles of the Sun, the Moon, and Venus.
On page 28, each of the five Tlalocs is associated with
a different kind of rain and a different fate for maize.
Seler points out that each Tlaloc has different face
paint. In the year 1 Reed, symbolizing the eastern
direction, Tlaloc wears the face paint of Tezcatlipoca,
a god who is sometimes associated with Venus, especially in the cult of Mixcoatl (Nicholson 1971 :
426). In the year 2 Knife, representing the north,
Tlaloc has the face paint of Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli,
the god of the Morning Star. In the year 3 House,
CHAC AND GOD B IN COLONIAL AND POSTCLASSIC YUCATÁN
Seler notes that Tlaloc wears the face of the Fire God,
although this identification is less convincing. If Seler is correct, there could be an overlap with imagery
of Xiuhtecuhtli as the Morning Star on Dresden Codex 49. In the year 4 Rabbit, Tlaloc has the face
painting and beard of Quetzalcoatl, another Venus
god. In the year 5 Reed, he has the face of Xochipilli,
a god who conflates imagery of the Sun and Venus
in some contexts (Klein 1976 : 11).
The Miniature Temple in the Atetelco compound
at Teotihuacán has murals depicting feathered serpents framing a panel with multiple images of
Tlaloc, represented with goggled eyes, fangs, and a
bifurcated serpent tongue (Miller 1973, fig. 346).
The layout suggests that there were originally five
Tlaloc heads in a panel, implying a connection with
the Venus Almanac. Murals from the Patio of the
Jaguars in Zone 2 at Teotihuacán depict Tlaloc’s face
superimposed on a design that is both a cross-section of a conch shell and a five-pointed star symbolizing the ‘‘fiveness’’ of Venus (Fig. 5.8g; Miller 1973,
figs. 24, 26, 30).
The Classic period storm god with a headdress
bearing a year sign or knots is the Teotihuacán god
most often seen in the Maya area (Tlaloc A; Fig. 5.8c–
f ). Carlson (1993 : 204, 209) connects the variant of
Tlaloc with the year sign with the Venus Almanac,
and notes that the central Mexican Tlaloc represents
a Venus cult of warfare and sacrifice. This variant of
Tlaloc is clearly associated with a date marking the
first appearance of the Evening Star on the monuments from Dos Pilas and Aguateca discussed earlier (Fig. 5.8c–d; Schele and Freidel 1990 : 147, 444 –
445). Other Maya monuments with Tlaloc A seem
to record different patterns in relation to Venus, as
noted in the discussion of the lineage founders.
On Copán Stela 6, the ruler Smoke Imix God K
wears a jawless Tlaloc headdress with a knot and a
year sign (Fig. 5.8e). Jawless Tlaloc A faces, resembling the patron of the Maya month Pax, emerge
from either end of a double-headed serpent in the
ruler’s arms. This monument has Venus associations,
according to Schele and Freidel (1990 : 445), who
note that the Initial Series date 9.12.10.0.0 9 Ahau 18
Zotz is related to the retrograde of Venus. Indeed,
this date precisely marks the end of the planet’s ret-
199
rograde (5/5/682; Meeus n.d.). Since the planet’s
maximum brilliance as the Morning Star follows
about two weeks after the end of retrograde, the increasing brilliance of the planet would be notable.
This date appears with a heavy-lidded eye (T819)
that may be a symbol representing Venus as a ‘‘big
eye,’’ appropriate to the name for Venus recorded in
Colonial period texts (Fig. 5.8j).
At Copán, a jawless Tlaloc mask from Structure 26
is flanked by heavy-lidded eyes framed by horseshoe
designs with radiating elements representing rays
(Fig. 5.8k; Fash 1991, fig. 91). Images of a radiant
Venus eye may also be seen at Acancéh, where the
horseshoe eye form is similarly surrounded by rays
(Fig. 5.8l). Similar forms are seen in a set of five eyes
on the Five-story Palace (Structure 5D-52) at Tikal,
no doubt related to the ‘‘fiveness’’ of Venus (Pl. 18).
This arrangement in turn can be linked to the five
Maya-style Venus glyphs on the facade of the Venus
Temple at Uxmal (Pl. 22).
We can conclude that the storm god known as
Tlaloc in Aztec times is an astronomical deity who
moves in the same layer of heaven as the Moon and
is the father of the Moon. Both Quetzalcoatl and
Tlaloc may represent complementary aspects of Venus. Tlaloc is connected with the Venus Almanac
linking the Venus cycles to the cycles of the Sun and
Moon, especially when he appears in sets of five. One
such set in the Codex Borgia shows Tlaloc conflated
with various Venus gods in scenes associated with intervals appropriate to the Venus Almanac. His counterpart in the Maya area may be linked with dates
that mark significant positions of Venus. Rays and a
‘‘horseshoe’’ element frame an eye form appearing
with Tlaloc imagery on several monuments, apparently a Maya glyph for Venus as the ‘‘big eye.’’
CHAC AND GOD B IN COLONIAL
AND POSTCLASSIC YUCATÁN
In the past it has been assumed that Chac and Tlaloc
are essentially the same entity in different cultural
contexts (Tozzer 1941 : 138). Today scholars seem reluctant to identify Chac and Tlaloc as the same deity
(Kowalski 1987 : 192; Taube 1992b : 22). Is Tlaloc the
same as Chac? They control the same realms: rainfall
CHAC AND GOD B IN COLONIAL AND POSTCLASSIC YUCATÁN
201
and lightning. Both Tlaloc and Chac (God B) hold a
lightning serpent and an axe, possibly symbolizing
the sound of thunder (Figs. 5.8b, 5.9a; compare with
Codex Vaticanus B 43 – 48). Page 12 of the Madrid
Codex shows Chac wearing a modified year sign like
that on Tlaloc A, indicating that the two are merged
as a single deity (Fig. 7.3). There are five Chacs on
pages 11–18. On the mask towers of the Uxmal
Nunnery, the role of the fifth Chac is played by
Tlaloc, shown at the top of a stack of four Chac
masks (Fig. 5.9g). One tower illustrated by Kowalski (1990 : 52) depicts Tlaloc with a year sign in his
mouth like the headdress of Tlaloc A. Both Chac and
Tlaloc are found in similar sets of five. It seems clear
they are essentially the same deity, but rendered in
different styles.
An axe glyph has been interpreted as the word
ch’ak, a close counterpart for Chac’s name, although
Chac’s Postclassic name glyph does not actually incorporate an axe. Chac’s T668 (cha) glyph has a T109
affix that means chac, or chak in the revised orthography, translated as ‘‘red’’ or ‘‘great’’ in Yucatec
(Fig. 5.9b – c, e–f ). In the Postclassic Dresden Codex
Venus pages, the planet is referred to as chac ek, ‘‘great
star’’ (Fig. 5.7a, bottom row). This pattern of naming
suggests a link between Chac and Venus, for the same
term often refers to Venus in contemporary Maya accounts (Chapter 1).
Chac’s title among the Maya is ‘‘the Chac who
makes brilliant the sky,’’ usually interpreted as an
image of lightning, but also possibly an image of
brilliant light (Thompson 1960 : 147). This would be
an appropriate title for Venus, the brightest planet in
the sky. Studies of Venus imagery suggest that ‘‘the
ultimate power over the rains is held by Venus,’’ and
the northerly extreme of Venus coincided with the
onset of the rainy season (Closs et al. 1984 : 230).
Sprajc (1993a, 1993b) makes a strong case for linking the Evening Star aspect of Venus with rain-bringing and agricultural fertility. Chac may be linked
with Venus in this aspect.
In contemporary Yucatec Maya accounts, Chac’s
primary association is with weather and rainfall. Informants from Quintana Roo say the Chac of the
east is red and sends rain; the Chac of the north
is white and sends cold; the Chac of the west is
black and sends sickness and death; the Chac of the
south is yellow and sends wind, appropriate because
the predominant winds in Yucatán come from the
southeast (Barrera Marı́n et al. 1976 : 483 – 484). In
another Yucatec account, Chac is responsible for
bringing rain, and four aspects of the god dwell in
the ‘‘trunk of heaven’’ in the eastern sky during the
dry season (Redfield and Villa Rojas 1962 : 116). On
June 2 they get their instructions from the archangel
Saint Michael and they ride forth on four horses in
FIG. 5.9. a: Postclassic Chac (God B), decorated with
mirror body markings, holds lightning serpent and axe
symbolizing sound of thunder (Dresden Codex 66a; after
Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
b: Postclassic Chac, bearing atlatl and darts like gods of
Morning Star (Dresden Codex 65b; after Villacorta and
Villacorta 1977).
c: Postclassic Chac seated on sky-band throne wearing
shell earring topped by owl feather, recalling insignia of
other Venus gods (Dresden Codex 66b; after Villacorta
and Villacorta 1977).
d: Chac with water-lily headdress and serpent body
covered with stars, evoking links with God H (Quetzalcoatl-Kukulcan), and water-lily serpent representing
Classic period head variant of number thirteen (Dresden
Codex 35b; after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
e: Chac paddling his canoe in east, carrying merchant
pack and owl headdress of God L, with an associated
prognostication of abundant maize (Dresden Codex 43c;
after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
f: In west, Chac holds torches and sits astride dead
deer, with an associated prognostication of drought and
death (Dresden Codex 45c; after Villacorta and Villacorta
1977).
g: Stacked Chac heads with fifth Chac replaced by
Tlaloc face (mask tower of north building of Nunnery,
Uxmal).
h: Chac figure with war shield, serpent axe, and snake
in mouth (mural from Terminal Classic Temple of Chac
Mool, Chichén Itzá; after Taube 1992b, fig. 5c).
i: Chac figure with snake in mouth carries spear and
war shield (relief from Terminal Classic Lower Temple of
Jaguars, Chichén Itzá; after Taube 1992b, fig. 5d).
202
VENUS AND MERCURY: THE BODY DOUBLES
four different directions. The descriptions suggest
that these horses are different-colored clouds associated with different weather phenomena. The archangel may represent the fifth Chac, the one in the
center who controls the clouds associated with the
four Chacs. They apparently send different kinds of
rain, suggesting a link with the five Tlalocs on Codex
Borgia pages 27 and 28.
In Yucatec Maya accounts, the rain gods are
the Grandfather Chacs (Nucuch Yum Chacob), old
bearded gods who are fond of smoking (Tozzer
1941 : 138 n. 639). They bear a close relationship with
the Mams, gods of the mountains and of the rains,
each linked with a color and a cardinal direction.
Tozzer compares the Chacs to the Lacandón deity
Noho Chac Yum, who is one of four brothers associated with different cardinal directions. Their father
is Chac Nicte. He may be the fifth Chac, the one at
the center.
The god originally identified as God B of the codices is now recognized as the Postclassic Chac. He is
the most frequently depicted god in the Dresden Codex, represented 134 times (Thompson 1972 : 27).
Occasionally, Chac’s body is marked by mirrors, indicating his shiny aspect (Fig. 5.9a). Chac appears on
a road in scenes that Thompson (1972 : 83) interprets
as references to Chac’s journey across the sky at the
start of the rainy season, carrying the rains to the four
corners of the sky. Other scenes show him mounting
sky bands and walking through water, suggesting
movements through the sky and the watery underworld (Fig. 5.9c). Sometimes he paddles across the
water, like the Paddler Twins (Fig. 5.9e).
Five Chacs appear on Dresden Codex pages 29a–
30a; four are situated on world trees that Thompson
(1972 : 94) identifies as the four trees of the cardinal
points; the fifth scene with Chac in a cave represents
the central direction. This imagery evokes the five
Chacs known from modern lore and the five Tlalocs
in the Codex Borgia. The interval between each of
the five scenes in the Dresden Codex is 13 days for a
total of 65 days (5 3 13), an interval useful in calculating Venus periods. The dates at the beginning of
the almanac indicate four sets of 65 days for a total
of 260 days. By running through the 260-day Tzolkin
twice and then adding one almanac period of 65
days, one reaches the day beginning the next Venus
cycle of 584 days. This means that each scene could
refer to Venus events that repeat after 584 days have
elapsed. Thus the last picture with Chac in the cave
might refer to Venus disappearing in the underworld
at the close of a period of visibility—an event that
would recur every 584 days, or two Tzolkins plus 65
days. In this case, the four previous pictures of Chac
would represent Venus positions prior to the planet’s
disappearance.
On pages 42c– 45c of the Dresden Codex, Chac
appears in five guises. Each scene shows black numbers that begin with an interval of 17 days followed
by numbers totaling 48 days (6 3 8 days), completing a count of 65 days. Thus the four scenes together
total 260 days or one Tzolkin; however, the subdivision into four sets of 65 days suggests an interest in
Venus calculations. Each page has a glyph column
beginning with a glyph compound referring to one
of the four cardinal directions. On page 42c, Chac
decapitates the Maize God in the south. On 43c,
Chac paddles his canoe in the east, carrying the merchant pack and owl headdress of God L, a god of the
Morning Star in the Dresden Codex Venus pages
(Fig. 5.9e). Page 44c shows Chac as a fishing god in
the north. On the last page of the series (45c), Chac
holds torches as he rides a deer in the west, the direction of the Evening Star (Fig. 5.9f ). The text
seems to refer to drought and death (Thompson
1972 : 106). The Chac of the west also brings death in
modern accounts. Chac wears an owl feather in three
scenes, and in the fourth he carries an owl headdress
in his boat. As we will see, the owl may be a guise for
Mercury, and the Venus god wearing an owl headdress may refer to the close relationship between
Venus and Mercury.
Dresden Codex pages 30c–33c cover a period
of 2,340 days, equaling four Venus cycles and nine
Tzolkin cycles. The scenes show Chac located on a
sky band and in trees, and in watery locations. The
count begins on 11 Ahau on page 30c; intervals of 13
days associated with each of the nine locations brings
the total to 117 days, a period that approximates the
synodic period of Mercury. When the run is completed five more times, as indicated by the first column of day signs on page 30c, the total is 585 days.
CHAC AND GOD B IN COLONIAL AND POSTCLASSIC YUCATÁN
Three adjacent columns indicate further runs bringing the count to 4 3 585 or 2,340 days (nine Tzolkins, one for each Chac?). Using the slightly larger
value of 117 days to approximate the Mercury cycle
would have allowed them to equate five Mercury
cycles with one Venus cycle (V. Bricker 1988b : 84).
Jesús Galindo (1994 : 88) points out that the interval
of 117 days may also be integrated with four lunar
months. I would add that each column is spaced at an
interval of 65 days from the next, which suggests a
period useful for Venus calculations, as noted above.
Chac’s association with thirteen different locations on Dresden Codex pages 65b – 69b is suggestive of thirteen different heavens (Fig. 5.9b – c). Kelley (1976 : 102, fig. 35) has been able to identify the
glyphs of thirteen different localities on these pages.
The sequence begins on page 65b with Chac paddling like the Paddler Twins, perhaps indicating a location on or near the Milky Way (Chapter 7). In the
adjacent scene, he has an atlatl and darts, like gods
of the Morning Star (Fig. 5.9b). In the next scene, he
walks on a road carrying a merchant pack. On the
next page (66b), he sits on a sky-band throne, just
one of many scenes that show him on a sky band
(Fig. 5.9c). Victoria and Harvey Bricker (1988; 1992 :
51–52) relate this scene to June 21, 950, one day before the summer solstice; however, following interpretations stated in their 1989 publication, this section could relate to the summer solstice of a.d. 1244
(1989 : 241). Placing this table in the first half of the
thirteenth century is in keeping with the date of the
codex indicated by the Venus pages. On the summer
solstice in a.d. 1244, Venus was the Evening Star exiting the Milky Way near Gemini. As in the Dresden
Codex Venus pages, the sky band may refer to the
intersection point of the Milky Way and the ecliptic,
here serving as a throne for Venus. It should be
noted, however, that such interpretations are valid
only if we assume that the almanacs without calendar dates can be fixed at a specific point in time, a
debatable proposition.
Thompson (1972 : 83) relates this almanac to the
one above on pages 65a– 69a because both total 91
days each, referring to one quarter of the computing year of 364 days. One full run through the upper
and lower almanacs equals 182 days, and two runs
203
approximate a year of 364 days (V. Bricker and H.
Bricker 1989, 1992). The Brickers (1992 : 51) maintain that the text and pictures on 65a– 69a refer to a
182-day period beginning in July of a.d. 949, and the
lower table covers a similar span beginning in May
of a.d. 950. They note that whereas the upper table
correlates the eclipse seasons with the vernal equinox
and the Maya New Year, the lower table is concerned
with the relationship between the summer solstice
and the midpoint of the Haab. The Brickers (1989 :
241) align the scene on page 68a showing twin Chacs
on a sky-band throne with the vernal equinox on
3/20/950, N.S. (3/15/950 O.S.); the same seasonal
position for the almanac is evident in a.d. 1243. Venus was near the maximum altitude as Evening Star
and positioned very close to the Pleiades on 3/20/
1243 N.S. (3/13/1243 O.S.). During the Classic and
Postclassic periods, Venus passed by the Pleiades always between the spring equinox and the summer
solstice, predicting or coinciding with the beginning
of the rainy season (Milbrath 1988c). Twin Chacs on
the sky band may be Venus crossing the Milky Way
near the Pleiades. Venus may be represented by the
twin Chacs because Venus embodies duality as the
‘‘star’’ of the morning and the evening skies.
On Dresden Codex pages 35b –37b, intervals totaling fifty-two days accompany scenes that show
Chac in different aspects. The sequence begins on
page 35b, where Chac’s head appears on a serpent
body (Fig. 5.9d). Chac seems to be shown in a serpent guise that may be the counterpart of the central
Mexican feathered serpent. Like the Water-lily Serpent on Classic period ceramics and the serpent on
the Early Classic Temple of the Seven Dolls at Dzibilchaltún, Chac on page 35b has a water-lily headdress and a serpent body covered with ring-shaped
designs that may represent stars (Chapter 7; Hellmuth 1987, figs. 321–322). Taube (1992b : 56 –59)
links the figure on Dresden 35b to God H, a Postclassic counterpart to the Classic period Water-lily
Serpent representing the head variant of the number
thirteen. He also suggests a relationship with Quetzalcoatl, who is an aspect of God H on Dresden Codex 4a (Fig. 5.4a). Taube adds that Classic period
images link this serpent with the Ik sign. It is also
noteworthy that the Ik symbol appears in the eye of
204
VENUS AND MERCURY: THE BODY DOUBLES
Chac’s T668 name glyph. The Water-lily Serpent, in
my opinion, is a Venus image linked with a serpent
aspect of Chac. Only Chac’s head is represented in
this imagery. A related image may be seen in a Terminal Classic period relief at Uxmal that depicts
a Chac head in the jaws of the feathered serpent
(Taube 1992b : 138, fig. 76b). Perhaps this complex
can be traced back to the Tlaloc heads with feathered
serpents at Teotihuacán (Miller 1973, fig. 346).
Chac may also have some connection with the
Milky Way, called the ‘‘Vı́a de Santiago’’ by those
Maya people who use traditional Spanish terminology. It should be noted that Santiago is the name for
the Morning Star among the Quiché and the Cakchiquel (Cook 1986 : 149; Sprajc 1993a : 39). Among the
Chortı́, the weather god is Santiago, who rules the
Milky Way as a god of thunder and lightning; this
makes him the modern-day counterpart of Chac (Girard 1962 : 251; Milbrath 1980b : 455). Schele (1992b :
170) suggests a link between Chac and the Milky
Way in the context of an inscription in the Temple
of the Foliated Cross that pairs Chac’s name with the
gate to the Milky Way (Ek’ Way Chak). Perhaps Chac
was Venus as ruler of the Milky Way in the Classic
period.
We can conclude that Chac clearly represents an
astronomical being associated with storms and rainfall. His glyphic name (T109.668) may be read as
chachac. There are sections of the Dresden Codex
that link Chac with the solar year, suggesting the solar cycle is somehow implicated in Chac’s imagery.
Perhaps Chac is the Venus god that rules the rainy
half of the year. His travels through the sky and into
caves suggests that he is one of the celestial wanderers symbolizing a planetary god. His representation in sets of five suggest that he embodies Venus.
He is associated with almanacs that can be used to
derive intervals that approximate the synodic period of Venus. The subsets of sixty-five days often
associated with Chac are useful in calculating Venus
periods.
CLASSIC PERIOD IMAGES OF CHAC
Long-nosed mosaic masks dating to the Classic and
Terminal Classic periods in Yucatán are traditionally
interpreted as Chac masks. Kowalski (1987 : 202)
notes that there is compelling evidence for associating these masks with the long-snouted God B who
represents Chac in the codices. These masks, frequently grouped in sets of five, seem to allude to the
‘‘fiveness’’ of Venus, representing five cycles of 584
days that repeat at intervals of eight years (Aveni
1991 : 315, 317). On the North Building of the Nunnery at Chichén Itzá, there is a group of five Chac
masks with T510f star symbols under the eyes. Similarly, at the House of the Governors at Uxmal, there
are sets of five Chac masks and masks infixed with
star glyphs (Kowalski 1987, figs. 151, 153).
At Chichén Itzá, four or five figures wearing Chac
masks appear in murals on the Temple of the Chac
Mool (Fig. 5.9h; Morris et al. 1931: Pl. 133). Although only partially preserved, these Chac figures
all appear to carry shields and burning serpent axes,
the latter a form of lightning axe, according to Taube
(1994 : 220). The Lower Temple of the Jaguars represents another Terminal Classic Chac figure carrying a spear and a shield (Fig. 5.9i). All these Chac
figures wear a broad-brimmed hat like that on a ruler
of the Terminal Classic period known as Lord Chac,
seen on Uxmal Stela 14 (Taube 1992b, fig. 4e). Uxmal Stela 14 depicts this ruler wearing a Chac mask
and a headdress with towering tiers of feathers.
Lord Chac is associated with astronomical glyphs
on the House of the Governor at Uxmal. His back
rack is a stack of sky bands representing eight
double-headed serpents, and it bears glyphic texts
that refer to the Sun and the Moon as well as a star
glyph often linked with Venus (Kowalski 1987 : 180 –
181, figs. 113 –115). The grouping of eight serpents
reflects an overlap with the East Building of the
Nunnery, where eight double-headed serpents are
arranged in five sets, referring to the eight solar years
it takes to complete five Venus cycles (Lamb 1980).
As noted earlier, the lattice crosses within these
groupings add up to 584, the number of days in
one Venus cycle. In a previous section, I also noted
that Chac masks carved with the number eight on
the fourth platform of the Governor’s Palace at
Uxmal are related to the Venus cycle, designating
the eight-year Venus Almanac and possibly also the
inferior conjunction disappearance interval.
CHAC AND GI IN THE CLASSIC PERIOD
In sum, the architectural configurations of Chac
masks and Chac figures in groupings of five in Classic period Yucatán are appropriate to Venus imagery.
Chac masks, often bearing star glyphs, are associated
with the number eight or eight serpents, suggesting
a connection with the eight-year Venus Almanac.
CHAC AND GI IN THE CLASSIC PERIOD
GI, so named because he is the first named of the
three brothers in the Palenque Triad, shares both
physical and thematic traits with the Classic period
Chac. Images of Chac and GI sometimes share the
same type of ornaments: a shell diadem, Spondylus
shell earflares, and a pectoral with trilobe ends
(Fig. 5.10b – c; Schele and Miller 1986 : 275). Chac is
sometimes identified as the zoomorphic counterpart
of GI, but their relationship is still poorly understood (Taube 1992b : 24). The Temple of the Foliated
Cross at Palenque names Chac and GI as separate
deities (Fig. 4.6e; Schele 1992b : 170). Here both portrait heads have a Spondylus shell earflare, but Chac’s
face is zoomorphic.
Typically, GI has scalloped eyebrows over square
eyes, a Roman nose, fish barbels on his cheeks, shell
earflares, and a front tooth replaced by a shark’s
tooth or a tooth filed into a T-shape (Fig. 5.10g;
Schele and Miller 1986 : 48 – 49). In contrast, the
Classic period Chac’s face normally has an elongated
upper lip, and occasionally a serpent issues from his
jaws (Figs. 5.9h–i, 5.10a; Taube 1992b, figs. 5c–d,
6c– e). Some examples of the Lamat glyph depict
Chac’s face with an infixed star glyph, suggesting
links with Venus (Fig. 5.7d– e).
GI is a fish god of some sort. Tom Jones (1991 :
249 –253, fig. 5) links GI to the old Fish (Stingray)
Paddler, the solar deity of the Paddler Twins (Chapter 4). He identifies the fish traits as those of Xoc, a
shark monster, suggesting that the fish barbels GI
has around his mouth are those of a nurse shark. He
notes that the central tooth of GI on the Rı́o Azul
mask is a combined form representing both a shark’s
tooth and a stingray spine, and the same insignia can
appear in the quadripartite badge on GI’s headdress
(Fig. 5.10h). This tooth is also found on the Xoc
monster, a creature who also shares the same scroll
205
eyebrows. On the other hand, Taube (1992b : 24)
identifies GI’s face markings as catfish barbels, making him a catfish god instead of a shark.
A number of scholars identify GI of the Palenque
Triad as a Classic period Venus god. Kelley (1965;
1976 : 97) equates GI’s birthday on 9 Ik with 9 Wind,
the birthday traditionally assigned to Quetzalcoatl,
the Venus god of central Mexico. GI clearly belongs
to an astronomical family; his mother is the Moon
Goddess and one of his brothers is the Sun God
(GIII). In establishing a connection between Venus
and GI, Lounsbury (1985) points out that Venus is
the older brother in Maya folklore, just as GI is the
older brother in the Palenque Triad. The elder
brother is called Lord Xulab, referring to an ant that
is sometimes named as an eclipse monster linked
with Venus, or Nohoch Ich (big eye/face), a name
often applied to Venus. Following the birth order
given in the Classic period inscriptions and the identifications in the Mopan tale, the eldest brother (GI)
is Venus, the middle brother (GIII) is the Sun, and
the youngest brother (GII) is Mars or Jupiter.
Schele and Miller (1986 : 306 n. 3) propose that GI
is a Venus god with solar associations, linking him
with representations of Hun Ahau. Such an identification can be explained in astronomical terms, because there is a close link between Venus and the
Sun. The Morning Star is the herald of the rising
Sun, and the Evening Star announces sunset.
The connection between Venus and the entry and
exit to the underworld may be one reason the deceased ruler was sometimes dressed as GI. This guise
is apparent in the jade funerary mask from Rı́o Azul
(Fig. 5.10h). Proskouriakoff (1993 : 58 – 60) suggests
that Copán Stela I depicts a deceased ancestor of the
royal house impersonating GI of the Palenque Triad
(Fig. 5.10j). This monument, erected in the reign of
Smoke Imix God K (a.d. 628 – 695), bears an Initial
Series date of 9.12.3.14.0 (3/17/676), a time when Venus was high in the sky and the Sun was exactly at
the vernal equinox (Schlak 1996 : 182).
Deceased rulers also take the guise of Chac, as on
the Dumbarton Oaks Relief Panel 2 (Fig. 5.10d).
Schele and Miller (1986 : 274 –276) note that Kan
Xul (K’an Hok’ Chitam II) dances in Xibalba wearing the costume of Chac Xib Chac. The first date on
CHAC AND GI IN THE CLASSIC PERIOD
207
the monument (12 Ahau 8 Ceh) corresponds to
9.11.0.0.0 (10/9/652), a Katun ending that coincides
with the first visibility of the Evening Star, as noted
earlier. On this date, Mars and the first visible crescent Moon were near Venus, just above the western
horizon. This fortuitous interlocking of the three astronomical cycles at the end of the Katun 12 Ahau
was certainly noteworthy. Another Calendar Round
date, 9 Manik 5 Muan (9.14.11.2.7; 11/18/722),
seems to be the date of the ruler’s apotheosis, when
he was transformed in heaven (Lounsbury 1985 : 55 –
56). The dead ruler apparently took on the guise of
Chac when the Morning Star Venus was about to
disappear in conjunction, entering the underworld
like the deceased ruler.
Monuments 23 and 24 from Quiriguá depict Chac
in images that may also be linked with the ruler’s
apotheosis (Fig. 5.10c; Baudez 1988, fig. 12). Andrea Stone (1983) shows that the two monuments
are closely related, since both depict Chac passing
through a Cauac-marked opening. Monument 23
(Altar of Zoomorph O) depicts Chac in profile, and
Monument 24 (Altar of Zoomorph P) depicts Chac
frontally, with his mouth issuing long bands that end
in skeletal zoomorphic heads with Ik eyes. On both
monuments, Chac passes through a cleft opening
framed by an Ik sign, a glyph some scholars relate to
the Evening Star. Venus may be implicated by details
in the imagery on Monument 23: Chac’s shell beard
and his stacked knot headdress evoke a connection
with gods of the Morning Star on Dresden Codex
pages 46 and 50 (Figs. 5.3a, e, 5.10c). Taube (1986,
fig. 3) identifies the figure on Monument 23 as Chac
opening the rock of sustenance with lightning. On
the other hand, Baudez (1988 : 143 –144) argues that
Monuments 23 and 24 show a dead ruler swallowed
by a crack in the earth. It is possible that both monuments show the resurrection or apotheosis of a
dead ruler in the guise of Chac, echoing the imagery
of the resurrected Maize God emerging from a cleft
opening (Fig. 3.11a–b). With so many dates on these
two monuments, it is difficult to pinpoint the associated astronomical events. Nonetheless, the Initial Series date on Monument 23, the date of Sky
Xul’s accession on 9.17.14.16.18 9 Etz’nab 1 Kankin
(10/9/785), indicates that astronomy was probably
of interest, for on this date Jupiter and Venus were
in conjunction in Scorpius, positioned just above
the first crescent Moon. The Initial Series date on
Monument 24 is a period-ending 9.18.5.0.0 4 Ahau
13 Ceh (9/9/795), when Venus was once again the
Evening Star, but now positioned in the adjacent
constellation (Libra) in conjunction with Mars.
Naranjo Stela 21 seems to represent the living
ruler Smoking Squirrel with deity attributes, including a shell beard and a stacked knot headdress seen
on Venus gods (Maler 1908, pl. 35). According to
Proskouriakoff (1993 : 73 –74), Smoking Squirrel is
FIG. 5.10. a: Classic portrait glyph of Chac has elongated
upper lip, Spondylus shell ear, and serpent in mouth (after Taube 1992b, fig. 5e).
b: Chac emerges from cavelike opening (Creation Tablet from Palenque; after Robertson 1991, fig. 268).
c: Chac, wearing stacked knot headdress of Venus gods,
emerges from Cauac-marked opening in image of apotheosis (Quiriguá Monument 23, Altar of Zoomorph O;
after Baudez 1988, fig. 9).
d: Kan Xul’s apotheosis in guise of Chac on November 18, 722 (Julian), when Venus was rising at dawn in
Scorpius; his ancestors hold deity figures that may refer to
planets (Dumbarton Oaks Relief Panel 2; after Schele and
Miller 1986, fig. VII.3).
e–f: Chac as paddler and fisherman on inscribed bones
(MT 51A, 51B) (Late Classic Burial 116 in Tikal Temple I,
funerary monument of Ruler A; after Hellmuth 1987,
fig. 113).
g: Venus, eldest brother of Palenque Triad (GI), has
scalloped eyebrows, spiral pupils, Roman nose, fish barbels on his cheeks, and Spondylus shell earflare (Late
Classic Palenque Temple XIV, D7; after Lounsbury 1985,
fig. 1d).
h: Early Classic greenstone funerary mask representing
GI, worn by deceased ruler from Rı́o Azul (after Taube
1992b, fig. 9a).
i: Early Classic Venus god, probably counterpart of GI,
wearing Xoc-monster headdress (Tzakol cache vessel; after Hellmuth 1987, fig. 275).
j: Deceased royal ancestor from Copán transformed
into GI of Classic Palenque Triad (Copán Stela I; after
Proskouriakoff 1993 : 59).
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VENUS AND MERCURY: THE BODY DOUBLES
represented as a warrior at eighteen years of age. The
king wears the nose cruller of the Jaguar War God
and the shell earflares of Chac or GI, and he holds
a Jaguar War God shield (Fig. 4.2h). As noted in
Chapter 4, the dates on the monument are appropriate to imagery of the dry-season Moon, but they also
signal an interest in Venus. The Initial Series date of
9.13.14.4.2 (3/22/706) marks the time when Venus
was the Evening Star in conjunction with Mars, just
following the spring equinox. Venus was also in
retrograde motion, having reached its first stationary point only five days earlier. A later date, reconstructed as a period-ending 9.13.15.0.0 13 Ahau 18
Pax (12/25/706), relates to the last visibility of Venus
as the Morning Star following the winter solstice.
Another date, 9.13.1.3.19 5 Cauac 2 Xul (5/23/693),
associated with Smoking Squirrel’s childhood, also
relates to Venus. At this time Venus was especially
brilliant as the Evening Star and was approaching its
first stationary point (5/30/693; Meeus n.d.). Smoking Squirrel may have had a special connection with
Venus, because battle dates on other Naranjo monuments seem to link his exploits in battle to significant positions of Venus (Schele and Freidel 1990 :
191–193).
Another ruler with traits of Chac appears at Yaxchilán (Tate 1992, fig. 136). On its rear side facing
Structure 40, Stela 11 depicts a Chac-masked ruler
standing before kneeling captives. The ruler has been
identified as Bird Jaguar IV dressed as Chac Xib Chac
(Schele and Miller 1986 : 215 –216, fig. V.5a). Tate
(1992 : 126 –128) interprets the masked figure on the
back of the monument as Bird Jaguar masquerading
as GI to represent the newly emerged Evening Star
in a lineage event. The date above the figure is 1 Imix
19 Xul, reconstructed as 9.15.19.1.1 (5/29/750), a
time when the Evening Star had been visible for
about a month. On the front of the monument, Tate
notes that Bird Jaguar and the deceased Shield Jaguar
I perform a period-ending event on 9 Ahau 18 Xul
(9.15.15.0.0; 5/29/746). This event took place after
Shield Jaguar’s death on 9.15.10.17.14 6 Ix 12 Yaxkin
(6/13/742) and before Bird Jaguar’s accession, an
event recorded with the Initial Series date 9.16.1.0.0
11 Ahau 8 Zec (4/27/752). Perhaps the Chac-masked
figure on the rear face actually represents the de-
ceased Shield Jaguar. If so, he may be apotheosized
as Venus in the guise of Chac.
A scene of Chac or GI emerging from water is represented on Copán Structure 11. As noted earlier, a
relief on the east door records an heir-designation
event associated with a ‘‘great star’’ inscription that
is only five days after the first appearance of the Evening Star. The relief on the top step of the south facade represents GI as if he were standing shoulder
high in the waters of the underworld with two monkey gods holding rattles, according to Schele and
Miller (1986 : 122 –125). This would seem to be an
image of the Evening Star just reemerging from the
waters of the underworld.
Chac appears as a being with multiple aspects
on the Tikal bones (MT 51A, 51B) from Burial 116
in Temple I, the funerary monument of Ruler A
(Fig. 5.10e–f ). His shell diadem and Spondylus shell
earrings are characteristic features. The paired bones
each show a water scene with two Chacs in a canoe
and one in water. In each scene, one Chac paddles
as the other two hold fish. The paddler scenes evoke
a link with the Paddler Twins. Chac’s activities as a
fishing god are also seen in the Postclassic Dresden
Codex (44c). Chac appears in this role as far back as
the Preclassic period, as seen on Izapa Stela 1 (Coe
1978b : 77).
A figure sacrificing a jaguar baby on the Metropolitan Museum vase has been variously identified
as GI or Chac Xib Chac, or an anthropomorphic image of Chac (Pl. 8; Schele and Miller 1986 : 49; Taube
1992b : 24). The figure wears the Spondylus shell earflare typical of both GI and Chac. He has an anthropomorphic face like GI, but he carries an axe like
Chac. His face ornament could be interpreted as a
shell beard or the fish barbels of GI, for it is sometimes difficult to distinguish the two. The two gods
could be considered to be aspects of the same deity
were it not for the clear separation of Chac and GI in
the deity list at Palenque (Fig. 4.6e). The sacrificer on
the Metropolitan Museum vase seems ready to decapitate a jaguar god who conflates a solar and lunar
deity, suggesting the image of an eclipse (Chapter 4).
This places the decapitator in the role of an eclipse
monster, a role appropriate to Venus.
A black-background vase may represent one of
THE SIDEREAL POSITION OF VENUS
the few known ceramic paintings of GI (Fig. 3.3c).
He is one of three gods wearing similar costumes
that include paper wristlets and ankle bands. All
three are positioned on a celestial cord that may represent the ecliptic (Chapter 3). The figures have been
compared to the Sun moving through the underworld in three different aspects, one representing GI
of the Palenque Triad (Quirarte 1979). The three
could instead represent the transformation of Venus
as it moves along the ecliptical cord.
Early Classic cache vessels depict GI wearing a
headdress that represents either the Xoc monster or
the Quadripartite God (Fig. 5.10i). Hellmuth (1987 :
351–353, 369) points out that the front tooth of GI
is itself a perforator for blood offerings, and GI’s
cache vessels are often found with stingray spine perforators inside. Perhaps these vessels were buried after blood offerings were made to Venus at important
points in the calendar. A number of these cache vessels show GI with face spots like those seen on the
Sun God and the Hun Ahau twin.
In sum, both Chac and GI may be related to imagery of Venus, but the relationship between GI and
Chac remains puzzling. Whereas Chac is shown fishing, GI seems to embody a fish, a distinction that
remains enigmatic. Perhaps they are different aspects
of Venus. GI may have a secondary association with
the Sun, just as Hunahpu is linked with both the Sun
and the Morning Star. Deceased rulers can take the
guise of either Chac or GI, transformations that may
have to do with the ruler’s apotheosis in the sky.
THE SIDEREAL POSITION OF VENUS
The eight-year Venus Almanac, probably in use by
the Classic period, indicates that the Maya must also
have tracked the sidereal position of Venus. The
eight-year period that coordinates the solar year with
the synodic period of Venus also refers to the sidereal
cycle, because Venus follows a specific pattern of
conjunctions with constellations that will repeat every eight years. Even without the Venus Almanac, sidereal positioning was certainly observed. The relatively short sidereal cycle of Venus (an average of
224.7 days) means that the planet can be seen to
move through all the star groups of the zodiac, be-
209
cause the planet’s sidereal cycle is shorter than the
mean period of its visibility in either the morning or
evening sky (263 days).
Dennis Tedlock (1991 : 172) has found evidence
that the position of Venus in the background of stars
is important in the Popol Vuh. Cycles of the Venus
Almanac are suggested by the five houses where the
Hero Twins undergo ordeals in the underworld.
These are as follows: the House of Darkness, the
House of Cold, the House of the Jaguar, the House
of the Bat, and the House of the Knife. Revising an
earlier interpretation, Tedlock suggests that the five
houses refer to five different sidereal positions of Venus, reflecting the relationship of Venus’s synodic
periods to eight solar years. In support of this interpretation, I note that at least two of these houses (Bat
and Jaguar Houses) coordinate with animal constellations represented in Paris Codex 23 –24 (Fig. 7.6;
Chapter 7).
Dennis Tedlock (1985 : 40, 111, 134; 1991) interprets Hun Hunahpu and Vucub Hunahpu positioned
at a crossroads in the underworld as Venus crossing
the Milky Way near the rift between Scorpius and
Sagittarius, the same sidereal position reached when
the Hero Twins arrive at the crossroads in the underworld later in the narrative. Since they are not yet
transformed into the Sun and the Moon, Tedlock
proposes that Hunahpu and Xbalanque replace their
father and uncle as gods of the Morning Star, and
when they take their trip to the underworld, they
represent Venus at the time the planet disappears in
superior conjunction. In their descent, they take the
black road of Xibalba, indicating the sidereal position of Venus in the rift of the Milky Way near Sagittarius. The rift represents a form of portal into the
underworld for Venus as it disappears as the Morning Star, a sidereal position that recurs at this phase
approximately every eight years.
The different guises of the Morning Star in the
Dresden Codex Venus pages may well relate to different sidereal positions of Venus. Using the seasonal pattern for the Dresden Codex Venus table discussed above, we can see that over the course of eight
years (a.d. 1219 –1227) the newly risen Morning
Star on 1/19/1221 was in Capricorn (page 46); at the
next heliacal rise it moved to Leo (page 47), then to
210
VENUS AND MERCURY: THE BODY DOUBLES
Pisces (page 48), next to Libra (page 49), and on to
Taurus (page 50). These Venus positions may influence the attributes of the Venus gods in the Dresden
Codex.
At the time of the conquest, the Yucatec Maya observed Venus, Gemini, and the Pleiades to ‘‘tell the
time of night’’ (Tozzer 1941 : 132 –133). Thus, we can
be sure that they were aware of the periods when Venus was in conjunction with Gemini and the Pleiades. Although I have not made any extensive study
of Venus in conjunction with Gemini, such an event
would tend to occur during the rainy season. Such a
conjunction event might be represented on Lintel 41
from Yaxchilán, which shows Bird Jaguar wearing a
Tlaloc headdress represented with a large star-eye
with five points, evoking the ‘‘fiveness’’ of Venus
(Tate 1992, fig. 148). A ‘‘star-over-shell’’ glyph is
noted with a 7 Imix 14 Zec date (9.16.4.1.1; 5/3/755),
but there is no Venus station close at hand. The slow
motion of the Evening Star at this time may account
for the shell-star compound, if we accept Schlak’s
hypothesis, but the headdress might allude to Venus, now especially prominent in conjunction with
Gemini. Perhaps the dual nature of Venus gave it a
special connection with Gemini, the brightest twin
stars in the sky.
The Yucatec Maya today see a special connection
between Venus and the Pleiades, for they say that the
Evening Star is the ‘‘fire’’ of the Pleiades (Redfield
and Villa Rojas 1962 : 206). In Precolumbian times,
the Maya also placed special emphasis on the times
when Venus passed by the Pleiades, called tzab, the
‘‘rattlesnake’s rattle,’’ in Yucatán (Milbrath 1988c).
At Teotihuacán and Xochicalco, a feathered rattler
appears on Classic period buildings oriented toward
the Pleiades setting at dusk, which coincided with
the onset of the rains; a similar pattern is apparent
at Chichén Itzá during the terminal Classic period
(Milbrath 1988c). These structures may express a
calendar cycle linking Venus and the Pleiades. A
review of the dates during the Late Classic and Postclassic period when Venus passed by the Pleiades (approximate conjunctions) indicates that all fall
within a three-month span from the spring equinox
(March 21) to the summer solstice (June 21; Mil-
brath 1988c, table 1). For well over a thousand years,
Venus passed by the Pleiades (approximate conjunction) only during a three-month window announcing the coming rains or coinciding with the onset
of the rains. I believe that this sidereal position came
to be seen as a sign of rain, perhaps inspiring images of the feathered serpent (Venus) wearing rattles
(the Pleiades) and an association with agricultural
fertility.
The Upper Temple of the Jaguars at Chichén Itzá,
featuring the feathered serpent with a rattle tail, expresses the relationship between Venus and the Pleiades (Fig. 5.5e; Milbrath 1988c). The doorway is oriented with an azimuth of 2857398 (Galindo 1994 :
127); from the vantage point of the inner temple, the
observer could see a view very much like that seen
through Window 1 of the Caracol, which has virtually the same azimuth of orientation (2857558).
Around a.d. 900, the Pleiades were framed by the
right side of the inner window as they were last seen
setting in late April. A similar effect took place in the
doorway of the Upper Temple of the Jaguars. The Pleiades setting at dusk during the Late Classic period
announced that the time for planting was approaching with the onset of the rains (Milbrath 1988c : 69).
The doorway probably also incorporates a diagonal
axis like that of Window 1 in the Caracol, which has
an oblique view oriented to the northern extreme of
Venus (Fig. 3.1b; Aveni 1980 : 263 –264, figs. 91–93).
The sidereal position of Venus as it set in its northern
extreme would repeat at the same time of year at
eight-year intervals. The northern extreme of Venus as Evening Star was probably important in predictions about rainfall throughout Mesoamerica because it occurred between April and May during the
Late Classic period (Sprajc 1993a, 1993b).
An Early Classic stucco relief at Acancéh in Yucatán represents a rattlesnake with Venus glyphs in
what appears to be a zodiac sequence (Fig. 5.11a;
Chapter 7). This may be the image of Venus in conjunction with the Pleiades at the onset of the rains.
The Venus glyphs are half stars with five rays, like
those on the feathered serpents from Teotihuacán
and Maltrata, Veracruz (Figs. 5.4h, 5.6d). Virginia
Miller (1991 : 42 – 43, pl. 4) also notes that the Acan-
VENUS AND THE MOON
céh star designs bear a resemblance to the Maya
completion sign, and Coggins and Drucker (1988 :
18) relate the completion sign to the Venus calendar.
Venus passes by the bright red star Antares in
Scorpius, located 1807 away from the Pleiades, between the fall equinox and the winter solstice, overlapping with the onset of the dry season. Because the
Pleiades and Scorpius are at opposite sides of the sky,
the seasonal associations are reversed. In some cases,
imagery linking Venus with a scorpion may reflect
Venus in conjunction with stars in our constellation
Scorpius, represented as a scorpion in the Paris Codex zodiac, an unusual case of an overlap with Western astronomy (Fig. 7.7; Chapter 7).
Images connecting Venus and a scorpion are apparent over a long span of time (Baus Czitrom 1990;
Carlson 1991, 1993). If we accept the quincunx as an
Olmec form of a Venus symbol, one of the earliest
examples of the connection between Venus and the
scorpion constellation may date back to 900 b.c., as
seen on San Lorenzo Monument 43. One of the latest known examples, dating between a.d. 1350 and
1450, is on page 79a of the Madrid Codex, where
God L is depicted with a scorpion tail and thorax,
possibly a symbol of Venus in conjunction with the
scorpion constellation or a seasonal aspect of Venus
(Fig. 5.11b).
A Classic period bench from Las Sepulturas at
Copán depicts the Venus god with a scorpion tail
and his arm laced through a T510f glyph (Pl. 19;
Krupp 1997 : 265). A polychrome plate depicts a
T510b glyph with a Venus-scorpion man having attributes of the Maize God (Carlson 1993, fig. 8.6d).
This image may be explained by the fact that Venus
passes by the heart of the scorpion constellation during the season of the maize harvest.
Analyzing Venus-scorpion imagery, John Carlson
sees the scorpion as one of the ‘‘faces’’ of Venus, noting that a scorpion constellation may appear in the
Dresden Codex Venus pages, which show a glyphic
compound that spells sinan, meaning ‘‘scorpion’’
(Fig. 5.11c). The table divides twenty deity names
(Fig. 5.3f–j, A–T) among the five synodic periods,
with four deities for every cycle, each associated with
a different Venus phase. Thompson’s (1960 : 220) lay-
211
out places the scorpion (B) on line 17 at the end of the
canonical period of superior conjunction, when the
Evening Star became visible on day 326 of the 584day cycle. In the layout of the Venus pages described
earlier, day 326 fell on 5/25/1220, coinciding with
the solar zenith in northern Yucatán and the month
when Scorpius was visible for the longest period of
time. Here the scorpion may be named because it
rose at dusk when the Evening Star was in the west.
In sum, we have only scratched the surface of possible stellar images linked to the seasonal cycle of
Venus. Preliminary evidence indicates an interest in
the conjunction of Venus with the Pleiades and Scorpius. In addition, Venus probably had five stellar
houses associated with constellations that marked
important Venus stations in the eight-year almanac.
These may appear in the Popol Vuh.
VENUS AND THE MOON
Scholars have noted that the 260-day divination calendar seems to link the length of a human pregnancy
with the approximate period Venus is visible in
either the morning or evening sky. John Burgess
(1991 : 63) has proposed a more specific correlation
between Venus and the Moon. He notes that the interval from the Moon’s conjunction with Venus after
the planet has emerged from superior conjunction
to another such conjunction after inferior conjunction averages 260 days, and he suggests that the
Tzolkin may owe its origin to this relationship.
Calendric cycles linking the Sun, the Moon, and
Venus are built into the structure of the Dresden
Codex Venus table, for the Venus Almanac equates
five Venus cycles with ninety-nine lunar months and
eight solar years (Aveni 1992b : 104). The eclipse
cycle could be integrated over the longer run of the
table (104 years). Through their lunar-based Venus
calendar, Mayan astronomers kept track of lunar
eclipses (Aveni 1992b : 107–108). Each of the six base
dates that served as starting points for the calendar
in the Venus table was immediately preceded by a
lunar eclipse.
One of the Venus gods in the Dresden Codex
Venus pages, God L, appears with the aged Moon
212
VENUS AND MERCURY: THE BODY DOUBLES
VENUS AND THE MOON
213
Goddess in her role as an eclipse monster on Dresden Codex page 74 (Fig. 7.4d; Chapter 4). He is
showered by water poured by Goddess O, who may
be the new Moon during the rainy season. Although
God L represents the dry-season Morning Star in the
Venus Almanac, his portrayal on page 74 suggests he
is not exclusively a god of the dry season.
God L is involved in imagery that suggests conjunction of the Moon and Venus. On page 14c of the
Dresden Codex, God L is paired with the Moon in
an amorous scene (Fig. 5.11d). Like God N, he is an
aged god lover with only a few remaining teeth. God
L holds the young Moon Goddess, who offers the
symbol of maize tortillas, represented by the T506
glyph (wah; Justeson 1984 : 339). This image alludes
to the close connection between Venus, the Moon,
and maize. His broad-brimmed hat is crowned by
an owl with another T506 glyph and maize foliation
in place of a tail (compare Taube 1992b, fig. 17f ).
God L embracing the youthful Moon Goddess probably refers to the waxing Moon joining Venus in its
aspect as God L. The link with the waxing Moon
would suggest that here God L takes the role of the
Evening Star. The maize imagery recalls the connection between the Evening Star and maize noted by
Sprajc (1993a, 1993b). As Carlson (1991 : 24) points
out, ‘‘Venus and the Moon form a Maya structural
pairing within the Maize God complex.’’
Thompson (1960 : 228 –229) notes that the Maya
may have recorded Venus conjunctions with the
Moon on Classic Maya monuments. He suggests
that a date on the Palenque Tablet of the 96 Glyphs,
associated with glyphs for Venus and the Moon,
represents their conjunction on this date (9.16.13.0.7
9 Manik 15 Uo; H1-G2). This is a case where the
584,285 correlation seems more compelling, for the
date would be 3/4/764 O.S., when the Moon was just
above Venus. In this scenario, Venus was being ‘‘mooned’’ as the crescent Moon passed by Venus (Aveni, personal communication 1993). On the
other hand, Ringle and Smith-Stark (1996 : 37, 44)
interpret this passage quite differently, and further
research is required to confirm possible records of
the Moon’s conjunction with Venus.
A number of scholars have noted that the Moon
and Venus seem to play a role in imagery of resurrection (Ashmore 1991 : 212; Dütting 1984, 1985). On
Yaxchilán Lintel 25, the ancestor figure seems to represent Tlaloc in his aspect as Venus. Lady Xoc may
play the role of the first crescent Moon just emerging
on the Calendar Round date recorded on the monument (5 Imix 4 Mac; 10/18/681). On this date, the
first crescent Moon appeared beneath the Evening
Star. Perhaps this spatial relationship is represented
by the ruler hovering over Lady Xoc. The ancestor
wearing the Tlaloc mask aims his spear at Lady Xoc,
who holds up bloodletting equipment and an offering of blood (Schele and Miller 1986 : 177). The
bloodletting act is appropriate as an offering to Venus, for the principal god of penance, sacrifice, and
bloodletting among the Aztecs was the Venus god
known as Quetzalcoatl (Coe 1988 : 226).
A painted vase known as Grolier 42 depicts lunar
deities with Venus in its aspect as God L (Fig. 5.11e;
Coe 1973, no. 42; 1978b, no. 1). Here he sits on a
throne with the lunar rabbit acting as his scribe. The
owl in his headdress has extremely long tail feathers,
reminiscent of a quetzal. He is attended by court ladies, one of whom turns around to watch a scene
involving two axe-wielding gods; one is about to de-
FIG. 5.11. a: Early Classic Venus glyph on Venus serpent
with rattle tail representing Pleiades (tzab) (Palace of
Stuccoes, Acancéh; after Seler 1960 –1961, 5, pl. 11).
b: Postclassic God L with torso representing scorpion
thorax and tail tipped with stinger (Madrid Codex 79a;
after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
c: Scorpion glyphs representing one of twenty different
deities listed in Dresden Codex Venus pages (Dresden Codex 46; after Kelley 1976, fig. 28).
d: Postclassic God L holds young Moon Goddess in
amorous scene; he and Moon Goddess are named in first
column of glyphs (Dresden Codex 14c; after Villacorta
and Villacorta 1977).
e: God L wearing owl headdress sits with female companions on throne while lunar rabbit acts as his scribe;
sacrifice scene involving decapitation takes place in another vignette (Late Classic vase known as Grolier 42; after Coe 1973, no. 42).
214
VENUS AND MERCURY: THE BODY DOUBLES
capitate a seated deity bearing the same god markings. The Calendar Round date of the sacrifice (8 Caban 5 Ceh) is reconstructed as 9.14.4.15.17 (9/20/
716) by Arthur Schlak (1996 : 197), who proposes
that the imagery is linked with the autumn equinox,
when Venus had just emerged as the Evening Star.
The astronomical new Moon took place about three
hours before dusk (Goldstine 1973). Perhaps the
sacrificer symbolizes Venus, and the Moon God is
about to lose his ‘‘head.’’ The scene with God L
shows the lunar rabbit, perhaps alluding to a different lunar phase.
A pot known as Regal Rabbit Vase shows God L
stripped of his regalia, unclothed and gesturing in
submission to a lunar rabbit who holds his owl hat
marked with the glyph 13 Sky (Pl. 9, right). The beginning of the sequence, designated by the opening
glyph of the Primary Standard Sequence, has a subsidiary set of glyphs that may refer to God L as a
Pauahtun (T64 : 761v : 59). This leads Dieter Dütting
and Richard Johnson (1993) to conclude that somehow God L is transformed into God N when he loses
his regalia. They reconstruct an associated Calendar
Round date (13 Oc 18 Uo, far left) as 9.13.8.2.10,
when Venus was the Morning Star, and they interpret
the lunar imagery based on the 584,285 correlation.
Nonetheless, the 584,283 correlation provides a more
interesting picture, for the date (3/21/700) correlates
with a time when the waning Moon and Venus were
in conjunction. This could explain why the lunar
rabbit holds God L’s regalia, and why the two seem
to have changed attributes, for God L has a rabbit
paw in place of his left hand, and the rabbit has God
L’s hand in place of a paw. The two celestial deities
may have merged attributes while in conjunction.
A second scene on this vase shows God L kneeling
in submission to the Sun God. Dütting and Johnson
(1993) link the 7 Akbal date to events thirty-three
days later. Here, too, I find an interesting picture
by using the 584,283 correlation, for on 4/23/700
the Moon disappeared in conjunction with the Sun
(new Moon on 4/24/700; Goldstine 1973). This
would explain why the lunar rabbit is now hiding
behind the Sun God seated on a jaguar skin throne.
At the same time, Venus moved into conjunction
with Mars, which might be represented by the deer
in front of God L, for Mars seems to have deer traits
in Postclassic Maya art (Chapter 6).
We can conclude that a great deal more research
is required to fully understand the close relationship
between Venus and the Moon in Maya iconography.
They form a natural pair in the sky, especially the
crescent Moon, which is often seen near Venus. No
doubt Maya artists explored this imagery, but we
have only begun to understand the nature of this
iconography and the calendar cycles implicit in conjunction events involving the two.
MERCURY IN MAYA IMAGERY
AND CALENDRICS
Evidence of Mercury cycles is difficult to document
in calendar records. Thompson (1960 : 215) notes
that ‘‘it is very doubtful that the Maya paid any attention to the synodic revolution of Mercury, which
is short and difficult to observe accurately.’’ Nevertheless, they certainly must have been aware of
Mercury, because its movements are similar to those
of Venus, the most important planet in Maya cosmology. Indeed, it is not inconceivable that some
of the ethnographic and Colonial period references
to the Morning Star or the Evening Star may actually
refer to Mercury.
Mercury is mentioned by its European name in
some Colonial period accounts. In the Chilam
Balam of Manı́, Mercury is connected with illness,
death, robbery, debt, and drunkenness, and the
planet is said to control the lungs (Craine and Reindorp 1979 : 49 –50). Further study of these attributes
in relation to medieval European astrology is required to sort out whether there is any Precolumbian
content.
Dennis Tedlock (1985 : 154, 347, 361) concludes
that the Popol Vuh represents Mercury as an owl;
there are actually four owls, two of which may be the
morning aspect of Mercury and the other two the
evening aspect. As the Military Keepers of the Mat
for the Lords of Xibalba, Macaw Owl and Shooting
Owl have an underworld association appropriate to
Mercury. According to Tedlock (1985 : 154, 347),
Macaw Owl (Caquix Tucur) is Mercury as the messenger of Xibalba. The role of Mercury as a messen-
MERCURY IN MAYA IMAGERY AND CALENDRICS
ger to the underworld seems apt, because Mercury
spends so much time invisible in conjunction. Tedlock says that Macaw Owl is the Classic Maya Muan
bird, which he identifies as an owl with a macaw tail.
Kelley (1976 : 6) links a table on Dresden Codex 69 –73 with Mercury intervals, but he cannot
identify a glyph for Mercury. On page 69, a black
Chac emerges from the jaws of a feathered serpent.
Since Kelley (1980 : S20) identifies both QuetzalcoatlKukulcan and Chac as Mercury, he presumably
would identify these as Mercury images. Nonetheless, the evidence presented in this chapter indicates
both are associated with Venus.
In the past, scholars have proposed that intervals
of 115 and 117 days are approximations of Mercury’s
115.9-day cycle. Beth Collea (1981 : 216) notes that
the 115-day period Ernst Förstemann identified as a
Mercury interval has proved invalid. The 117-day
interval supported by Yurii Knorozov (1982) and Jesús Galindo (1994 : 88) seems to be too far from the
true length of Mercury’s synodical cycle. Nonetheless, over the short term, 117 may be a useful approximation, especially in situations where Mercury
is integrated with other calendar cycles. The interval
of 117 days is an even multiple of synodic lunar
months (117 5 4 3 29.25), and it also approximates
one-fifth of the synodical cycle of Venus. As noted
earlier, almanacs of 117 days appear in sets of five
in the Dresden Codex (30c–33c), for a total of 585
days, an interval that brings the Venus cycle and
Mercury into renewed alignment. Chac is the main
character on these pages.
Owl imagery may suggest a link with Mercury. On
Dresden Codex 43c, Chac carries God L’s owl (Mercury?) hat in his canoe (Fig. 5.9e). In other sequences, Chac wears an owl feather, possibly indicating a connection with Mercury, as on pages 45c and
65 – 69 (Fig. 5.9a, c, f ).
On a Classic period vase, God L’s owl holds the
Jaguar War God’s head in his beak, suggesting another image of astronomical conjunction (Coe 1982,
no. 15). God L’s bird has a celestial aspect, for he is
named with a 9 Sky title on the Vase of the Seven
Gods (Pl. 7). On the Regal Rabbit Vase, this bird is
named 13 Sky, interpreted as a reference to the highest heaven (Pl. 9; Dütting and Johnson 1993 : 168).
215
Owls represented in the Dresden Codex (7c, 10a)
sometimes also bear the 13 Sky title (Grube and
Schele 1994 : 12). The name 13 Sky is one of the astronomical gods marking the southern direction in
the Venus pages of the Dresden Codex (Kelley 1976,
fig. 28). A related owl bears the name 13 Muan in a
scene where he is carried by the Moon Goddess
(Dresden Codex 18b).
Taube (1992b : 85) identifies God L’s bird as the
Moan (Muan) owl, and agrees with Thompson that
this bird with a feather crest is a screech owl or a
horned owl. Thompson (1960 : 49, 114 –115) identifies the bird with the 13 Sky title as the Muan bird,
the main sign for the month Muan (T748 : 116), a
month he associates with rainfall. He notes that the
Muan owl must be distinguished from the cui, a bird
of ill omen representing another species of owl. This
is the same one that Grube and Schele (1994 : 10 –12)
identify as the kuy owl of warfare; they conclude that
the Muan bird is a hawk, whereas God L’s companion bird is the kuy owl, a Ferruginous Pygmy Owl
(Glaucidium brasilianum). They note that God L’s
owl was associated with Tlaloc-Venus warfare in the
Classic period and generally had an ominous nature.
God L’s bird, apparently an owl with a negative aspect, may be Mercury, which makes frequent trips to
the underworld. This bird may appear as God L’s hat,
because Venus and Mercury are closely related in
their motions. If this is the case, the Muan bird may
represent a bird constellation (Chapter 7).
Aveni and Hotaling (1994 : S38 –S39, table 1) assessed ninety-eight dates that have astronomical tags,
including dates associated with the Tlaloc-war complex that involve an owl-like bird that may represent
Mercury. Eighteen of the ninety-eight dates showed
a correlation with Mercury events. They suggest that
sometimes the Mercury event was substituted when
Venus was not in the appropriate position. More
than half correspond to times when Mercury first
appeared in the evening sky simultaneously with the
first appearance of Venus as the Evening Star.
Arthur Schlak links the planet Mercury with God
K and GII of the Palenque Triad. I disagree with his
interpretations and discuss the evidence at length
in Chapter 6, where I show God K’s affiliation with
Jupiter.
216
VENUS AND MERCURY: THE BODY DOUBLES
In sum, interpretations of the Popol Vuh suggest
that Mercury may be a subsidiary figure, possibly a
nocturnal bird that is an avian messenger to the
underworld. In Postclassic images, Chac sometimes
also seems to be associated with an owl, but here is
represented more subtly as a feather ornament in his
headdress. Mercury may be an owl on God L’s headdress, expressing the close relationship between Venus and Mercury that extends back to the Classic period. Mercury also may be an owl represented as a
warbird with Tlaloc in Classic period representations.
THE INFERIOR PLANETS
IN THE MAYA WORLDVIEW
Except for a possible connection with owl imagery,
relatively little is known about Mercury’s avatars in
Maya art. It may be that one of the gods now thought
to represent Venus may in fact refer to Mercury. In
future studies, we should bear in mind that Mercury
is frequently invisible, so we should expect to find
Mercury imagery connected with the underworld.
For Venus, we have almost too much information
to condense in a single chapter. Even so, this study
has only begun to reveal the multiple personalities of
Venus, with its different seasonal aspects, sidereal
positions, and phases. Venus is best described as a
master of transformation, taking on different guises
in its changing relation to the seasons. The Dresden
Codex Venus pages provide a template for understanding the seasonal aspects of the Morning Star
during the Postclassic period. Here five Venus gods
represent the newly emerged Morning Star over an
eight-year cycle that was tracked over hundreds of
years. The codex seems to show real-time events dating to the mid-thirteenth century, as well as historical references that go back to the seventh century.
The historical data are recorded in Long Count inscriptions, whereas the current events are given in
Calendar Round dates. The 1 Ahau 13 Mac date on
the last page appears to be a date just before the summer solstice in a.d. 1227.
We can recognize five aspects of the Morning Star
in the Dresden Codex Venus pages. God L represents
the Morning Star during the dry season, the epoch
of warfare; however, other sections of the codex indicate that his imagery is not confined to this season
and this Venus phase. Itztlacoliuhqui is the aspect of
Venus linked with the rainy season around the summer solstice, the time that maize sprouts. Lahun
Chan embodies Venus during the rainy-season period in August when the early maize crop matures. A
howler monkey represents Venus during the dryseason period in April when the fields are prepared
for planting. The central Mexican Fire God depicts
Venus at the onset of the dry season in November
when the harvest begins. If all the gods of the Morning Star rule the eighty-day period of the planet’s
rapid ascent, the last two deities can be linked with
the season associated with their central Mexican
counterparts. As Venus rose it hurled its atlatl dart
across the sky, killing the astronomical deity at the
opposite side of the sky. The victims at the bottom
of each page seem to represent astronomical bodies
in opposition to the Morning Star. The turtle probably represents stars in the region of Orion, and a
fish god may refer to stars in Sagittarius. God K
seems to symbolize Jupiter in retrograde. The Waterlily Jaguar may be a rainy-season aspect of the moon.
The enthroned regents may show astronomical gods
positioned at the intersection of the Milky Way and
the ecliptic depicted by a sky-band throne. Their association with the east derives from their link with
the emerging Morning Star.
There seems to be an unbroken chain of imagery
from the Classic period through today that makes
Venus part of a triad. Birth order makes him the
older brother of the Sun. GI, the elder brother in the
Palenque Triad, may be identified with Venus. Chac
seems closely related to GI. Other elements link Chac
and his Postclassic counterpart, God B, to Venus, including an association with sets of five and the number eight, embodying the Venus Almanac of eight
years. Chac in turn is linked with Tlaloc, associated
with rainfall and the cycle of maize. Tlaloc and Chac
also have a warlike aspect in Maya art. Venus is an
agent both of warfare and of agricultural fertility,
two apparently opposed associations that must be
understood in light of the changing nature of Venus.
The Dresden Codex shows that the Morning Star
THE INFERIOR PLANETS IN THE MAYA WORLDVIEW
had a warlike aspect, and Venus may have an especially warlike nature during the dry season, the epoch of warfare. However, even in the guise of Evening Star, Venus exercises some form of control over
maize agriculture. The basic template seems to be
217
the Venus Almanac, and with four phases and five
Venus cycles, the possible manifestations of Venus in
the almanac number twenty—a very Mesoamerican
number.
6
THE CELESTIAL WANDERERS
To the Chortı́, the planets are ‘‘stars that travel,’’ evoking a connection with the
‘‘wanderers,’’ a name that can be traced back to a Babylonian image of the planets
as sheep who had escaped from the fold, which presumably refers to the rest of the
stars (Aveni 1997 : 37). Like players on a stage performing in front of different sets,
the planets move through the changing background of stars in different sections of
the sky. Given that they are such dynamic actors, we should not be surprised to find
them as characters in folktales and visual imagery. Venus, the most brilliant planet,
clearly takes the leading part, but the superior planets also play roles in the celestial
drama.
Although contemporary tales preserve very little information on planets other
than Venus, there are a few that indicate that one of the superior planets plays the
role of younger brother of Venus and the Sun. Folktales provide a clue to the identity
of the youngest member of the Palenque Triad. As we will see, Jupiter is linked with
GII of the Triad, the counterpart of God K in the Postclassic codices. Study of the
codices indicates that Mars may be a deer monster. Monkeylike creatures in Classic
period Maya art may also represent planets. There are a number of celestial deities
that may prove to be linked with the superior planets, but at present they cannot be
identified with any certainty due, in part, to a lack of information about the superior
planets in the Colonial period sources.
This chapter begins with a discussion of Colonial period information on planets.
There follows an analysis of Precolumbian Maya images of Mars, including the wellknown Mars Beast. The chapter also explores the role of monkeys in imagery of the
planets. God K and his Classic period counterpart are featured in another section
that explores links with the planet Jupiter. The chapter closes with sections on Classic Maya calendar inscriptions related to Jupiter and a study of images that depict
groups of planetary gods.
COLONIAL PERIOD IMAGES OF THE SUPERIOR PLANETS
Colonial period dictionaries provide relatively little information on the planets.
Some names reflect European influence, such as the term planetob, combining a
European word with the Yucatec plural ending -ob (Coe 1975a :19). Others seem to
embody native constructs, such as lacam ek, meaning ‘‘big star’’ or ‘‘great star,’’
glossed as ‘‘banner star’’ and ‘‘somersault star’’ (Lamb 1981 : 242). The latter suggests
the retrograde motion of a planet that seems to ‘‘roll over’’ in the opposite direction
MARS AMONG THE PRECOLUMBIAN MAYA
before resuming forward motion. Another intriguing Yucatec reference is the ‘‘female crocodile star,’’
identified as Saturn (Lamb 1981 : 242). Another
term, chachac ek, refers to the seven planets of medieval times, derived from classical antiquity, representing the Sun, the Moon, and five planets visible
to the naked eye (Roys 1967 :150 n. 4).
The superior planets may appear as characters in
the Popol Vuh. Dennis Tedlock (1991) identifies two
falcon messengers as Jupiter and Saturn, but this interpretation is based on analysis of their roles rather
than on direct identifications made by the Quiché.
Tedlock (1985 : 336, 346) concludes that uoc (falcon)
may correspond to Jupiter. Laughing Falcon (uac),
who brings a message to the Hero Twins at one point
in the tale, may be Saturn. Tedlock notes that Mars
probably is represented by the two monkeys who
are the elder half brothers of the Hero Twins in the
Popol Vuh (Tedlock 1985 : 353; 1991 : 174). This tale
recounts that the future Sun and Moon were mistreated by their simian brothers, who gave them almost no food and even tried to kill the twins. The
Hero Twins convince the half brothers to climb a
tree to get down a bird, and there they turn them
into monkeys. As monkeys, they danced and did
acrobatics while Hunahpu and Xbalanque played a
tune called ‘‘Hunahpu Monkey.’’ Tedlock (1985 : 342)
believes that this episode is re-created in Momostenango in the Monkey Dance, in which two men
dressed as monkeys with stars on their bodies climb
a high pole and do acrobatics on a tightrope.
In sum, the Colonial period Maya sources provide
us very few hints about the planets. We only have the
most general information on the planets recorded in
the early dictionaries. It is possible that falcons and
monkeys may play the role of planets in the Popol
Vuh, but their identities cannot be confirmed until a
more thorough study of Precolumbian Maya imagery is undertaken.
MARS AMONG THE
PRECOLUMBIAN MAYA
Fortunately, the Postclassic codices help to identify at
least one of the superior planets. Our main source of
information on Mars imagery comes from represen-
219
tations in the Mars table in the Dresden Codex pages
43b – 45b (Fig. 6.1a). Robert Willson (1924 : 22 –25)
first recognized that the table deals with intervals of
780 days, approximating the mean synodic period of
the red planet, and that the almanac section refers to
a 78-day period that is very close to the average retrograde period (75 days) of the planet Mars. He notes
that the table begins with a Ring Number (17.12, or
352 days) that is close to the interval between the
planet’s conjunction with the Sun and its first stationary point, or between the second stationary point and
conjunction (352 1 76 1 352 5 780 days). His conclusions are now widely accepted (Aveni 1980 : 195 –
199; H. Bricker and V. Bricker 1997; Justeson 1989 :
110; Knorozov 1982 : 163). David Kelley (1983 : 178)
supports the association with Mars and points out
that a Mars table in the context of a Tzolkin almanac
is appropriate because over time the mean synodic
period of Mars shifts only slowly from a given
Tzolkin date, although the actual conjunctions of
Mars with the Sun can vary up to about plus or minus 30 days from the mean.
In his commentary to the Dresden Codex, Eric
Thompson (1972 : 22 –23, 107–109) attempts to refute Willson’s analysis of the table, arguing that the
780-day intervals refer to three complete Tzolkins
(3 3 260) and the content deals primarily with
weather. Because the table is not structured like the
Venus table, Thompson maintains that it cannot be
a planetary table. However, John Justeson (1989 :
98 –99) points out that the structure of the Venus
table is inappropriate for a Mars table, and because
the 780-day Mars cycle is inherently related to a
triple Tzolkin, the proper format is a divinatory almanac. Victoria and Harvey Bricker (1986b) explore
the relationship with Mars in great detail, suggesting additional patterns not noted by Willson. Bruce
Love (1995) questions their findings, but they have
mounted a spirited defense of their position that
deals effectively with many of the issues raised by
Love (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 1997). Justeson
(1989 : 98) supports the Brickers in linking the table
with Mars. He also agrees with their analysis of the
aberrant numbers in the multiplication table, although he differs in the details of how these multiples functioned in relation to heliacal rise dates. He
MARS AMONG THE PRECOLUMBIAN MAYA
221
proposes that the aberrant multiples refer not to the
synodic period but rather to multiples of 260 days
used to recapture approximate dates of heliacal rise
(1989 : 100). Those that the Brickers identify as multiples involving a 520-day addition (columns six and
eight, Fig. 6.1a) Justeson sees as multiples showing subtraction of 260 days. For example, instead of
16 3 780 1 520 on page 44b, Justeson sees 17 3 780
2 260. His model provides a more uniform method
of adjustment and seems preferable to the model offered by the Brickers.
The opening inscription is 3 Lamat, followed
by the Mars Beast glyph, then an inscription of
9.19.8.15.0, which Thompson (1972 : 107) interprets
as a Long Reckoning giving the interval from the beginning of the era on 13.0.0.0.0 4 Ahau 8 Cumku,
although only 4 Ahau is noted at the bottom of the
column. This calculation brings the base date of
the calendar to 9.19.7.15.8 3 Lamat, correlating with
March 24, 818, in the Gregorian calendar (3/20/818
O.S.). Although only the 3 Lamat date is actually
noted, scholars generally agree with Thompson that
this is the base date for the table.
The retrograde of Mars in the year a.d. 818 began
on 5/13/818, when the planet was positioned in the
Milky Way in Sagittarius fifty days after the proposed
3 Lamat base of the table. At the end of retrograde,
Mars was within one degree of its original position
on the base date (3/20/818). Indeed, the entire retrograde period (5/13/818 to 7/7/818) took place
while Mars was in Sagittarius. The Mars Beast in all
four pictures is suspended from a sky band, conforming to a pattern that links the sky band with
the place where the ecliptic crosses the Milky Way
(Chapter 7). This suggests that the base date correlates with a time when Mars crossed the Milky Way.
After the introductory column, there follows a series of Tzolkin dates that mark the day reached when
adding an interval given in the same column to the
day 3 Lamat found at the beginning of the table. Two
columns show errors in the intervals recorded, but
the Tzolkin dates are correct. All the multiples of
780 days correlate with 3 Lamat dates, including the
one that is 1 3 780 or 10 3 78; all other multiples
of 78 bear different Tzolkin dates. The multiples of
78 days are apparently to be used with the pictorial
almanac that incorporates an interval of 78 days, expressed horizontally with the numbers 19, 19, 19,
and 21. The almanac’s associated glyphic texts seem
to refer to weather events, suggesting the planet’s
retrograde motion was somehow connected with
weather changes. Thompson (1960 : 258) notes that
‘‘there are good grounds for believing that this beast
is a symbol of rain or, conceivably, of some planet or
constellation regarded as a sender of rain.’’
Harvey and Victoria Bricker (1997) point out that
the Mars almanac is unique in the sequence of intervals expressed, and it is the only one known to add
up to 78 days, a close approximation of the average
retrograde period of Mars. The almanac could be reused with the ten different Tzolkin dates that accompany the multiples of 78 days in the table to the left
FIG. 6.1. a: Postclassic Mars table with multiples of 780
days representing synodic period of Mars and 78-day
periods approximating retrograde of Mars; Mars Beasts
suspended from sky bands may refer to periods when
Mars was moving in retrograde motion while crossing
Milky Way (Dresden Codex pages 43b – 45b; modified after H. Bricker and V. Bricker 1998, fig. 1).
b: Postclassic Mars Beasts carrying torches and axes
amid rain during period approximating retrograde of
Mars (Madrid Codex 2a; after H. Bricker and V. Bricker
1998, fig. 4).
c: Postclassic Mars Beast, usually represented suspended from sky band, may depict Mars crossing Milky
Way (Dresden Codex 68a; after Villacorta and Villacorta
1977).
d: Deer on sky band can be compared to Postclassic
Mars Beast (Madrid Codex 47a; after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
e: Classic Zip Monster represented in sky bands, as on
Palenque Sarcophagus Lid, seems to be counterpart for
Postclassic Mars Beast.
f: Classic patron of month Zip evokes link with Postclassic Mars Beast represented by T794 (after Thompson
1960, fig. 22, nos. 11–13).
222
THE CELESTIAL WANDERERS
of the almanac. Justeson (1989 : 81) says that the almanac of 78 days is re-entered ten times for a total
of forty stations spanning 780 days. In this model,
the multiples of 78 could be coordinated with the 19and 21-day intervals in a variety of ways. He proposes that this layout is required in order to accommodate the 78-day almanac to the other stations
of the Mars cycle, especially heliacal rise and set,
and the two stationary points bracketing retrograde
motion.
In analyzing the almanac, Victoria and Harvey
Bricker (1986b : 59 – 60) suggest that it refers to specific Mars events in the ninth century, a position that
is considered controversial. They maintain that the
almanac begins with 3 Cimi (the last date before the
almanac begins), which falls 78 days after the 3 Lamat base. The 3 Cimi date fell within a historical
retrograde period in a.d. 818, but not at the beginning of retrograde motion. On the other hand, Justeson (1989 : 124 n. 28) says that 3 Cimi is simply the
lowest multiple of 78, and he finds the Brickers’ idea
that the pictures refer to a specific 78-day span unacceptable. In any case, given that the base date is
generally accepted to be in the ninth century, the
multiples of 780 could extend the table into the Postclassic period. The highest multiple (194 3 780 days
or around 414 years) carries the table forward from
a.d. 818 to a.d. 1232, only a few years after the date
proposed for the Dresden Codex Venus table.
The almanac probably focuses on events that had
the potential of recurring together again. Eclipse
glyphs above the third Mars Beast suggest that the
almanac represents a solar eclipse followed by a lunar eclipse, both occurring during the retrograde
motion of Mars. The historical retrograde in a.d.
818 coincided with a solar eclipse followed fifteen
days later by a lunar eclipse, an eclipse pair that occurred near the time of the second stationary point
of Mars (V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1986b : 55). This
may be the historical reference point setting a pattern that was to be significant in the future. Indeed,
Kelley (1980 :S18 –S19, table V) notes that every alternate repetition of the synodic period of Mars will
show a similar pattern of eclipses over a long period
of time. In my opinion, the Maya were also interested in times when Mars was crossing the Milky
Way during retrograde motion, perhaps because certain weather conditions were expected to occur then.
The Mars Beast is represented amid showers of rainfall in the Madrid Codex during a period that approximates the seventy-five-day mean retrograde period of Mars (Fig. 6.1b). Once again the beast is
suspended from a sky band, suggesting the retrograde period coincides with Mars crossing the Milky
Way. A similar configuration appears on Dresden
Codex 68a (Fig. 6.1c). It would seem that Mars
crossing the Milky Way may bring rainfall.
Mars crossing the Milky Way may also be linked
with Venus events in the Dresden Codex Venus
pages. On page 46, a sky band serves as a throne for
an aged god wearing a headdress that resembles the
Mars Beast (Fig. 5.3a). The Mars Beast glyph (T794)
names this deity in the first column of the lower section (T on line 21, Fig. 5.3f ). In light of the sky-band
association, it is noteworthy that this page correlates
with 1/19/1221, when the Morning Star rose with
Mars moving in retrograde motion at the edge of the
Milky Way. Mercury was also nearby in the Milky
Way, and perhaps this is why the sky band has an
owl head attached.
The first of the Mars Beasts on Dresden Codex
44b has a star eye that resembles central Mexican
star symbols, and all of the beasts have a distinctive
fret-nosed snout, like the Mars Beast glyph (T794)
named in each of the associated glyph columns (Fig.
6.1a). The cleft hooves have led to the beast being
variously identified as a deer, a tapir, or a peccary.
Thompson’s (1972 : 57) identification as a deer seems
to be correct. The Mars Beast has volutes emerging
from its head that could be stylized horns. On Dresden Codex 44b – 45b, the Mars Beast has the same
style of cleft hooves and stippled underbody seen on
the deer on Dresden Codex 45c (Fig. 5.9f ). Even the
Mars Beast on 68a, which seems to have a back and
tail like those of an iguana, has the same stippled
underbody (Fig. 6.1c). Like the Mars Beast, deer
are often colored white in the Dresden Codex (13c,
60b). And, in a similar fashion, deer can appear on
sky bands, as seen on Madrid Codex 40c and 47a
(Fig. 6.1d). The celestial deer suggests a connection
with an account in the Chilam Balam of Chumayel
describing the deer as ‘‘that which hooks the sky’’
MONKEY DEITIES AND THE PLANETS
(Roys 1967 : 127). This hooking action might refer to
the retrograde motion of the deer planet.
The Mars Beast glyph (T794) is a fret-nosed animal head resembling the patron of the month Zip
(Fig. 6.1f; Kelley 1980 : S30). Among the Yucatec
Maya of Chan Kom, there is a class of forest spirits
called ‘‘zip,’’ who are associated with deer hunting (Redfield and Villa Rojas 1962 : 117–118). The
month Zip was the principal festival of the hunters
in Landa’s time (Tozzer 1941 : 154 –156). The Mars
Beast is probably a deer monster related to the patron of the month Zip in Initial Series introductory
glyphs (Thompson 1960, fig. 22). The Zip Monster
is also represented in Classic period sky bands and
in glyphic inscriptions as T1021 (Fig. 6.1e).
The Mars Beast also appears in Classic Maya calendar inscriptions. At Palenque, the Temple of the Inscriptions west panel links Pacal II’s accession to Mars
(F9-H3; Lounsbury 1991 : 818 n. 7). Floyd Lounsbury
notes that the text refers to Mars (T1021a at G1) because Pacal’s accession on 9.9.2.4.8 5 Lamat 1 Mol (7/
24/615) was timed by the planet’s first stationary
point (8/4/615; Meeus n.d.). His accession also coincided with Jupiter’s conjunction with the Sun. Other
references to Mars appear in the Palenque texts, as in
the Temple of the Sun, where the Mars Beast is paired
with GIII (D5-D6) in texts referring to the birth of
the Sun in the distant past, on 1.18.5.3.6 13 Cimi 19
Ceh in 2697 b.c. The Mars event is part of mythological history, but it would be expected to repeat
on 13 Cimi because of the coincidence between one
synodic period of Mars and three Tzolkins.
The Mars Beast (T1021a at A10) is named on Lintel 2 of Temple IV at Tikal following a 6 Caban date
(Pl. 16). This date falls sixty-five days after the ‘‘starwar’’ (at B8) on 7 Ben 1 Pop (2/2/744), when Jupiter
departed from its second stationary point (Lounsbury 1989 : 255). Although Mars was not in retrograde motion on 6 Caban, it did pass by Jupiter during the sixty-five-day period. Linda Schele and
Nikolai Grube (1994, 1995) refer to the Mars Beast
as the ‘‘Square-nosed Beastie,’’ proposing that the
beast names the divine founder of Naranjo. As we
have seen, Venus appears as a founder of lineages at
a number of sites, and it is possible that Mars plays a
role in the lineage of Naranjo.
223
Justeson (1989 : 103, table 8.7) points out that the
Classic period Maya inscriptions place special importance on a 13-Tun period that equates exactly
with six synodic periods of Mars. Analysis of Classic
period inscriptions indicates that a high percentage
of dates with possible astronomical associations coincide with a time when Mars was visible in the sky,
and usually the planet was in a morning or evening
period of visibility (Aveni and Hotaling 1994). Further study is required to see whether the Mars Beast
is somehow connected with these dates.
In sum, the Mars table displays sets of 780 days
that were used to calculate multiples of the synodic
period of Mars, and it includes a companion almanac referring to the period of retrograde motion. The
78-day almanac may focus special attention on times
when Mars was crossing the Milky Way during retrograde motion. Such recurring cycles apparently
were linked with weather predictions. Multiples in
the table carry the cycle forward from the historical base date in the ninth century to the Early Postclassic period, contemporary with the Venus table.
The Postclassic Mars Beast is a deer monster closely
associated with the planet’s retrograde motion, but
not all images of the beast correspond to times when
the planet was in retrograde. The patron of the
month Zip associated with hunting seems to be the
Classic period counterpart for the Mars Beast, but
the details of the connection are poorly understood.
MONKEY DEITIES AND THE PLANETS
Monkeys, our almost-human brothers, seem to play
an important part in the astronomical tales of the
Maya (Chapter 1). Among the Lacandón, the spider
monkey represents the Sun (Bruce 1976 : 77). On
the other hand, the spider monkey is the younger
brother of the Sun and Venus and later becomes
the Evening Star, according to a Mopan account
(Thompson 1970b : 361). In another Mopan version
of this tale, the youngest brother is a spider monkey
(T’up) who becomes Mars or Jupiter (Thompson
1930 : 120 –123). This tale apparently represents a
different tradition from the one recounted in the Popol Vuh, which tells how the jealous elder brothers
of the Hero Twins were transformed into monkeys.
224
THE CELESTIAL WANDERERS
MONKEY DEITIES AND THE PLANETS
225
Dennis Tedlock (1985 : 353) proposes that the
Popol Vuh links Mars with the monkey brothers
represented by howler monkeys. He notes that
batz means ‘‘howler monkey’’ in Quiché, and Hun
Chouen is ‘‘one artisan,’’ but chouen means ‘‘howler
monkey’’ in archaic Yucatec. Michael Coe (1978a :
328) says that the monkey brothers are both named
1 Howler Monkey, and they are connected with the
arts, playing the same role as in central Mexico. On
the other hand, Thompson (1970b : 360) says that
their names refer to two different species of monkeys, with Hun Batz as a howler monkey (batz) and
Hun Chouen as a spider monkey. He relates Hun
Chouen to the Maya calendar day Chuen, the counterpart for Ozomatli in central Mexico, a calendar
name referring to a spider monkey (Codex Borgia
13). A magnificent Aztec sculpture in the Musée de
l’Homme in Paris depicts a spider monkey (Ozomatli?) wearing the shell ornaments of Quetzalcoatl
and Xolotl, indicating a connection with Venus.
The Postclassic God C was originally identified as
a simian deity by Paul Schellhas (1904), an identification reaffirmed by some contemporary scholars
(Fig. 6.2c; Kelley 1976; Ringle 1988). Although Karl
Taube (1992b : 27) says that God C does not closely
resemble any living creature, one attribute of the
god is a small curled nose most often seen on monkeys in Maya art (Fig. 6.2j). Several images of God C
are bearded, suggesting a representation of the male
howler monkey (Fig. 6.2c, e). An embossed gold and
copper disk recovered in the 1961 dredging of the
Cenote at Chichén Itzá shows a bearded God C
wearing rayed earrings like those worn by celestial
deities at Tulum (Dávalos Hurtado 1961 : 540). The
inscribed dates include a 4 Ahau date that seems to
refer to the Katun cycle. On Madrid Codex 50c,
God C is seated on a series of Ahau thrones that represent dates marking a sequence of Katun endings
alternating with Lahuntun endings (Fig. 6.2c).
God C appears in contexts that suggest he is an
astronomical deity. God C’s face is one of the symbols found on sky bands in Postclassic images (Fig.
6.2a). On Madrid Codex 11c, God C sits on a skyband throne, indicating a clear astronomical connection (Fig. 6.2e). Madrid Codex 53c shows him
walking on a road carrying a merchant pack, perhaps
indicating he is traveling in a specific section of the
sky associated with a sacred road. On Madrid Codex
18a, God B emerges from God C’s open jaws, an intriguing image that could show celestial conjunction
(Fig. 6.2d). Kelley (1976, fig. 35) notes that on Dresden Codex 68b, God C’s glyph marks Chac’s position
in the tenth heaven. David Kelley and Ann Kerr
(1973 : 201) rather tentatively identified God C with
Saturn, although this identification is not repeated in
a more recent publication (Kelley 1980).
God C’s glyphic name has an affix often referred
to as the water group, but it may actually represent
blood (Fig. 6.2b; Taube 1992b : 30 –31). Based on
phonetic readings, God C’s glyph (T1016) is inter-
FIG. 6.2. a: God C’s face on Late Postclassic sky band (Ma-
sky band (Dresden Codex 68a; after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
g: Classic glyph G1 of ‘‘nine lords of night’’ incorporates God C’s face and number nine (after Aveni 1980,
fig. 58).
h: Early Classic God C glyph with sky glyph (T561) on
brow (Tikal Stela 31; after Taube 1992b, fig. 11c).
i: Simian glyph with star infix and mirror representing
monkey star or planet (after Kelley and Kerr 1973 : 198).
j: Classic spider-monkey face similar to that of God C
(after Robicsek and Hales 1981, vessel 48).
k–l: Classic monkey gods wear ‘‘rolled-napkin’’ headdresses like aged God N; one monkey paints codex, another (male howler monkey?) holds up mirror as he
dances (after Miller and Taube 1993 : 135, 138).
drid Codex 35; after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
b: Postclassic God C’s glyphic name (T1016) with affix
that may represent blood (after Taube 1992b, fig. 10a).
c: Postclassic God C seated on 10 Ahau throne holding
maize symbol (T506) (Madrid Codex 50c; after Taube
1992b, fig. 10c).
d: Postclassic God B emerges from God C’s open jaws,
possibly referring to celestial conjunction (Madrid Codex
18a; after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
e: Postclassic God C shown in sea, on Cauac place sign,
and on sky band over path marked with footprints (Madrid Codex 11c; after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
f: Postclassic God C offers maize symbol (T506 or Kan)
amid rain falling from eclipse glyphs suspended from
226
THE CELESTIAL WANDERERS
preted as the word ku or ch’u, implying that his name
signifies something divine or holy (Houston and
Stuart 1996; Ringle 1988). Because of this glyphic
reading, Taube (1992b : 31) maintains that God C is
actually not a deity, but rather an embodiment of
godliness. Nonetheless, his conclusion can be questioned, because God C is represented sitting on a sky
band and moving through geographical locations,
like other astronomical gods. He even offers a Kan
symbol symbolizing maize, an action repeated by
other astronomical gods (Fig. 6.2f ).
Classic period images also suggest God C’s astronomical connection. God C appears in Glyph X of
the Lunar Series (Fig. 4.1k). On the eaves of House
C at Palenque, the simian God C and God K are
named in an important passage that seems to refer
to four planets, according to Schele (1992b : 185).
Glyph G1 of the Nine Lords of the Night depicts
God C’s face in a hand with the number nine as an
affix (Fig. 6.2g). Taube (1992b, fig. 11c) notes that
God C’s glyph has a sky-glyph infix on Tikal Stela 31
(Fig. 6.2h). A God C glyph compound accompanies
signs referring to the Sun, the Moon, and Venus in
directional imagery of Rı́o Azul Tomb 12 (Fig. 3.2b).
Kelley and Kerr (1973 : 198) link a simian face with a
star-glyph infix to God C (Fig. 6.2i). Although this
glyph differs from God C in some significant details,
it certainly refers to a monkey star or planet.
The Temple of the Foliated Cross at Palenque depicts a maize plant crowned by a bearded monkey
with a mirror brow, an image interpreted as God C
in the role of the monkey sun or the Sun God himself (Pl. 11; Coggins 1988a :139; Robertson 1991 : 51;
Schele 1976). The face has rectangular eyes with
crossed pupils and a T-shaped tooth, like the Sun
God, but this tooth form is also seen on Classic period images of God C (Taube 1992b, fig. 11b). The
figure has a simian nose and a ruff of fur like a spider
monkey, but its beard evokes a link with howler
monkeys. A similar face with a ‘‘monkey-curl’’ nose,
located at the base of the tree on Pacal’s Sarcophagus
Lid, has been identified as the God C aspect of the
Sun God with a mirror brow (Pl. 10; Stuart 1988 :
201). The mirror brows on these two Late Classic
Palenque images seem to be related to the sky glyph
on the brow of an Early Classic representation of
God C, for both are characterized by a vertical band
inset with beaded elements (Fig. 6.2h). In my opinion, these simian creatures are not the Sun God, but
they may be a planet representing a ‘‘false sun’’ that
appears at sunset, the time when the monkey’s sun
shines, according to contemporary Maya accounts.
On the central panel in the Temple of the Sun at
Palenque, a basal band depicts Caban (earth) symbols alternating with a jawless simian face with a
mirror brow, crossed eyes, and a monkey-curl nose
(Fig. 3.6b). The earth band seems to represent the
horizon, and the simian face may represent a planet
associated with the horizon and sunrise or sunset.
As noted in Chapter 3, Kin variants represent
monkeys of different species. These may refer to a
count of days begun at dawn or at dusk, with howler
monkeys used for counts beginning at dawn and spider monkeys for those beginning at dusk.
A Classic period vase painting shows a simian face
alternating with the Kin glyph in a sky band. Although John Carlson (1988 : 288, fig. 9.11) interprets
the simian face as the sun, the fact that the face alternates with a Kin glyph suggests that it is something
other than the sun.
A dusk configuration is suggested by a goggleeyed spider monkey with an Akbal infix, representing the time or place of sunset on the Pomona Flare
(Fig. 3.2c; Hammond 1987 : 22). Clearly, the creature
is something other than the sun. This monkey may
be a planet representing a sort of false sun. Perhaps
the planet takes the place of the sun after sunset.
One of the Tikal bones (MT38a) from Burial 116
depicts the spider monkey as a passenger in a canoe
conveyed by the Paddler Twins, who represent the
sun and the moon (Fig. 4.3a). If they are guiding the
canoe through waters that lead to the underworld, a
sunset configuration is suggested.
Whereas spider monkeys can be linked with sunset
imagery, a howler monkey clearly is associated with
dawn in the Dresden Codex Venus pages (Fig. 5.3c;
Chapter 5). This connection with dawn may come
from the fact that the howler’s cries announce the rising sun, just as the Morning Star precedes sunrise.
The Dresden Codex howler has the same deerlike
ear seen on some Classic period monkey artists
(Coe 1978a : 345). Other monkey artists wear ‘‘rolled-
GOD K IN THE COLONIAL AND POSTCLASSIC PERIODS
napkin’’ style headdresses, like the aged God N
(Fig. 6.2k; Reents-Budet 1994 :41– 46, figs. 2.5, 2.15,
2.22a–b). The characteristic beard of a male howler
monkey is evident on a number of these monkeys, including a dancing monkey looking at his reflection in
a mirror (Fig. 6.2l). Classic period howler-monkey
artists sometimes appear in pairs (Figs. 3.9e, 6.2k).
These allude to a connection with two brothers transformed into howler monkeys in the Popol Vuh.
The monkey artists belong to a larger complex of
artist gods named in texts as its’at, meaning ‘‘artist,
sage, man of letters,’’ an epithet also used to name
God D and the Paddlers (Reents-Budet 1994 : 49).
The role of the astronomer who studies and records
the motions of the heavens certainly was linked
with the sage and ‘‘man of letters.’’ Indeed, the
planetary gods may reveal the key to understanding
planetary cycles recorded in the codices.
We can conclude that there was probably more
than one monkey planet in Maya cosmology. The
howler-monkey aspect of the Morning Star is well
known. Tedlock suggests that the howler monkey in
the Popol Vuh plays the role of Mars. The spider
monkey may also be linked with a planet, perhaps
one observed at sunset. God C is a simian character
whose astronomical nature is not yet understood.
Clearly more research is required to sort out the
monkey planets.
GOD K IN THE COLONIAL
AND POSTCLASSIC PERIODS
God K can be identified as the sky god called Bolon
Dzacab in Colonial period sources. This identification, first proposed by Eduard Seler (1960 –1961, 1 :
376 – 477) at the turn of the century, is now widely
accepted (Taube 1992b : 73). Thompson (1970 : 281)
notes that a passage from the Chilam Balam of
Chumayel describes Bolon Dzacab taking the seeds
of edible plants to the thirteenth layer of heaven at
the time of the great flood. The Motul dictionary
glosses Bolon Dzacab as ‘‘perpetual thing,’’ meaning
‘‘eternal’’; however, Thompson (1972 : 90) translates
God K’s name as ‘‘nine generations.’’ Thompson
(1970b : 227, 280) proposes that this name may have
something to do with the nine lords of the under-
227
world who ruled over a repeating sequence of nine
nights. When combined with other calendar cycles,
the nine lords may refer to a long interval of time,
such as those used in astronomical calculations involving the planets.
Landa described Bolon Zacab (Bolon Dzacab) as
a god worshiped at New Year ceremonies performed
annually in the month of July. His counterpart,
God K, is involved in some way with the new year.
God K may be linked with the year as a representative of Jupiter because the planet is visible in the sky
for about one year (mean interval 367 days) during
each synodic period.
God K is prominent in ceremonies associated
with years named Ben and Etz’nab in the Dresden
Codex New Year ceremonies. God K is linked with a
column of Ben glyphs marking the year-bearer associated with the eastern direction on Dresden Codex 25b (Fig. 6.3f; Thompson 1972 : 90 –93). His position in the middle register shows that he presides
over ceremonies to avert calamity on the first day of
Pop, the month beginning the year (Chapter 3). Associated glyphs say that cacao is God K’s food. Cacao,
the chocolate bean, was the principal currency for
Mesoamerica, hence God K is a deity associated with
great wealth. This is probably why God K is surrounded by cacao pods on a capstone from Chichén
Itzá dating to the Terminal Classic period (Fig. 6.3g).
On page 26c of the Dresden Codex, in the years
named Etz’nab, God K offers a beheaded turkey and
drops of liquid that are probably turkey blood (Fig.
6.3c). An associated inscription with the number
nine recalls God K’s association with bolon, meaning
‘‘nine.’’ God K’s position in the lower register indicates that he presides over renewal ceremonies performed during the month of Pop (Chapter 3).
God K’s celestial nature is evident in many Maya
images. Taube (1992b : 69) notes that a winged God
K is found in a number of contexts that suggest an
association with the sky. A Postclassic mural painting
at Tulum, dating after a.d. 1400, depicts a sky band
with a winged God K (Fig. 6.3b). A similar association is seen in a winged God K with a sky band arching overhead on a painted capstone from the Temple
of the Owls at Chichén Itzá (Fig. 6.3g).
Looking at the alphabetical list of gods, originally
GOD K IN THE COLONIAL AND POSTCLASSIC PERIODS
229
developed by Paul Schellhas (1904) and recently revised by Taube (1992b), suggests that God K is
named as one of nineteen or twenty different deities
in the Postclassic codices. The Dresden Codex Venus
pages also list twenty gods, among which we find the
Sun, the Moon, and God K (Kelley 1976, fig. 28).
This number evokes the twenty day patrons in the
Precolumbian codices of central Mexico, which include gods of the Sun and the Moon as well as Tezcatlipoca, who most likely is a counterpart of God K
(Codex Borgia 9 –13).
In Postclassic images, God K is characterized by a
long snout with branching elements, sometimes inset with a mirror, as on Dresden Codex page 12a
(Fig. 6.3e). God K’s portrait head glyph also has an
elongated snout with a smoking mirror (Fig. 6.3d).
The mirror itself may be an astronomical image, for
mirrors are prominent in expressions referring to
Venus positions in the Dresden Codex Venus pages
(46 –50).
Page 46 of the Dresden Codex Venus table shows
God K as a victim of the Morning Star god at heliacal
rise (Fig. 5.3a; Thompson 1972 : 66 – 67). Study of
the Venus pages indicates that Venus spearing a victim symbolizes opposition rather than conjunction
(Chapter 5; Milbrath 1995c). For this reason, the
Venus god kills his victims with an atlatl—a longdistance projectile weapon. On 1/19/1221 (5 Kan
7 Xul), the date recording the heliacal rise on page
46, Jupiter and the emerging Morning Star were at
the opposite sides of the sky. This date also coincides
with the retrograde period of Jupiter. As we will
FIG. 6.3. a: Late Postclassic God K bound like prisoner
(murals of Mound 1, Santa Rita, Belize; after Taube
1992b, fig. 32f ).
b: God K’s celestial aspect as winged deity on sky band
(Late Postclassic mural from Tulum; after Taube 1992b,
fig. 34c).
c: Etz’nab new year with God K offering beheaded turkey and drops of blood (Dresden Codex 26c; after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
d: God K’s Postclassic portrait head glyph with elongated snout bearing smoking mirror (Paris Codex 24; Madrid Codex 77; after Taube 1992b, fig. 32a–b).
e: Postclassic God K has long snout with branching elements, sometimes inset with mirror, as on Dresden Codex
page 12a (after Taube 1992b, fig. 32e).
f: Ben new year with God K in temple of east (Dresden
Codex 25b; after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
g: Winged God K in jaws of coiled serpent with sky
band arching overhead on painted capstone (Terminal
Classic Temple of Owls, Structure 5C7, Chichén Itzá; after
Tozzer 1957, fig. 384).
h: Terminal Classic relief of God K has both serpent
leg and smoking mirror of central Mexican Tezcatlipoca
(Structure 4B1, Sayil; after Taube 1992b, fig. 34a).
i–l: Classic images of God K’s forehead mirror with
burning torch (left); smoking cigars and symbols for fire
(T563) emanating smoke (center); God K’s forehead mirror with smoking axe (right) (after Schele and Miller
1983, figs. 3k–n).
m: Classic glyph for God K representing smoking mirror (after Schele and Miller 1983, fig. 3i).
n: Palenque Triad god known as GII, shown as full figure in reclining posture, representing counterpart of God
K (Temple of Foliated Cross at D2; after Robertson 1991,
fig. 153).
o: God K in open jaws of Cosmic Monster arching over
ruler’s head (detail of Tikal Lintel 3, Temple IV; after Jones
1977, fig. 11).
p: Pacal’s apotheosis as God K took place when Jupiter
reached its first stationary point in a.d. 683 (detail of Sarcophagus Lid, Temple of Inscriptions at Palenque; after
Robertson 1985a, fig. 73).
q: Late Classic God K with smoking axe or mirror emanating from mirror on brow (Pier C, House A at Palenque; after Robertson 1985b, fig. 38).
r: Mirror-browed God K wearing T510f star on torso
(West Court of Palace, Palenque; after Robertson 1985b,
fig. 358).
s: Mirror-browed God K wearing T510b star on altar
(South Palace Substructure, Palenque; after Robertson
1985b, fig. 409a).
t: God K’s head emerges from jaws of double-headed
serpent flanking portrait of ruler (North Palace Substructure, Palenque; after Robertson 1985b, fig. 339b).
u: Early Classic God K with smoking celt emanating
from Akbal mirror brow; note simian quality evident in
paw-hands and monkey-curl nose (Tikal Stela 31; after
A. Miller 1986, pl. 19).
230
THE CELESTIAL WANDERERS
see, Classic period monuments representing God K
bear dates that correlate with Jupiter’s position in
retrograde.
In Late Postclassic murals of Mound 1 at Santa Rita
in Belize, God K is bound like a prisoner or a victim
destined for sacrifice, a role similar to that of God K in
the Venus pages (Fig. 6.3a). The murals display Maya
dates in a sequence that links God K with 1 Ahau
(Thompson 1960 : 198). This is especially interesting
in light of a pattern linking Jupiter events to Classic
period Katuns ending in 1 Ahau (Thompson 1960 :
228). Owing to the structure of the Katun cycle, each
of the 13 Katuns is associated with a different Ahau
date. The whole Katun series represents approximately 256.25 years (13 3 20 3 360 days).
God K plays a prominent role in Katun ceremonies in the Paris Codex (2 –12). His head, presented
to different Katun lords seated on sky-band thrones,
is the insignia of the Lord of the Katun (Love 1994 :
17). Carrying God K’s head to the new ruler in the
Katun ceremonies may allude to a change in political
or religious authority, recalling Classic period accession scenes and dynastic rites involving the presentation of God K (Hellmuth 1987 : 372, fig. 662 – 664;
Taube 1987).
Each Katun lord ruled a period of 19.71 years
(20 3 360 days), very close to the interval between
successive Jupiter-Saturn conjunctions. The conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn approximately every
20 years cannot be expected to align with a specific
date in the Katun cycle over long periods of time, but
those instances when there was a conjunction at a
Katun ending certainly would have been notable because the event would repeat at the next Katun end.
In the conjunctions between Jupiter and Saturn, Jupiter is the dynamic actor in the scenario, running
laps around the slower-moving Saturn. The God K
head carried to the enthroned Katun lord in the Paris
Codex may symbolize Jupiter transported across the
sky to a new encounter with Saturn. The interval of
the Katun approximates the period between successive conjunctions of Jupiter and Saturn; and every
three Katuns (approximately every 59 years) the conjunction event would be expected to occur in the
same part of the sky (Kelley 1985 : 238).
Many scholars conclude that God K is related to
the Postclassic Mexican god Tezcatlipoca of central
Mexico, who also wears a smoking mirror and is
closely associated with images of rulers. Tezcatlipoca
is a god with so many astronomical aspects and associations that he may be the lord of the sky in some
sense. One of Tezcatlipoca’s aspects is the lunar jaguar known as Tepeyollotl (Milbrath 1995a). Henry
Nicholson (1971 : 412, 426) points out that Tezcatlipoca is also fused with the lunar god Metztli. Among
his multiple aspects, we also find one linked with Venus as Mixcoatl and another with the solar god Huitzilopochtli. Nicholson notes that one early account
refers to him as ‘‘another Jupiter.’’ Others say he was
transformed into Ursa Major at the end of the first
world age. Among Tezcatlipoca’s many guises, the
black Tezcatlipoca seems to be closest to God K. The
black Tezcatlipoca, linked with the southern direction, is the victim of the Morning Star on Codex
Borgia 54 (Seler 1963, 2 : 121). And it seems significant that the Venus pages of the Dresden Codex
name God K as a victim of the Morning Star, also
associating him with the southern direction (Kelly
1976, fig. 28).
Tezcatlipoca and God K both share an association
with mirrors and serpents. Tezcatlipoca has a smoking mirror on his head and a serpent foot in a Colonial period Aztec codex known as the Codex Rı́os
(Codex Vaticanus A, folios 3v, 44v). Although a serpent foot is not common in Late Postclassic images of
God K, he apparently retains an ophidian aspect in
the Madrid Codex (31b). At Chichén Itzá, Terminal
Classic and Early Postclassic reliefs depict gods with
severed legs or one leg terminating in a serpent that
seems to be related to both Tezcatlipoca and God K
(Morris et al. 1931, 2, pl. 31; Robertson and Andrews
1992, fig. 21; Tozzer 1957, fig. 138). A Terminal Classic relief of God K at Sayil has both the serpent leg
and the smoking mirror of Tezcatlipoca (Fig. 6.3h).
These traits seem to appear earlier in the Maya area
than in central Mexico, indicating that some aspects
of the cult first developed among the Maya.
Taube (1992b : 73, 78) points to links between
God K and God B, the Postclassic Chac, suggesting
that the two share traits and even substitute for one
another. Jeff Kowalski (1990 : 63) notes that God K
may also be a rain and storm deity like Chac, and
THE CLASSIC PERIOD GOD K AND GII
he recognizes possible representations of God K in
corner masks of the Great Pyramid at Uxmal dating to the Late Classic period. Perhaps Tlaloc is also
involved in the equation, for a rare image from Copán shows Tlaloc with a smoking-mirror headdress
(Taube 1992b, fig. 72a). Nevertheless, such conflation of deity traits does not mean direct equation.
God K and Chac/ Tlaloc may share general traits as
planetary gods, but they may be conflated in specific
contexts to indicate they are planets seen together in
conjunction.
We can conclude that Colonial and Postclassic
data suggest a possible relationship between God K
and Jupiter. In the Postclassic Katun cycle, God K
may represent Jupiter moving around the sky to
meet Saturn at intervals of approximately twenty
years, the length of one Katun. God K’s role in the
New Year ceremonies of the annual cycle may relate
to Jupiter’s year-long period of visibility each synodic period. God K seems to be the counterpart of
the black Tezcatlipoca, a central Mexican god who is
similarly associated with a smoking mirror and serpent traits.
THE CLASSIC PERIOD GOD K AND GII
There is clear continuity tracing the imagery of God
K back through time, but there are stylistic modifications, the most notable of which is that the smoking mirror changes position between the Postclassic
and Classic periods (Fig. 6.3h–u). In the Classic period, God K carries a mirror on his brow rather than
on his snout. Sometimes a smoking torch emanates
from the mirror, its smoke resembling cigar smoke or
the smoke from fires (Fig. 6.3h–k). In other images,
a smoking celt bearing markings similar to the sky
glyph emanates from God K’s mirror (Fig. 6.3q–r).
God K’s nocturnal nature is evident in images from
the Palenque Palace that show the mirror-browed
God K wearing a star (Fig. 6.3r, s). One of the earliest known images of God K has a smoking sky celt
emerging from a nocturnal mirror with Akbal markings (Fig. 6.3u). Here on Tikal Stela 31, God K may
have simian traits, with monkey paws and a monkeycurl nose over an elongated upper lip.
God K’s Classic period glyph is the head of God K
231
with a mirrored brow, or sometimes a smoking mirror by itself can name God K (Fig. 6.3m; Taube 1992b,
fig. 32c). A number of glyphs show God K’s name
associated with the number nine, providing a link
with the Colonial period Bolon Dzacab (Thompson
1970b, fig. 7). Schele (1984 : 304) first recognized that
‘‘God K’s mirror-in-hand’’ (T1030d : 670) is a glyph
compound usually denoting the presentation of God
K at the time of an heir designation at Palenque. This
is just one of many Classic Maya contexts that indicate God K was important as a god of lineage and
rulership.
Thompson (1970b : 226, 289) emphasizes God K’s
association with vegetation, and he proposes that the
Colonial period God K was known as Kauil, meaning ‘‘surplus of our daily bread [maize].’’ David Stuart’s (1987 : 15) phonetic reading of God K’s name as
k’awil (kauil) provides support for linking God K
with maize (Taube 1992b : 78). Copán Stela 11 depicts the ruler Yax Pac in the guise of God K with
maize foliation on his brow, suggesting an aspect of
God K that may be linked with k’awil (Fash 1991,
fig. 108). Nonetheless, more recent interpretations of
k’awil suggest that the term refers to stone sculptures, flint, and stone axeheads associated with lightning (Freidel et al. 1994 : 194 –200). K’awil’s name is
also linked with serpents. Schele (1992b :120) notes
that on Copán Stela 11, an 819-day passage refers to
the serpent foot as God K’s way, or alter ego.
Although K’awil is now more commonly used in
translating God K’s name, it should be noted that his
name has also been read as Tahil, based on linguistic
connections with the word for obsidian (tah or toh),
suggesting a connection with Tohil, the Quiché god
of lightning and storms (Taube 1992b : 75 –76; Tedlock 1985 : 365). Tohil was lord of a Quiché lineage
at the time of the conquest. Indeed, God K is similarly connected with lineage and lightning. As Taube
points out, God K’s headdress elements—mirrors,
fire, burning axes, torches, and cigars—all may allude to lightning. In my opinion, God K is a planet
linked with meteorological phenomena, especially
storms and lightning.
God K appears as GII of the Palenque Triad
in mythological texts recording the birth of three
brothers. The Cross Group records GII’s birth date
232
THE CELESTIAL WANDERERS
as 1.18.5.4.0 1 Ahau 13 Mac (2697 b.c.). GII glyphs
are like those naming God K, but they show the full
figure in a reclining posture (Fig. 6.3n). Heinrich
Berlin (1963 : 93) named this god GII because he is
the second one listed in texts that name all three
brothers of the Triad; however, his mythic birthday
makes him the youngest of the brothers in the Triad
(Schele 1976 : 10). In a modern Mopan tale, Mars or
Jupiter takes the role of the youngest brother, T’up,
transformed into a spider monkey (Chapter 1).
Dennis Tedlock (1992 : 250 –258, 266 –267) proposes that Mars is closely linked with GII in the Triad
and Hun Hunahpu in the Popol Vuh. He reconstructs Hun Hunahpu’s birthday as 8.5.0 before the
current Maya epoch, concluding that this god shares
GII’s 1 Ahau birthday, a date he associates with the
heliacal rise of Mars, although he provides no convincing evidence of this association. Tedlock notes
that the birth dates of both gods give intervals that
are evenly divisible by 780, the mean synodic period
of Mars. He also finds a link between Vucub Hunahpu and Jupiter, but here his evidence for that
connection is even more tenuous. Furthermore, it
should be pointed out that these interpretations contradict his earlier identification of a falcon character
as Jupiter and the monkey brothers as Mars (Tedlock
1985). As will be seen, the pattern of Classic period
dates provides strong evidence linking GII /God K
with Jupiter. Furthermore, God K is specifically
named in a cycle known to refer to Jupiter.
God K is featured prominently in an 819-day cycle
associated with a high incidence of Jupiter and Saturn events in the Classic period inscriptions (Justeson 1989 : 103). The 819-day phrases often name
God K in the fifth position (Kelley 1976 : 57–58,
fig. 17). A companion glyph (T739) in the fourth position is also used as Glyph Y of the Supplementary
Series, where it is governed by a 7-day cycle that may
be a ‘‘planetary week’’ (Yasugi and Saito 1991).
There is a clear link between God K and rulership.
It is interesting to note that a number of Maya rulers
incorporate God K in their personal names or titles.
God K is seen in the headdress of Stormy Sky (K’awil
Chaan) on Tikal Stela 31, a fifth-century monument
that records his accession to the throne (Figs. 3.7b,
6.3u; A. Miller 1986 : 54, 82). Here God K’s torso ap-
pears on a sky glyph as Stormy Sky’s personal name
worn as a costume accessory (Coggins 1990 : 84).
On Maya lintels and stelae, God K frequently appears in the jaws of a double-headed serpent that
Maya rulers used as a royal insignia (Cohodas 1982 :
113; Stuart 1984 : 19). On architectural reliefs from
Palenque, God K’s head emerges from the jaws of
a double-headed serpent flanking the portrait of a
ruler (Fig. 6.3t). Whereas God K’s serpent foot often
seems to represent a naturalistic snake, the doubleheaded serpent with an upturned bulbous nose
seems to be linked with the front head of the Cosmic
Monster discussed in Chapter 7.
Ceramic vessels depict God K with other astronomical deities. God K appears with the Moon Goddess in scenes featuring a large snake (Fig. 4.10h).
Typically, God N emerges from the serpent’s mouth,
the serpent’s body wraps around the Moon Goddess, and the tail carries God K. Occasionally the
snake is represented as an extension of God K’s leg,
like God K’s serpent foot on the lintel from Sayil
(Fig. 6.3h). A number of relief-carved pottery vessels
show God K in a specific relationship with God L,
a god of the Morning Star in the Dresden Codex
(Chapter 5). God L wears God K on his cape on
some relief vessels (Robicsek 1978 : 173, figs. 188 –
189). Another vessel depicts God L offering the head
of God K (Coe 1973 : 116, no. 56). Small bottles represent God K seated facing God L with an offering
between them (Robicsek 1978, fig. 210, pl. 238).
God K has multiple aspects most clearly seen in
ceramic representations. A painted pot depicts two
aspects of God K, one with the smoking-mirror
headdress, the other with a flower positioned on his
brow (Coe 1982 : 47, no. 19). Another pot shows a
figure holding a glyph compound referring to Bolon
Dzacab and another figure holding a head of God K
with a smoking mirror (Coe 1982 : 118, no. 62).
God K is even shown as quadripartite in some representations (Coe 1982 : 54).
We can conclude that the Classic period representations of God K connect him with lineage, rulership, lightning, and thunder. His imagery often
involves celestial associations, including sky monsters, sky glyphs, and stars. His mirror may also be a
celestial symbol. He appears in scenes with the
JUPITER EVENTS AND GOD K
Moon Goddess and the Morning Star, images that
may show celestial conjunction. He also is part of the
819-day inscriptions that seem to relate to Jupiter
and Saturn events, pointing to a likely association
with one of these two planets. As we will see, there is
a consistent association between God K and Jupiter
events in the Classic period inscriptions.
JUPITER EVENTS AND GOD K
ON CLASSIC MAYA MONUMENTS
Late Classic monuments with God K images often
bear dates that coincide with Jupiter’s retrograde
motion. When Jupiter is not in a significant position,
a Saturn event may be substituted. Often the dates
are associated with dynastic rituals or rituals relating to Katun events. As noted above, the Katun cycle
itself reflects the pattern of intervals between successive conjunctions of Jupiter and Saturn.
At Naj Tunich, a God K portrait glyph appears
with the date 13 Ahau, referring to the Katun ending 9.17.0.0.0 13 Ahau 18 Cumku (1/18/771; Stone
1995b : 142, fig. 6.27). This is especially intriguing
because God K’s head is represented in the Katunending ceremonies of the Postclassic. The 13 Ahau
date falls less than three weeks after the first stationary point of Jupiter (1/1/771; Meeus n.d.). Saturn
was also in retrograde motion then. As we will see,
such correlations led the Maya to focus on observations of these two planets at the Katun end for hundreds of years.
By studying a pattern of dates in the life of Chan
Bahlum II, Lounsbury (1989, table 19.1) correlates
Palenque monuments with Jupiter’s retrograde, although he does not identify specific imagery that refers to Jupiter. At six years of age, the young ruler
was designated as heir to the throne on 9 Akbal 6 Xul
(9.10.8.9.3; 6/12/641), a date that correlates with Jupiter’s departure from its second stationary point
and Saturn’s approach to its first stationary point
(Lounsbury 1989, table 19.1; Meeus n.d.). Some
thirty years later, the ruler began his reign under the
patronage of Jupiter. At the time of Chan Bahlum’s
accession on 8 Oc 3 Kayab (1/5/684), Jupiter had just
passed its second stationary point and was crossing
the meridian at dusk (second stationary point on 12/
233
23/683; Meeus n.d.). Both his heir designation and
accession were timed by Jupiter’s departure from the
second stationary point (Lounsbury 1989).
The small figure on the central panels of temples
in the Cross Group, previously interpreted as Pacal
(Schele 1976 : 13 –14), is now recognized as Chan
Bahlum at six or seven years of age when he was
designated heir to the throne (Robertson 1991 : 20).
The date of the heir-designation event is positioned
near the young Chan Bahlum, whereas the accession
event is linked with the taller figure representing
Chan Bahlum as an adult. All three temples show different aspects of God K, indicating there may be at
least three manifestations of God K at Palenque. In
the Temple of the Sun, Chan Bahlum holds a God K
manikin with a smoking brow at the time of his accession (Fig. 3.6b). The Temple of the Cross depicts the
young Chan Bahlum standing on a skeletal head with
an elongated snout and the number nine (bolon), alluding to the Bolon Dzacab aspect of God K (Pl. 12;
compare Thompson 1970b, figs. 9p–q). This image
is captioned by the heir-designation event above the
smaller figure of Chan Bahlum. The Temple of the
Foliated Cross depicts God K emerging from a spiral
shell with a maize plant in hand (Pl. 11; Dütting
1984 : 23; Robicsek 1979 : 115; Stuart 1978 : 167). The
young Chan Bahlum stands on God K’s shell, indicating a direct link with the maize aspect of God K.
Temple XIV at Palenque shows that after his
death, Chan Bahlum continued his relationship with
God K and the planet Jupiter (Pl. 13). The text opens
on the left with a 9 Ik 10 Mol date, followed by a
statement that God K was displayed under the auspices of the Moon Goddess; then the date is repeated
on the right after an interval of almost 100,000 years
(Schele and Miller 1986 : 272, fig. VII.2). The display
of God K is mentioned again, followed by a reference to 9 Ahau 3 Kankin (9.13.13.15.0; 10/31/705),
a date that falls about three years and nine months
after the death date (3 3 365 days 1 260 days).
Lounsbury (1989 : 250, fig. 19.5) links this posthumous date with Jupiter’s departure from its second
stationary point (second stationary point on 10/21/
705; Meeus n.d.). Saturn was in retrograde, and the
Moon passed Jupiter a few hours before dusk. The
lunar event is especially significant because Chan
234
THE CELESTIAL WANDERERS
Bahlum’s deceased mother is compared to the Moon
Goddess in the texts. Apparently Lady Ahpo Hel
takes the role of the Moon on the panel, for she
holds the God K manikin, just as the Moon holds
Jupiter in conjunction.
The most important image of apotheosis involving Jupiter is seen on the Sarcophagus Lid of the
Temple of the Inscriptions at Palenque, a pyramid
that houses the tomb of Chan Bahlum’s father, Pacal
(Fig. 6.3p; Pl. 10). God K and the Jester God emerge
from either end of a bicephalic serpent bar, and Pacal appears in the guise of God K at the base of a
cosmic tree (Schele 1976 : 17; Robertson 1991 : 18).
This scene has an astronomical context, for Pacal is
surrounded by a sky band. On the edge of the lid,
his death or some other event related to his death is
recorded on the Calendar Round 6 Etz’nab 11 Yax
(9.12.11.5.18; 8/26/683). David Stuart has deciphered the event glyph as ‘‘he entered the road’’ (och
bih; Mathews 1991 : 161; Schele 1992b:133). Heinrich Berlin (1977 : 137) notes that this event (T100 :
585) refers to the end of a reign, and it may signal
death or apotheosis. This expression probably refers
to Pacal’s apotheosis rather than his death. Coggins
(1988b : 74 –75) suggests that Pacal is shown dancing
out of his tomb on the Sarcophagus Lid, suggesting an image of apotheosis. The apotheosis date is
only two days short of Jupiter’s first stationary point
(8/28/683; Meeus n.d.). It is noteworthy that Pacal’s
son, Chan Bahlum, was not inaugurated as the new
ruler until Jupiter had begun to move forward again,
four months later.
Jupiter also appears to be involved with the posthumous portrait of Yax Pac of Copán. On Stela 11,
Yax Pac appears in a guise of God K, one of only two
known portraits of a deceased ruler in this guise
(Fash 1991 : 177, fig. 108). Like Pacal’s image of apotheosis as God K, the Copán monument is also associated with the retrograde period of Jupiter. The
stela bears the date 8 Ahau, inferred to be that of the
Lahuntun ending on 9.19.10.0.0 8 Ahau 8 Xul, marking the halfway point of the Katun cycle. On this date
(4/30/820), Jupiter was on the eastern horizon at
dusk, approximately at the midpoint of its retrograde motion (from 2/18/820 to 6/21/820; Meeus
n.d.). Furthermore, Jupiter was in conjunction with
the full Moon on that night (full Moon 4/31/820;
Goldstine 1973).
On Bonampak Stela 1, God K appears on the
headdress of an ancestor figure emerging from a cleft
in a Cauac (Witz) monster on the base of a monument that marks the first Lahuntun ending of Chaan
Muan’s reign, recorded in a fragmentary Initial Series
date of 9.17.10.0.0 (11/26/780; Mathews 1980 : 64,
fig. 3; Proskouriakoff 1993 : 163 –164). At this time,
Jupiter had been in retrograde motion for three
weeks (first stationary point on 11/5/780; Meeus
n.d.). Jupiter, visible high above the eastern horizon
at dawn, was especially brilliant because it was precisely in conjunction with Uranus, a planet that was
bright enough at this time to be seen with the naked
eye. Meanwhile, Saturn was invisible in conjunction
with the Sun.
Lintel 4 from Bonampak Structure 6 depicts a
ruler holding a double-headed God K serpent bar
(Schele and Grube 1994 : 109, fig. 180). Both images of God K have mirrored brows with axe inserts,
and one has Akbal markings on the mirror, suggesting an opposition of light and dark. The only
surviving date on the monument, 7 Chuen 4 Zotz
(9.8.9.15.11; 5/11/603), does not correspond to Jupiter’s retrograde, but Saturn was in retrograde motion. Saturn may also be significant in the imagery of
God K, probably because God K encodes the relationship between Jupiter and Saturn in his role as a
Katun god.
Dos Pilas Stela 14 shows a ruler displaying a God K
manikin scepter (formerly Stela 25; Houston 1993,
tables 3-1, 4-1; fig. 3-24). Two passages have a glyph
compound mentioning God K (F2, H4). The stela has
an Initial Series date of 9.14.0.0.0 6 Ahau 13 Muan
(11/29/711) and a Calendar Round of 8 Ix 2 Cumku
(9.14.5.3.14; 1/15/717) associated with a ‘‘shell star’’
compound. As noted in Chapters 4 and 5, the Initial
Series date corresponds to the full Moon. It also
marks a time when the Evening Star was about to
reemerge. Neither date correlates with Jupiter’s retrograde, but the Katun-ending date marks a time
when Jupiter was overhead at dawn and it coincides
precisely with Saturn’s first stationary point (11/29/
711). The second date also approximates Saturn’s
first stationary point (1/29/717; Meeus n.d.). Here
JUPITER EVENTS AND GOD K
Saturn may substitute for Jupiter in the context of
monuments depicting God K imagery.
Dos Pilas Stela 15 also shows the display of a
God K scepter (Houston 1993, fig. 3.25). One of its
three dates is a Calendar Round date of 7 Ahau 3
Kayab (9.14.10.4.0; 12/26/721) that coincides with
Jupiter’s retrograde motion (first stationary point on
11/15/721; Meeus n.d.). Another date (9.14.9.10.13
1 Ben 16 Tzec; 5/13/721) coincides with Saturn’s retrograde motion.
Dates on some Dos Pilas monuments depicting
God K cannot be related to the retrograde of either
Jupiter or Saturn, but they do record subdivisions
of the Katun that could be related to observations of
Jupiter and Saturn. Among such examples, we find
Dos Pilas Stela 11 (formerly Stela 22) depicting the
display of the God K scepter on a Calendar Round
date of 12 Ahau 8 Kankin (9.14.5.0.0; 11/2/716;
Houston 1993, table 3-1; fig. 3-27).
Monuments from Yaxchilán clearly link God K
and Jupiter events. On Stela 1, God K emerges from
open jaws of a double-headed serpent represented
with a sky-band body and deer attributes (Fig. 3.8d).
The Initial Series date on the monument is 9.16.10.0.0
1 Ahau 3 Zip (3/11/761; Proskouriakoff 1993 : 112).
This date coincides with the new Moon falling about
two weeks after Jupiter’s first stationary point (2/27/
761; Meeus n.d.). A fragmentary Calendar Round
date, reconstructed as 1 Oc 18 Pop (9.16.8.16.10;
2/14/760), records an 819-day event that is also a
little over two weeks after Jupiter’s first stationary
point (1/27/760; Meeus n.d.). The two dates may be
purposefully paired to show Jupiter’s retrograde in
two sequential synodic cycles.
Yaxchilán Lintel 30 names God K in an 819-day
event on 1 Ben 1 Chen (9.13.16.10.13; 7/20/708), a
date reached by counting back 397 days from the
birth of Bird Jaguar IV recorded on 8 Oc 13 Yax
(8/21/709; 9.13.17.12.10; Tate 1992, apps. 2 –3, fig.
57). Although neither date pertains to the period of
Jupiter’s retrograde, the distance number is a close
approximation of the synodic period of Jupiter
(398.9 days). The 819-day event on 1 Ben 1 Chen
refers to the east and red before mentioning God K
at A5. At this time, Jupiter and Saturn were in
Gemini in the east at dawn, and the waning Moon
235
was in conjunction with Saturn above the eastern
horizon, while Venus was on the eastern horizon in
Cancer, about to disappear as the Morning Star. One
synodic period later, Jupiter was once again in the
east at dawn at the time of Bird Jaguar’s birth in a.d.
709. Now Mars was approximately at the midpoint
of its retrograde motion, above the eastern horizon
in Leo (second stationary point on 9/10/709; Meeus
n.d.). At this time, Jupiter and Saturn were precisely
in conjunction in Cancer, and Venus was only a few
degrees away, now also in Cancer. This massing of
three planets above the eastern horizon at dawn may
have been considered an auspicious omen for the
ruler’s birth, and the count backward could relate to
a symmetry seen in the previous synodic period with
another celestial triad formed by Jupiter, Saturn, and
the Moon in Gemini at dawn.
A ruler holding the God K manikin appears on
the back of Stela 11 with a 1 Imix 19 Xul date
(9.15.19.1.1; 5/29/750) that falls at the midpoint of
Jupiter’s period of retrograde motion (Tate 1992,
fig. 136). Another date (9 Ahau 18 Xul), exactly four
years earlier, is positioned in a like fashion just above
the ruler on the other side of the stela; this date coincides with the time that the Moon passed by as
Jupiter and Mars were precisely in conjunction. On
both dates Saturn was in retrograde motion.
Surveying all the dated Yaxchilán monuments
provides a test for the link between God K imagery
and Jupiter events. At Yaxchilán, eight of the fifteen
monuments (53%) that have God K images and legible dates refer to events that coincide with Jupiter’s
retrograde, allowing a seven-day window on either
side of retrograde (Table 6.1). This percentage seems
significant in terms of statistical analysis, because
even allowing a generous thirty-day window on either end of the period, Jupiter’s mean retrograde
represents 45 percent of the planet’s synodic period
(Aveni and Hotaling 1994 : S40). And calculating the
percentage of Jupiter’s mean period of retrograde using a seven-day window indicates it is only 33 percent of its synodic period (120 1 7 1 7 or 134 days
out of 399 days total). Thus, in a random sample of
dates using a seven-day window, you would expect
only around 33 percent of the dates to coincide
with retrograde, but the God K monuments at Yax-
236
THE CELESTIAL WANDERERS
TABLE 6.1. YAXCHILÁN GOD K MONUMENTS ASSOCIATED
WITH JUPITER RETROGRADE
MONUMENT
IMPLIED DATE
ON MONUMENT
JUPITER’S
STATIONARY POINTS
Stela 11
9.15.19.1.1 (5/29/750 a)
1st
3/28/750
2d
7/28/750 b
Lintel 42: God K event
9.16.1.2.0 (6/6/752 ac)
1st
6/8/752
Lintels 6 and 43
ac
9.16.1.8.6 (10/10/752 )
2d
10/5/752
Lintel 7: God K event
9.16.1.8.8 (10/12/752 c)
2d
10/5/752
Lintel 40
9.16.7.0.0 (3/27/758)
2d
4/29/758
Stela 1: 819-day event
9.16.8.16.10 (2/14/760)
1st
1/27/760
2d
5/30/760 b
1st
2/27/761
2d
6/30/761 b
1st
5/7/763
2d
9/5/763 b
Stela 1
Lintel 38
IS d 9.16.10.0.0 (3/11/761)
9.16.12.5.14 (6/23/763)
Date also coincides with Saturn’s retrograde period.
When date is very close to one stationary point, only one is given. When date falls closer to midpoint in retrograde, both dates are given to show where it falls relative to the total retrograde period.
c
Date within seven days of Jupiter’s stationary point.
d
IS means an Initial Series Long Count date; others are Calendar Round dates.
Source: Stationary points from Meeus n.d.; monument dates from Tate 1992.
a
b
chilán show a relatively high percentage of such
dates. The correlation is strengthened by the fact that
the sample is not subject to the problems inherent in
selecting the date that works best, because all the
Yaxchilán monuments in Table 6.1 bear only a single
date, except for Stela 1 with two dates, both of which
coincide with Jupiter’s retrograde motion. The first
date in Table 6.1 accurately pegs the midpoint of Jupiter’s retrograde, and the next three precisely pinpoint either the first or second stationary points of
Jupiter.
Three other lintels have dates approximating Jupiter’s first stationary points (within 21 days). Lintel
39 has a Calendar Round date of 4 Imix 4 Mol
(9.15.10.0.1; 6/25/741), one day after the Lahuntun
ending, that approximates Jupiter’s first stationary
point (7/10/741; Meeus n.d.). Lintels 32 and 53 record a Calendar Round date of 6 Ben 16 Mac
(9.13.17.15.13; 10/23/709) that Carolyn Tate (1992,
app. 2) correlates with the position of Saturn and
Jupiter aligned together at stationary points. The fact
that Jupiter and Saturn were close together (within
27) is certainly significant. This date is less than
three weeks before Jupiter’s first stationary point on
11/10/709, and is even closer to Saturn’s first stationary point on 11/2/709 (Meeus n.d.). Since the superior planets slow down as they approach retrograde,
it seems that an approximation of the Jupiter event
is acceptable.
God K events are noted in texts on four Yaxchilán
monuments, all of which depict a ruler holding a
God K manikin (Lintels 3, 7, 42, 52; Tate 1992,
JUPITER EVENTS AND GOD K
app. 2). Lintels 7 and 42 bear dates linked with a stationary point of Jupiter, and the date on Lintel 42
relates to a time when Saturn was also at its first stationary point (Table 6.1). The God K event on Lintel
52 coincides with Saturn’s second stationary point
(2/3/766; Meeus n.d.). Lintel 3 records a Hotun ending (9.16.5.0.0; 4/6/756), and the same Hotun ending appears on Lintel 54, also depicting the ruler
holding a God K manikin. Neither Jupiter nor Saturn was in retrograde on the Hotun date recorded
on these two monuments, but the date is a subdivision of the Katun that could be used to track the position of Jupiter in relation to Saturn.
In dynastic affairs, Saturn’s stationary point may
have been considered a suitable substitute if Jupiter
was not at the appropriate position for a royal ritual
involving God K. Lintel 1, showing Bird Jaguar IV
with the God K manikin, has a date that approximates Saturn’s first stationary point (4/2/752; Meeus
n.d.). The recorded event on this date is his accession
on 11 Ahau 8 Zec (9.16.1.0.0; 4/27/752). Mars was
in retrograde on this date (second stationary point
on 5/5/752; Meeus n.d.).
Allowing a twenty-one-day window on either side
of retrograde indicates that thirteen of fifteen monuments with God K imagery have dates relating to the
retrograde periods of Jupiter or Saturn. Six correspond to the retrograde periods of both planets (Lintels 6, 32, 42, 43, 53, Stela 11). Five bear dates linked
only with the retrograde of Jupiter (Lintels 7, 38, 39,
40, Stela 1), and two other God K monuments relate
only to Saturn’s retrograde (Lintels 1, 52).
On other Yaxchilán monuments that bear dates
coinciding with Jupiter’s retrograde, the imagery
seems to emphasize events related to the ball game,
warfare, and blood offerings, instead of representations of God K. Step VII from Structure 33 relates a
ball-game event on 9.15.13.6.9 to Jupiter’s stationary
point (Tate 1992 : 96 –97, app. 2, fig. 111). A bloodletting event (9.12.9.8.1) on Yaxchilán Lintel 25 coincides with Jupiter’s departure from second stationary point and the first stationary point of Mars
(Fig. 5.8f ). On Stela 18, Shield Jaguar appears with a
captive, and the text records a capture event on 3 Eb
14 Mol (9.14.17.15.12; 7/11/729) followed by refer-
237
ence to God K as a sky god (C3) and a bloodletting
event at C6 (Tate 1992, apps. 2 –3, fig. 145). A capture event (B7) and a fire event are linked with Jupiter’s retrograde period in a.d. 808 on Lintel 10
(Tate 1992, fig. 47).
Looking at the entire sample of dates Tate published for Yaxchilán, 27 percent of the total (29 of
the 109 dates) fall in Jupiter’s retrograde period or
within seven days on either side of retrograde. This
figure falls below the expected random frequency of
33 percent, using a seven-day window, but when we
narrow our focus to those monuments depicting
God K, the percentage bearing dates relating to Jupiter’s retrograde is relatively high at 53 percent.
Turning to the site of Tikal, we find another set
of monuments to test for a possible pattern linking God K images to Jupiter’s retrograde period.
Although I will not analyze the monuments statistically, a pattern similar to the one at Yaxchilán
stands out, especially on monuments that have only
one date.
Tikal Stela 20 shows Yaxkin Chaan K’awil (Ruler
B) wearing a headdress crowned by God K; his fretended mouth mask (possibly a stylized serpent jaw)
is decorated with a star glyph (Pl. 17). The inscribed
date records the first Katun ending of his reign on
2 Ahau 13 Zec (9.16.0.0.0; 5/3/751; Jones 1977 : 45).
This stela is paired with Altar 8 in Twin-pyramid
Complex P (Group 3D-2), one of the many twinpyramid complexes probably devoted to Katun ceremonies. The Katun ending 9.16.0.0.0 provides a very
good correlation with Jupiter’s first stationary point
(5/2/751; Meeus n.d.). Saturn was also in retrograde
motion, and Mars rose at dawn, while Venus was
visible near its maximum altitude. This was an auspicious interlocking of astronomical and calendric
cycles at the period ending. This Katun ending was
surely the focus of major ceremonies involving Jupiter, for the planet stood still to honor the ruler on
the first Katun completed in his reign.
A lintel from Structure 5D-52 shows Yaxkin
Chaan K’awil holding a God K manikin scepter; an
eroded date probably refers to the Lahuntun ending
on 3 Ahau 3 Mol (9.15.10.0.0, 6/24/741; Jones 1977 :
52, fig. 17). On this period-ending date, Jupiter was
238
THE CELESTIAL WANDERERS
about to enter retrograde (first stationary point on
7/10/741; Meeus n.d.). This Lahuntun ending approximates Jupiter’s first stationary point, and it
marks a halfway point leading up to the exceptional
Katun 9.16.0.0.0, when Jupiter reached its first stationary point at the end of the Katun.
The same 3 Ahau 3 Mol Lahuntun date opens the
inscription on Lintel 3 of Temple IV, which features
God K in the jaws of a Cosmic Monster arching over
the ruler’s head (Fig. 6.3o, Pl. 15; Jones 1977 : 36).
Of the four Calendar Round dates on Lintel 3, only
the Lahuntun ending on 3 Ahau 3 Mol shows a relationship with Jupiter’s retrograde, approximating
the planet’s first stationary point. The lintel depicts
God K displaying a mirror glyph in his hand, positioned like the flat-hand mirror compound used to
mark Venus positions in the Venus table of the Dresden Codex (Fig. 5.7a).
The Lahuntun ending 3 Ahau 3 Mol, which opens
the inscription on Lintel 2 from Temple IV, also
coincides with Jupiter’s first stationary point. Here
Yaxkin Chaan K’awil (Ruler B) holds his God K
manikin scepter as a Jaguar War God protector
looms over him (Pl. 16; Jones 1977, fig. 12). The
latest date on Lintel 2 (9.15.15.14.0 3 Ahau 13 Uo;
3/5/747) falls within retrograde periods of both Jupiter and Saturn. Schele and Grube (1994 : 187; 1995 :
40 – 46) note that a solar eclipse on 1/19/744 was a
prelude to the star-war event recorded on the lintel
at B8. According to Lounsbury (1989 : 255), the starwar event was timed by Jupiter’s departure from
its second stationary point. This war event dates to
7 Ben 1 Pop (9.15.12.11.13; 2/2/744), coinciding
with Saturn’s retrograde period and with a time only
two weeks after Jupiter’s second stationary point
(1/17/744; Meeus n.d.). Justeson (1989, table 8.8)
points out that a number of war events coincide with
the retrograde periods of at least one of the superior
planets.
On Lintel 3 of Temple I, a Water-lily Jaguar looms
over another Tikal ruler carrying the God K scepter
as an insignia of lineage and authority (Fig. 3.6d;
Jones 1977, table 1). Originally designated as Ruler
A, he is variously called Ah Cacao Caan Chac, Ah
Cacau, or, more recently, Hasaw Kan K’awil. A
date of 11 Etz’nab 11 Chen (9.13.3.7.18; 8/3/695) at
A3-B3 falls in Saturn’s period of retrograde motion.
On 12 Etz’nab 11 Zac (9.13.3.9.18; 9/12/695), forty
days later, a bloodletting event (C1–D1) coincided
approximately with Jupiter’s first stationary point
and Saturn’s second stationary point (Aveni and
Hotaling 1994, table 1; Schele and Freidel 1990 :
445). It is followed by a reference to the Water-lily
Jaguar, which Schele and Grube (1994 : 180) read as
Nu Balam Chaknal, naming the deity on the palanquin. They suggest that the glyph passage names the
Water-lily Jaguar as a deity image captured from the
vanquished enemy, but it seems more likely that it
represents a lunar deity who is the patron of the Tikal ruler.
Stela 5 from Tikal probably also features God K,
although here the manikin scepter is almost completely effaced (Jones 1977, table 1, fig. 13). The text
begins with a fragmentary Calendar Round date, reconstructed as 9.15.3.6.8 3 Lamat 6 Pax (12/6/734),
less than two weeks before Jupiter’s first stationary
point (12/19/734; Meeus n.d.). The date also coincides with Saturn’s retrograde motion, and it approximates the time when Venus was most brilliant
as the Evening Star. This date appears with a distance
number (9.11.12) that counts forward to 4 Ahau 8
Yaxkin (9.15.13.0.0; 6/8/744), a period ending that is
the dedicatory date of the monument. Since 9.11.12
is a lunar interval, the Moon was once again at the
last quarter. At this time, Jupiter was in conjunction
with the Sun and Saturn was departing from its second stationary point (5/17/744; Meeus n.d.). These
two dates seem to correlate with events involving the
Moon, Jupiter, and Saturn.
As early as the mid-fifth century, Tikal dynastic
monuments link God K with Jupiter’s retrograde
motion. On the Early Classic Tikal Stela 1, a ruler
holds a serpent bar bearing a God K hatchet manikin
with a snake leg, the prototype for the serpent-legged
God K manikin scepter of the Late Classic period
(W. Coe 1970 : 92; Proskouriakoff 1993 : 16; Taube
1992b, fig. 37c). Because Chac is probably linked
with Venus, it may be significant that Chac appears
at the other end of the serpent bar. The monument
is believed to date to the reign of Stormy Sky (K’awil
Chaan), or shortly thereafter. The fragmentary dates
remain debatable, but one reconstruction suggests a
JUPITER EVENTS AND GOD K
date of 9.0.15.11.0 (4/28/451; Freidel et al. 1993 : 424
n. 58). At this time, Saturn was in retrograde (1/18/
451 to 6/7/451) and Jupiter was approaching its second stationary point (5/9/451; Meeus n.d.). Jupiter,
Saturn, and Mars were all clustered together in Virgo
to the east, while the Evening Star was making its
first appearance in Taurus to the west.
Stela 31 from Tikal is one of the first known
images associating God K with a living ruler from
Tikal (Figs. 3.7b, 6.3u; Coggins 1990 : 85). The ruler
Stormy Sky wears a headdress that includes an image
of God K, which, interestingly, also forms part of his
personal name. Perhaps Jupiter was Stormy Sky’s patron planet in the Early Classic Period, just as Jupiter
guided events in the lives of Late Classic rulers, especially at Palenque and Yaxchilán. The Initial Series
date recorded on Stela 31 (9.0.10.0.0 7 Ahau 3 Yax;
10/16/445) corresponds to a time when Jupiter was
approaching its second stationary point (11/23/445;
Meeus n.d.). This date also approximates the heliacal
set of Mars. Other coordinating events, discussed in
Chapters 3 and 4, include the new Moon and Venus
approaching its maximum brilliance as the Morning
Star. The ruler himself seems to be compared to Hun
Ahau, the underworld Sun linked with the Morning
Star, while his father seems to be apotheosized as the
Sun God overhead (Chapter 3).
One of the earliest known images of God K appears on the Leyden Plaque, probably from Tikal
(Pl. 2). Here the ruler Moon Zero Bird holds a
double-headed serpent bearing God K and the Sun
God in its jaws (Schele and Miller 1986 : 121). The
recorded date, 8.14.3.1.12 1 Eb 0 Yaxkin (9/14/320
O.S.), corresponds approximately to Jupiter’s heliacal rise just prior to the fall equinox. Jupiter’s dawn
rise so close to the fall equinox links the cycles of the
Sun and Jupiter.
Arthur Schlak (1989) correlates dates on monuments depicting God K manikin figures with periods
when Mercury was visible, using maximum elongation as a key to determining visibility. His sample is
relatively small, and he concentrates on manikinscepter imagery, excluding many of the God K images discussed here. When these monuments are included, a link with Jupiter events emerges. Among
the twenty dates that Schlak correlates with the visi-
239
bility of Mercury, eight coincide with Jupiter’s retrograde motion, allowing a seven-day window. Of
those that do not, a significant number come from
monuments with multiple dates. If we are free to select another date, we often find one that correlates
with Jupiter’s retrograde motion. Since Mercury is
visible 65 percent of the time (Aveni and Hotaling
1994 : S39), a statistical study should be done with a
complete corpus of God K monuments from several
sites to determine whether there is an unusually high
percentage of God K monuments that correspond to
times when Mercury was visible.
In a more recent study, Schlak (1996, table 4)
takes his original twenty dates and adds another variable to his analysis—altazimuth—which measures
Mercury’s height above the horizon. He also adds
twelve mores dates linked with God K glyphs (Schlak
1996, table 3). Even with this expanded list, Schlak
has omitted a number of monuments with God K
images that are incorporated in this study. He makes
no claim that any of the dates are precisely maximum altitude or maximum elongation, only that
they coincide with Mercury’s visibility. One-third are
within five days of one of Jupiter’s stationary points
(Dates 3, 9, 10, 12). All but three dates can be linked
with times when either Jupiter or Saturn was in
retrograde.
Clemency Coggins (1990 : 84 – 85, fig. 5.1a) suggests that God K represents Venus as a god of lightning connecting the earth with the sky. She believes
that Stormy Sky’s personal name is a pun for K’uk’
Ka’an (bird-serpent), referring to Kukulcan as Venus. Although a link with lightning seems likely, the
connection between God K and the feathered serpent seems tenuous, especially since Coggins makes
no attempt to link God K to dates recording significant Venus positions.
In sum, God K seems to embody the planet Jupiter, and the Katun cycle involving Jupiter and Saturn
in the Classic period. Jupiter events were apparently
important in the lives of Classic Maya rulers, who
often appear with the insignia of God K. Jupiter
events are implicated in the dates associated with two
images of a dead ruler in the guise of God K. At Yaxchilán, Palenque, and Tikal, God K monuments usually bear dates coinciding with Jupiter’s retrograde
240
THE CELESTIAL WANDERERS
motion. God K might have more than one planetary aspect, for when a Jupiter event is not apparent,
Saturn seems to act as a substitute. Between Katun
9.15.10.0.0 and 9.17.0.0.0 there seems to be intense
interest in recording dates that coincide with Jupiter’s and Saturn’s retrograde, probably because the
Katun 9.16.0.0.0 links the retrograde periods of both
Jupiter and Saturn and precisely marks the first stationary point of Jupiter.
CLASSIC PERIOD CALENDAR RECORDS
RELATING TO THE SUPERIOR PLANETS
The Tzolkin calendar has a built-in capacity to measure the synodic periods of planets because three sacred rounds of 260 days equal one synodic period of
Mars (780 days), sixteen sacred rounds equal eleven
Saturn synodic periods (plus 1 day), and twentythree sacred rounds are three days less than fifteen
Jupiter synodic periods (Justeson 1989 : 82, tables
8.5, 8.6). Since five sacred rounds are just sixteen
hours short of forty-four lunar months, the Moon is
also involved. Justeson notes that in less than sixteen
years, the 260-day calendar provides the interval that
aligns the synodic period of the Moon and of all the
visible planets to within 4.31 days.
Justeson (1989 : 102, table 8.6) points out that it is
not possible to structure a table of positions for Mercury, Jupiter, or Saturn in terms of the number of
Calendar Rounds (52 vague years) that would be
commensurate with any of the average synodic periods. Apparently the Maya used the 360-day civil
year (Tun) to correlate the cycles of the superior
planets (Justeson 1989 : 102 –103, table 8.7).
Jupiter observations may have been linked to the
360-day Tun, because the mean period it spends as
either the Morning or the Evening Star is 367 days.
During one complete Tun, Jupiter would be seen in
the same sector of the sky at approximately the same
time of night. The period of twelve Tuns (4,320 days)
is relatively close to the sidereal period of Jupiter
(4,332.5 days), separated by about 13 days or one
trecena.
The Katun cycle of twenty Tuns may have been
used in Classic Maya times to track Jupiter and
Saturn. Kelley (1985 : 238) points out that the interval between successive Jupiter-Saturn conjunctions
is between nineteen and twenty years (the approximate length of a Katun), and every sixty Tuns, a conjunction or opposition takes place in the same part
of the sky. This may explain why astronomical data
are included in the records of Katun-ending rituals.
Lounsbury (1991 : 817) notes that the Katun prophecies are essentially astrological texts.
The Classic Maya tracked the motions of Jupiter
and Saturn using the 819-day cycle. This cycle first
appears in the middle of the Classic period (Lounsbury 1978 : 811). The 819-day cycle has a common
factor (21) with synodical periods of Jupiter and Saturn, and there seems to be a correlation with Jupiter and Saturn events and the 819-day counts
recorded in the inscriptions (Justeson 1989 : 103).
Dennis Tedlock (1992) notes that Palenque records
show an idealized 399-day Jupiter cycle that can be
divided into 21-day segments, a division that gives
the planet a systematic link with the 819-day cycle.
The 819-day count is particularly common at Palenque, and it was probably invented there and later
spread to other sites (Berlin 1977 : 78 –79). This cycle continued to be recorded as late as 10.2.0.0.0
(Stela 11 at Tikal). Eric Thompson (1960 : 212 –216)
first recognized that through the interplay of twenty
day signs, colors, and directions, the 819-day cycle
breaks down into sets: red-east-Imix; north-whiteIk; west-black-Akbal, and yellow-south-Kan. The
relationship of these divisions to planetary cycles remains enigmatic.
A mythological text on the left side of the central
panel in Palenque’s Temple of the Sun refers to an
819-day station on 1 Ik 10 Tzec (1.6.14.11.2; 8/12/
2587 b.c.) that was not to repeat again for more than
3,200 years (63 3 52 vague years; Lounsbury 1989 :
247–248, fig. 19.2). There is an oblique reference to
a sacred Jupiter event associated with the 819-daycount clause in this mythological text, according to
Schele (1990 : 143). Lounsbury points out that the
next occurrence of the same 819-day station on 1 Ik
10 Tzec took place sixty-three Calendar Rounds later
on a date (9.12.16.2.2; 5/15/688) recorded in the Medallion Series of the Temple of the Inscriptions. At
that time, Jupiter and Mars were both just pulling
CALENDAR RECORDS RELATING TO SUPERIOR PLANETS
away from conjunction and simultaneously beginning forward motion after retrograde. Although not
noted by Lounsbury, Saturn was in retrograde at this
time, approaching its second stationary point (6/23/
688; Meeus n.d.). This may be significant because the
cycles of Jupiter and Saturn are linked through the
819-day count.
A number of monuments seem to record multiples of the synodic intervals of Jupiter and Saturn
(Kelley and Kerr 1973, table 2). These may be records of actual observations rather than canonical or
predicted cycles (Justeson 1989 : 82). A Saturn interval of 377.75 days appears on the Temple of the
Cross at Palenque and on Caracol Stela 3, Lintel 3
of Tikal Temple I, Tikal Stela 5, Naranjo Stela 12, and
Quiriguá Zoomorph G. A Jupiter interval calculated
at 398.867 days appears on the Hieroglyphic Stairway of Naranjo, Yaxchilán Lintel 41, Copán Stela I,
Caracol Stela 3, and Quiriguá Monument 7 (Zoomorph G). The Caracol Stela 3 date (9.9.18.16.3) also
coincides with the first appearance of the Evening Star.
Thompson (1960 : 227–229) says that even though
1 Ahau and the heliacal rise of Venus are connected
in the Dresden Codex, Classic period Katuns ending
with 1 Ahau seem to be linked with Jupiter intervals
in the Maya inscriptions. He notes that the Hieroglyphic Stairway of Naranjo records a star glyph on
a Katun-ending 1 Ahau (9.10.0.0.0), and a distance
number (2.5.7.12) separating this date from an earlier one recorded on the stairs (9.7.14.10.8) equals
twenty-eight synodic revolutions of Venus and fortyone synodic periods of Jupiter; thus Venus and Jupiter were in the same position in the sky on the
two dates. The earlier date may be linked with Jupiter’s heliacal rise. Although it was a few days after
Jupiter’s dawn rise in Aries, it may have been the first
day the planet was visible. Venus was the Morning
Star in the neighboring constellation (Pisces) and
was relatively high in the sky, having dropped about
47 from maximum altitude (Aveni and Hotaling
1994, table 1). On the Lahuntun date, 9.10.0.0.0 1
Ahau 8 Kayab (1/22/633), Jupiter was again visible
just above the horizon at dawn, but this time in Capricorn, and Venus was once again high in the sky as
the Morning Star in the neighboring constellation
241
(Sagittarius). On this second date there was a conjunction between Venus, Saturn, and the waning
Moon.
Stationary points of Jupiter apparently signaled
accession-related rituals at Palenque, and planetary
conjunctions also seem to be significant in timing
these events (Lounsbury 1989, 1991). As noted earlier, Jupiter’s departure from its second stationary point coincided with Chan Bahlum II’s heirdesignation event at Palenque on 9 Akbal 6 Xul
(9.10.8.9.3; 6/12/641). This royal ritual coincides
with the third in a series of conjunctions involving
Jupiter and Mars. The three conjunctions marked
the beat of Jupiter’s retrograde period: the first coincided with Jupiter’s first stationary point; the second with the opposition of Jupiter and Mars to the
Sun; and the third with Jupiter’s departure from its
second stationary point (Lounsbury 1989 : 251–252,
fig. 19.6). Chan Bahlum’s accession ceremony was
also timed by Jupiter’s departure from its second stationary point. This suggests that dynastic ceremonies
at Palenque were considered especially auspicious
when Jupiter was resuming its forward motion.
Jupiter observations were also important on the
anniversaries of dates associated with Chan Bahlum,
who apparently had an obsession with the planet Jupiter (Aveni 1992b : 78; Lounsbury 1989). The most
common target seems to be those times when Jupiter
reached its stationary point and was beginning ‘‘forward’’ motion once again (departure from the second stationary point). Many of the dates studied by
Lounsbury also fall on or very near a conjunction of
Mars with Jupiter.
Dumbarton Oaks Relief Panel 1, a posthumous
portrait of a ruler holding a spear, is associated with
the time of retrograde motion for Mars, Jupiter, and
Saturn. James Fox and John Justeson (1978 : 55 –56)
note that the ruler’s date of death on 6 Akbal 11 Pax
(9.15.1.6.3; 12/11/732) is a few days from Saturn’s
second stationary point (12/15/732; Meeus n.d.),
and an interval at the end of the inscription counts
378 days (the length of Saturn’s synodic period) to
9.15.2.7.1, when Saturn was once again at its second
stationary point (12/29/733; Meeus n.d.). More recently, Justeson (1989 : 109) points out that the death
date is also connected with the first stationary point
242
THE CELESTIAL WANDERERS
of Mars (12/18/732; Meeus n.d.). It should be noted
that the date also coincides approximately with the
time of opposition, the midpoint of Jupiter’s retrograde motion (10/19/732 to 2/15/733; Meeus n.d.).
Fox and Justeson suggest that astrology played a role
because astronomical events were of significance
when they coincided with historical events. On the
other hand, Joyce Marcus (1992 : 440) maintains that
the historical events sometimes were manipulated to
fit the astronomical events. In my opinion, the death
event may actually refer to the ruler’s apotheosis, for
such an event could be adjusted to fit the proper astrological conditions.
Tate (1989, table 32.3; 1992 : 93, 272) points to an
interest in stationary points of Jupiter and Saturn
and in Jupiter-Saturn conjunctions on Yaxchilán
monuments. She refers to a number of dates that
coincide with Jupiter-Saturn conjunctions. Tate also
notes parallels in the type of events commemorated,
for the verbs referring to the ceremonies—bloodletting verbs and a rare God N verb—were used
at both Palenque and Yaxchilán (Tate 1989 : 422 –
423). Although I have suggested that God N’s quadripartite nature could be linked with the Moon or
one of the inferior planets, it is also possible that he
could be connected with the quadripartite division
implied in the four directional aspects of the 819day cycle known to be connected with Jupiter and
Saturn.
As noted earlier, ball-game events seem to be
linked with Jupiter’s retrograde period. Yaxchilán
Step VII from Structure 33 depicts Bird Jaguar’s ball
game, an event coinciding with Jupiter’s retrograde
motion (Tate 1992 : 96 –97, app. 2, fig. 111). The
game and associated bloodletting event on 3 Muluc
17 Mac (9.15.13.6.9; 10/15/744) is about a week before the first stationary point of Jupiter (10/23/744;
Meeus n.d.). A ball-game event on 7/7/881
(10.2.12.1.8 9 Lamat 11 Yax) recorded on Lintel 1 of
the Temple of the Four Lintels at Chichén Itzá falls
very close to the solar zenith, but in terms of ballgame imagery, it may be more significant that this
date coincides with Jupiter’s retrograde motion
(Chapter 3). Linda Schele and David Freidel (1990 :
445) note that a ball-game sacrifice and bloodletting
associated with Jupiter’s retrograde is also seen on
the Chicago Ball-court Panel.
War events recorded at Piedras Negras (Lintels 2
and 4, Stela 35) are also linked with Jupiter’s retrograde motion (Schele and Freidel 1990 : 445). Another war date (9.10.17.2.14, from Tortuguero) involved retrograde of all three planets (Justeson 1989;
Tuckerman 1964). Studying star-war dates in the
Maya inscriptions, Justeson (1989 : 109, table 8.8)
concludes that warfare events cluster during the dry
season, and three-quarters of them occur at significant points in the cycles of Saturn or Jupiter. He
points out that the results of his analysis indicate that
there are more star-war events involving Saturn or
Jupiter than there are associated with Venus events.
There is a statistically significant correlation between
the clusters of star-war events relating to the retrograde periods of Jupiter, Saturn, and Mars (Justeson
1989 : 110, 123 n. 20). He notes, however, that Mars
events seem to be only rarely recorded in Classic period records (Justeson 1989 : 109).
Some war events may relate to planetary conjunctions. On the date of a war event recorded on Naranjo Stela 23 (9.13.18.9.15 1 Men 13 Yaxkin; 6/22/
710), all five planets visible to the naked eye were
clustered in Leo within 67 of each other, and only
Jupiter remained beyond a 17 radius (Aveni and Hotaling 1994 : S53 n. 56). Indeed, this was the closest
clustering of these five planets in five millennia (Olson and White 1997 : 64).
Conjunction events involving more than two
planets are exceedingly rare (Aveni and Hotaling
1994 : S42). For example, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn
got together only twice during the entire course of
the Classic period: in a.d. 690 and again in a.d. 828.
Such conjunctions may involve planets passing one
another more than once. In the case of the triple
conjunction of a.d. 690, the last of the conjunctions
occurred on or near 2 Cib 14 Mol, when Chan Bahlum performed rites to honor the gods, which were
recorded on several Palenque monuments (Aveni
and Hotaling 1994 : S42 –S43, S47–S48; Dütting
1982; Lounsbury 1989 : 248, fig. 19.1). Since the
planets were actually closer together ten days after
the recorded event, the determining factor for the 2
CALENDAR RECORDS RELATING TO SUPERIOR PLANETS
Cib 14 Mol event has been taken to be the Moon’s
position passing Jupiter, Saturn, and Mars, all located less that 57 apart in the constellation Scorpius
on July 19 –20.
Linda Schele (1992b : 94, 167–170) interprets the
2 Cib 14 Mol event as First Mother, the goddess of
the moon, reuniting with the Palenque Triad representing her three planetary children (see also Schele
and Freidel 1990 : 256, 473 – 474 n. 41). Nonetheless,
the Triad gods are not named together with the
2 Cib 14 Mol date. In the Temple of the Foliated
Cross, this date is associated with a god with a shell
beard and a jaguar ear (a Venus god or the JGU?)
and with GII named at L4-M4 (Pl. 11). The Temple
of the Sun at Palenque names only GIII (at O6) in
association with this event. The event is not mentioned in the Temple of the Cross. Furthermore, the
notion of the Triad being the superior planets is incompatible with Schele’s identification of GI as Venus and GIII as the Sun. Finally, it must be noted
that the date of the Moon passing by the planets has
been determined using the 584,285 correlation, but
in the 584,283 correlation, the Moon was still positioned at some distance from the planets on this
date (7/18/690). I would argue that the most important factors are Jupiter’s and Saturn’s departure
from the second stationary point, events that are essentially the same in either of the two correlations.
Studying the twelve-year anniversary of the event
recorded on 1 Cib 14 Mol (7/15/702), Lounsbury
(1989 : 249 –250, figs. 19.1, 19.4) points out that both
rituals took place at a time when Jupiter was in the
same part of its synodic period and was located in
the same region of Scorpius. Apparently, Chan Bahlum kept a record of Jupiter’s sidereal position.
Chan Bahlum’s accession and apotheosis events
are within fifteen days of the second stationary point
of Jupiter (Lounsbury 1989, table 19.1, fig. 19.3).
Jupiter’s dawn rise was also of interest. The eightyear anniversary of Chan Bahlum’s accession on 5
Eb 5 Kayab (9.12.19.14.12; 1/5/692) coincided with
the heliacal rising of Jupiter, when the planet reappeared after more than a month of invisibility
(Lounsbury 1989 : 252). The anniversary may also
reflect an interest in Venus, for that planet was near
243
its maximum altitude (Aveni and Hotaling 1994).
Marcus (1992 : 440) believes that political propaganda played a role in the dates selected to document
the important points in the lives of rulers. In some
cases, events in a ruler’s life were forced into a pattern to fit the astronomical events. As noted earlier,
Dumbarton Oaks Relief Panel 1 records the apotheosis of a ruler (9.15.1.6.3) in a context that seems
to be timed by astrology, for the date (12/11/732)
can be linked with the retrograde motion of all
three superior planets. Similarly, there are instances
in which Venus events seem to guide the choice
of dates marking historical events (Chapter 5). Anthony Aveni and Lorren Hotaling (1994 : S22) note
that if astronomical reference points prove to be so
important in the lives of rulers, perhaps the conclusions about the nature of Maya inscriptions reached
by an earlier generation of scholars are not so far
off the mark. In other words, in some cases history
seems to be subordinate to the astronomical cycles,
and historical events were being ‘‘adjusted’’ to fit the
skies.
Aveni and Hotaling’s (1994 : S40) chi-square statistical test of ninety-eight Maya dates with astronomical ‘‘tags’’ indicates that 38 percent of the dates
fall during a retrograde period of two of the superior planets (usually Jupiter and Saturn); this is statistically significant because the anticipated random
percentage would be 24 percent, using a generous thirty-day window. Moreover, twenty-nine dates
that do not correspond to one of the four Venus
stations fall very close to the appearance or disappearance of one of the other planets. Since the
study grouped a number of different types of dated
events, further research is needed in the future to
sort out patterns that may distinguish events involving the superior planets from those referring to
Venus.
In sum, a number of Classic period calendar
cycles lend themselves to records involving the superior planets, including the 260-day sacred round
or Tzolkin, the Katun cycle, and the 819-day count.
Jupiter and Saturn intervals are recorded in a number of Classic Maya inscriptions, suggesting that the
Maya observed these planets in tandem. Indeed, the
244
THE CELESTIAL WANDERERS
Katun itself relates to the interval between successive conjunctions of Jupiter and Saturn. Jupiter may
be linked with the Tun because the planet’s period
of visibility is relatively close to one Tun. At Palenque, Chan Bahlum’s accession and apotheosis
events were timed by Jupiter’s departure from its
second stationary point. Observations of Jupiter and
Saturn may be connected with ball games, bloodletting ceremonies, star wars, and accession anniversaries at a number of Maya sites. In some cases,
the dates of Classic Maya history were manipulated
to fall into alignment with astronomical events,
placing the lives of rulers in the context of mythic
history.
ASSEMBLY OF THE GODS
We can only identify a small percentage of planetary
gods with any degree of certainty. If we see any of
these among a group of deities, we could be looking
at an image showing an assembly of planets. Their
astronomical nature is sometimes shown by shared
insignia, such as a pendant with trilobe ends or a
headband.
The Las Sepulturas bench from Copán represents
an assembly of astronomical gods (Pl. 19). Venus appears as a scorpion-man (Chapter 5). The cross-eyed
Sun God and the Moon deity with the lunar crescent
and rabbit are easy to pick out. An anthropomorphic
deity with a deer ear may represent Mars as the deer
planet. Two heads, resembling the Principal Bird
Deity, may represent a King Vulture (Benson 1997 :
91). The Principal Bird Deity is the avian counterpart of God D, a deity whose astronomical identity
remains uncertain.
Copán’s Structure 22 depicts seven different dei-
FIG. 6.4. a: Assembly of six deities on body of Late Classic
Cauac Monster includes Sun, Moon, Chac in two aspects,
and two other unknown deities (Quiriguá Zoomorph P;
after Maudslay 1889 –1902, 2, pl. 64).
b: Early Classic list of nine gods that includes sky god
(God C), earth deity, Paddler Twins, Ik God (T1082), God
D variant, solar god, and aged Bacab (Tikal Stela 31; after
A. Miller 1986, fig. 19).
ties positioned in cloud symbols along the Cosmic
Monster’s back (Fig. 7.5d, bottom). One wears a trilobed pendant like GI’s, and another represents Chac
(Venus?) wielding an axe. A third deity has a serpent
foot that links him with God K (Jupiter). A skeletal
god with a death collar may be a lunar deity. The
others are difficult to identify, but the total of seven
suggests a grouping of the Sun, the Moon, and the
five planets visible to the naked eye (Chapter 7).
Chac is one of six deities on the limbs of the Cauac
Monster on Quiriguá Monument 16, also known as
Zoomorph P (Fig. 6.4a). The assembly includes two
variants of Chac, the Sun God with a mirror brow
and the Moon God with white markings (Fig. 4.6b).
One deity is effaced and another is difficult to identify. The ruler in the jaws of the Cauac Monster holds
a God K scepter, perhaps completing the quorum of
the seven ‘‘planets’’ of classical antiquity.
The central panel of Palenque’s Temple of the Sun
has an intriguing group of deities (Fig. 3.6b). As
noted in previous chapters, we see a Jaguar War God
shield (the dry-season moon), a crouching Sun God
with a mirror brow, and God K (Jupiter) as a manikin held by Chan Bahlum at the time of his accession
on 1/5/684. Another crouching figure on the right
bears body markings representing God C, who may
be linked with a monkey planet, as noted earlier.
God L, who represents the dry-season Morning Star
in the Dresden Codex, here supports a doubleheaded bar portraying a zoomorph; an enigmatic
figure who shares many of God L’s attributes supports the other end of the bar. Although we cannot
specifically identify all of these gods as astronomical
deities, it is noteworthy that the accession date shows
a number of interesting planetary positions. In addition to a correlation with Jupiter’s departure from
c: Protoclassic assembly of gods, including four
‘‘climbers,’’ led by deity wearing zoomorphic headdress
with star glyph; snake climbers include deity with Xoc
monster headdress and Chac on snake’s tail; three dismembered gods dive to their deaths along stream of liquid
that may depict underworld side of Milky Way (Hauberg
Stela; after Schele 1985, fig. 1).
ASSEMBLY OF THE GODS
245
246
THE CELESTIAL WANDERERS
its second stationary point, noted previously, Mars
was in retrograde motion (second stationary point
on 2/8/684; Meeus n.d.), Mercury was just visible in
the dawn sky, and Venus was approaching its maximum altitude as Morning Star (reached twenty days
later).
Lists of astronomical gods are known from Palenque. In addition to the group of four deities on
the eaves of House C, discussed earlier in relation to
God C, there is a list of six gods in the Temple of the
Foliated Cross at Palenque (Fig. 4.6e). One of the six
is a vulture paired with the personified number one;
because the vulture lacks a day-sign cartouche, the
reference is to a deity name rather than to the vulture
variant of the day sign Ahau seen in other inscriptions (Thompson 1960, fig. 11, nos. 30, 31). The vulture might be a planet, because he takes an active
role in the affairs of the Moon Goddess, being the
Moon Goddess’s lover in folktales and in the codices
(Dresden Codex 19a). Schele (1992b : 170) takes the
2 Cib 14 Mol event to be the key to the imagery of
the six gods, but this date is not directly associated
with the list. The six gods are named directly following a distance number of 6.11.6 linked to the Calendar Round 8 Oc 3 Kayab (9.12.11.12.10; 1/5/684),
the date of Chan Bahlum’s accession, when Jupiter
had just departed from its second stationary point
and Mars was in retrograde motion. The distance
number (6.11.6) prefixed by T126 calls for subtraction, alluding to an earlier date of 9.12.5.1.4 1 Kan
7 Yaxkin (6/24/677) not recorded in the text. The
most interesting thing about this interval is that it
counts back precisely to the first stationary point of
Mars (Meeus n.d.). Despite the Mars connection, the
Mars Beast is not among the gods named. The list
includes the Triad and a lunar deity discussed in
Chapter 4, as well as Chac and the vulture god called
Hun Ahaw. It is puzzling that the list includes the
names of both GI and Chac, who seem to be linked
with Venus in some manner.
A list of gods on the Early Classic Tikal Stela 31
could refer to an assembly of gods (Fig. 6.4b). The
earth god, his head marked by a Cab (earth) symbol, is paired with God C, who has a sky glyph infixed on his head (for greater detail, see Fig. 6.2h).
The names for the Paddler Twins follow just below
(Schele 1989b). Next we find an Ik God (T1082), the
counterpart of the personified number three, paired
with a long-nosed god, possibly an early form of
God D. There follows a god with attributes of the
Sun God, but lacking the Kin infix, and an aged Bacab with raised hands who seems to emerge from a
star glyph. A jawless head seems to be a variant of
the Uinal sign (T521) prefixed by the number one.
The passage ends with a compound incorporating
the number nine, which is exactly the number of
gods named.
On the Protoclassic Hauberg Stela, a group of
small deities may be one of the earliest known Maya
representations of the Sun, the Moon, and the planets (Fig. 6.4c). The astronomical context of this imagery is clear, because the uppermost figure climbing
the celestial serpent wears a star headdress. Chac, the
lowest of four climbers, carries an axe in his hand,
much like God B, the Postclassic god of rain and
storms (Stuart 1988, fig. 5.48; Taube 1992b, fig. 7b).
The serpent is a representation of the ecliptic, according to Schele (1992b : 143 –144), who identifies
the climbing figures as constellations. It seems more
likely that they are planetary gods, but their headdresses could refer to specific constellations. Three
climbers wear headbands, evoking the Headband
Twins. There are seven figures in total if we add the
group of descending figures led by the figure wearing a Kin headdress. The descending gods are dead,
their severed torsos spewing blood. Linda Schele and
Mary Miller (1986 : 191, pl. 66) reconstruct the date
as 3 Ahau 13 Xul (10/8/199; the month Xul has an
erroneous coefficient of twelve), one of two dates
originally proposed by Schele (1985). There is nothing particularly notable about this date in terms
of astronomy, except perhaps that the first visible
crescent probably corresponds to this date. Schlak
(1996 : 182, fig. 1) proposes that the ruler on this stela
impersonates Venus as GI, although here he lacks the
characteristic shell earrings. Schlak relates the image
to a time when Venus was relatively high as the
Morning Star on 8.8.0.7.0 3 Ahau 13 Xul.
Painted vases depicting the Holmul Dancer theme
may show an assembly of astronomical gods at the
time of an accession ceremony or Katun event. The
vase known as Princeton 14 shows three dancing fig-
THE CELESTIAL WANDERERS AS PLANETARY GODS
ures with backracks holding deities that carry inverted heads of God K (Coe 1978b : 94, no. 14). As
noted earlier, these scenes show the sky-band backracks framing God K’s head, suggesting parallels with
the transfer of power at the end of the Katun represented on Paris Codex pages 2 –12. Dorie ReentsBudet (1991 : 220 –221, fig. 7) points out that three
different deities are represented in the backracks,
each identified by glyphic names. Ix Balam is the
Water-lily Jaguar linked with the Moon in Chapter 4. The monkey deity, 10 Chuen, could be a monkey planet. A furry animal called 6 Sky evokes the
god named 6 Sky, listed among the five gods of the
west in the Dresden Codex Venus table (Kelley 1976,
fig. 28).
The Vase of the Seven Gods shows an assembly of
seven gods associated with the creation date 4 Ahau
8 Cumku (Pl. 7; Coe 1973 : 107–108, no. 49). God L
appears as the ruler of a court of gods who gesture
in submission. He smokes a cigar, like his counterpart in the relief panel on the right side of the Temple of the Cross at Palenque (Schele 1977, fig. 4.2).
This aspect of God L is different from his guise as a
merchant with a merchant pack and a staff (Taube
1922b, fig. 40). The Jaguar War God heads the top
row of gods but is named last in the glyph column.
The Sun God brings up the rear on the bottom row
(Chapter 3). Most of the gods are named with glyphs
introduced by God C’s glyph compound accompanied by the water/blood group prefix, here designating their sacred status. The only name without such
a title is the jawless God of T1058 (the patron of
Pax?), whose name stands alone before the Calendar Round date. Other names include Bolonyocte
(IX.765 : 87), who appears as one of the planetary
gods on the eaves of House C at Palenque and
was especially revered at Palenque (Berlin 1977 : 150;
Schele 1992b : 185).
The date 4 Ahau 8 Cumku on the vessel is usually
interpreted as a reference to the beginning of time in
the Maya calendar (13.0.0.0.0; Closs 1979 : 151; Coe
1973 : 108; Dütting 1981 : 221). Another alternative is
that the vase shows a commemoration of an anniversary event when the Calendar Round date repeated
during the Late Classic period. All 4 Ahau 8 Cumku
dates in the Late Classic period fall in the dry season,
247
which seems appropriate for the imagery of the Jaguar War God symbolizing the dry-season. Half of the
dates also coordinate with the periods when Venus
was the Morning Star. The vessel has been dated between a.d. 750 and 800 on stylistic grounds (Fields
1994 :319). This would make the 4 Ahau 8 Cumku
anniversary date of 1/4/785 the most likely, coinciding with when Venus was the Morning Star. This
seems appropriate because God L represents the dryseason Morning Star in the Dresden Codex, an association also seen in Classic period times in Palenque’s Temple of the Sun.
We can conclude that the assembly of gods is an
important theme represented in a variety of media.
Several images depict sets of seven gods, presumably
indicating the seven planets of classical antiquity.
Such groups suggest iconic imagery alluding to all
the major powers of the sky rather than to specific
observations of the planets in sky positions. Nonetheless, we should not ignore the possibility that
some planetary data are conveyed in such images.
Such groupings provide another key to identifying
the more enigmatic planetary gods.
THE CELESTIAL WANDERERS
AS PLANETARY GODS
Some twenty-five years ago, Thompson (1974 : 88)
said: ‘‘We know neither names nor glyphs of any
planet other than Venus.’’ The situation has improved somewhat, because we can now definitively
identify the Mars Beast, and there seems to be strong
evidence associating God K with Jupiter. Perhaps the
best approach for solving the problem of planetary
identities is to look for patterning in dates and calendar periods associated with specific deities. Such
an approach has helped to reveal the planetary identity of God K.
God K imagery correlates with dates coinciding
with the retrograde period of Jupiter at a number of
major Maya sites, such as at Palenque, Tikal, and
Yaxchilán. Two posthumous portraits of rulers incorporate God K images and dates that coincide with
Jupiter’s retrograde motion, suggesting that Jupiter’s
position was significant in the dates chosen for the
apotheosis of Maya rulers. God K is also prominent
248
THE CELESTIAL WANDERERS
on monuments recording subdivisions of the Katun,
a time period that may have been used to track Jupiter and Saturn. Postclassic evidence also points to
a link between God K and Jupiter, especially apparent in God K’s role in the Katun cycle. The Jupiter
association is bolstered by God K’s role as a victim of
the Morning Star in the Dresden Codex at a time
when Jupiter was in retrograde motion disappearing
below the horizon as the Morning Star rose.
God K is also a god of thunder and lightning,
sharing the same role that Jupiter had in ancient
Greece and Italy. Perhaps this notion has an explanation in nature, one that is connected with folklore
linking Jupiter to storms. God K’s role as the god of
Maya rulers also presents an overlap with ancient
European traditions identifying Jupiter as the planet
of kings. There is a natural basis for the association
with kings, since Jupiter seems to dominate the night
sky and is second only to Venus in brilliance. Jupiter
is rarely absent from the sky (mean disappearance
interval 5 32 days). Steady, strong, and ever-present,
Jupiter makes a perfect celestial ruler, the counterpart to the good ruler on Earth.
Groupings of six or seven different gods on Classic period monuments usually include the Sun and
the Moon and planetary companions, suggesting an
iconic grouping like that of classical antiquity. A
triad of brothers represents Venus, Jupiter, and the
Sun, similar to a pattern seen in modern Maya folklore. When the Moon is not in evidence, these are
the three brightest astronomical bodies in the sky.
The anthropomorphic deity representing Mars
may have deer ears on one Copán monument. The
planet’s animal counterpart is a deer monster known
as the Mars Beast. Another aspect of Mars may be
simian, possibly connected with the spider monkey.
A closely related being is God C, a monkey deity who
may be connected with a planet, but his astronomical nature is poorly understood. A howler monkey
seems to be connected with the Morning Star, and it
is possible that a number of the planets may have
monkey alter egos.
Unfortunately, there is still insufficient evidence
to identify the god representing Saturn. Saturn’s slow
movement could be represented by an aged being,
but as yet no clear candidate has emerged. There is
still a great deal to do in terms of identifying the
planets and their various alter egos. Although animals may play a role in the imagery of planets, we
would expect anthropomorphic deities, including
our simian relatives, to predominate. Indeed, since
the creatures of the zodiac are mostly animals (Chapter 7), the planets may be distinguished by their anthropomorphic guises.
7
STARS, THE MILKY WAY,
COMETS, AND METEORS
This chapter explores Precolumbian Maya imagery of temporary celestial phenomena, stars, constellations, and the Milky Way. We have surprisingly little information on comets, meteors, and supernovas. Comets and meteors seem to be of
secondary importance, appearing not as gods themselves, but as their cigars. Metaphorical images allude to the multitude of stars as jaguar spots, flowers, fireflies, and
the ‘‘eyes of the night.’’ Topographical features such as sacred trees represent cross
constellations that serve as signposts in the celestial landscape. More often the constellations are starry animals appearing as companions to the Sun, the Moon, and
the planets. A Postclassic ‘‘zodiac’’ from Yucatán helps to identify thirteen constellations, including bird constellations, a jaguar or ocelot, two snakes, a peccary, a
turtle, and various other creatures. Some of these Precolumbian Maya constellations
have at least one first-magnitude star that could be tracked even in bright moonlight.
Individual stars were also named, but we are able to identify only a few from Colonial period sources. Architectural orientations help to identify which constellations
were important to the Classic Maya.
Constellations located at the intersection points of the Milky Way and the ecliptic
seem to be especially important in Precolumbian Maya cosmology. The Pleiades are
represented by the rattlesnake’s rattle in Yucatán, an image that is also found in
central Mexico. Orion’s Belt represents a turtle constellation, but other stars in Orion
may be linked with the Hearthstones of Creation. Scorpius is a scorpion in the
northern Maya area, but to the south it may be a skeletal serpent known as the
White-Bone-Snake. There is a fish-snake constellation in the region of Sagittarius, a
star group associated with the Quadripartite God forming the rear head of the Cosmic Monster. The Cosmic Monster itself seems to embody the Milky Way, and the
two areas where it intersects the ecliptic represent opposite seasons. Itzamna, described extensively in Colonial period accounts, may symbolize the entire sky, his
four bodies formed by the two sides of the Milky Way and the two sides of the
ecliptic. A similar configuration is suggested by the four roads of the Popol Vuh.
The relationship of the stars to the seasons has shifted slightly due to precession,
but the starry sky we see today is not too different from that of Classic and Postclassic Maya times. Although we look for precise events, such as a star’s heliacal rise
date, most probably the Maya looked for a more general association with the seasons. I should note that the Precolumbian constellations are not configured with the
same stars as our Western constellations. Even though I use the European designations for convenience, the reader should be cautioned that I refer only to stars in
250
STARS, THE MILKY WAY, COMETS, AND METEORS
the region of these constellations rather than a star
group conforming to the European definition. For
example, the constellation we know as Sagittarius
was probably divided into two constellations in Precolumbian times.
This chapter begins with a discussion of temporary sky phenomena, including comets, meteors,
and supernovas. Subsequent sections focus on imagery of the stars, the Maya zodiac, and individual constellations, most often connected with animals. Cross constellations are described in relation
to specific temple orientations and rituals at Palenque. The following sections focus on the imagery of the Milky Way, including discussion of the
Cosmic Monster and Itzamna. The closing section
places Maya astronomy in the context of world
astronomy.
COMETS, METEORS, AND SUPERNOVAS
Supernovas are considered quite spectacular by astronomers using modern telescopes, but they are
very transitory events that apparently were not commonly recorded in the inscriptions. Only one known
Classic Maya date coincides with a historically documented supernova (a.d. 393; Justeson 1989 : 104,
115). Aveni (1980 : 97) notes that the Crab Nebula
Supernova seen in early July of a.d. 1054 was exceptionally bright; however, it occurred after the Long
Count ceased to be recorded on monuments. No
record of it can be documented in the codices.
Comets and meteors were no doubt important to
the ancient Maya, and they may have distinguished
the two because of their different patterning. The
cycles of comets involve relatively long periods of
time, varying according to the comet involved. For
example, Halley’s comet reappears approximately every seventy-six years. Meteor showers, also known as
shooting stars, recur in the same constellation at the
same time of year. As annual events, they are more
predictable and therefore less ominous than the return of comets.
Since meteor showers emanate from the constellation for which they are named, images of them may
be combined with the imagery of their ‘‘parent’’ constellation. The Maya may also have linked shooting
stars with different colors. For example, the Perseids
have a marked yellow cast. Viewed over long periods
of time, meteors undergo changes in intensity that
can be connected with comets, such as the Leonid
shower that has a period of intensity related to the
33.17-year period of the comet Tempel-Tuttle from
which it derives (Trenary 1987–1988 : 110, fig. 7).
Some contemporary Maya accounts say that obsidian is the excrement dropped from shooting stars,
but more commonly the meteors themselves are described as excrement of the stars, paralleling accounts recorded in recent Mixtec and Náhuatl texts
(Chapter 1; Trenary 1987–1988, table 1). The ancient heritage of this image is evident in graphic
scenes of star excrement in Mixteca-Puebla codices
(Codex Borgia 26; Trenary 1987–1988, fig. 2). Parallel scenes involving star excrement in the Maya
codices are not apparent; however, Maya images involving obsidian, cigars, and torches should be studied for a possible relationship with seasonal meteor
showers. Contemporary Maya people say that meteors are connected with discarded celestial cigars and
cigarettes, torches, and ancient arrowheads made of
obsidian (Chapter 1).
A number of contemporary Maya terms do not
distinguish between comets and meteors (Tedlock
1992b : 181). This may also have been true in earlier
times. The Colonial period term chamal dzutan (cigar of the devil) is interpreted as a comet, but Jesús
Galindo (1994 : 111) suggests that when these cigars
are discarded, they are transformed into meteors.
The Colonial period Maya dictionaries do not contain an entry for meteors, but Ulrich Köhler (1989 :
295) notes that there are a few entries under cometa
that seem to refer to meteors. Among these he includes u halal dzutan (arrow of the devil), which is
glossed as ‘‘ignited comet’’ (Lamb 1981 : 245 –246).
Other terms for comets noted by Weldon Lamb include halal ek (arrow star), referring to a ‘‘comet that
runs’’; kak tamay, glossed as ‘‘carbuncle’’; and kak
noh ek (fire big star), glossed as ‘‘big comet.’’
In the Colonial period, the Yucatec Maya associated comets with bad omens (Tedlock 1992b : 180).
The contemporary Maya link comets to fire and
arrows (Chapter 1). Although the last appearance
of Halley’s comet in 1986 was rather disappointing,
IMAGES OF STARS
there have been spectacular displays of the comet in
the past, such as the 1910 passage still remembered
by older residents of communities in the Mayan and
central Mexican area. Köhler (1989 : 292) points out
that since the Mexican Revolution followed shortly
after this comet, the historical events confirmed the
ancient fears of calamities following comets. Similar notions probably existed in Precolumbian times.
Comets, called citlalinpopoca (star that smokes) in
the Aztec chronicles, are often linked with the death
of a noble or ruler (Aveni 1980 : 27).
The Aztec Codex Telleriano-Remensis represents
Venus as a smoking star in a.d. 1533, linking Venus
to imagery of comets (Aveni 1980 : 27). A Maya text
in the Songs of Dzitbalche seems to identify Venus
as a smoking star (Edmonson 1982a : 183). There
may be a natural connection between Venus and
comets. Carlos Trenary (1987–1988 : 110) points out
that comets are usually first noticed as they approach
or recede from the Sun, which positions them close
to Venus. He notes that this may explain why an
ancient Chinese source states that comets originate
from Venus.
Several unpublished studies have linked the image
of God L smoking a cigar in the Temple of the Cross
at Palenque with the passage of Halley’s comet in
a.d. 684 (Robertson 1991, fig. 43). Although God L
is clearly a Venus god, his cigar could represent a
comet. The Hero Twins in the Popol Vuh smoke cigars, possibly alluding to a connection with comets.
Since the cigar smoking takes place in Xibalba, identified as a southern section of the Milky Way where
the rift is located, Barbara Tedlock’s (1992b : 181) interpretation of the cigars as meteors seems unlikely
because this is not an area of the sky characterized
by meteor showers.
Comets appear in historical records in Asian and
European sources that date well before the time of
Christ (Hasegawa 1980, table 1). It seems reasonable
to assume that comets would also have been important in the historical records of the Maya; however, few published studies include interpretations
of comets in Classic period times. Justin Shrove and
Alan Fletcher (1984, app. B) compiled a list of comets recorded in written records dating from a.d. 1 to
1000 that could be useful in further studies of the
251
role of comets in Classic Maya iconography and
calendrics.
David Kelley (1976 : 42, 133, fig. 9) notes that a
star glyph prefixed by a man’s head with a tubular
pipe in his mouth (at B10) on Tikal Stela 5 may be
read as budz ek (smoking star), a Yucatec term for
a comet. The glyph compound is apparently unique,
and Kelley was not able to confirm an association
with a known comet. In the Colonial period, the term
budz ek was glossed as ‘‘maned comet like the one
that appeared in the year 1577’’ (Lamb 1981 : 245).
In sum, temporary celestial events such as comets
and meteors clearly need further study. A rare Maya
text referring to a smoking star evokes connections
with Aztec descriptions of comets. Comets may be
cigars smoked by Maya gods; but a discarded cigar
could refer to a meteor, more commonly known as
a shooting star. Meteor showers are seasonal events,
an association that may help to define their iconography. Since meteor showers are visualized as arrowheads and torches, however, it may be difficult to
distinguish shooting-star images from imagery related to warfare and fire.
IMAGES OF STARS
The Yucatec dictionaries contain a number of metaphorical terms for stars. Ek (ek’) can refer to a star or
the spots on a jaguar and a deer (Lamb 1981 : 234,
241). Indeed, a jaguar skin was the symbol of the
starry sky (Thompson 1972 : 64 n. 1). The Chilam
Balam of Chumayel describes a star as u lol akab,
‘‘the flower of the night,’’ and refers to the night sky
as nicen(hal) caan, meaning ‘‘flowering sky’’ (Roys
1967 : 27, 94). Early dictionaries compare a rising star
to a plant sprouting (hokol ek; Lamb 1981 : 241).
The ‘‘queen of the stars’’ is a firefly (cocay), according to one Colonial Yucatec source, and fireflies
are said to carry ‘‘lights from the stars’’ (Lamb n.d.a).
‘‘Firefly’’ is also a ritual term used to refer to a cigar
or smoking tube in the Chilam Balam of Chumayel
(Roys 1967 : 30, 97). As we have seen, comets are also
compared to cigars.
Stars are the ‘‘eyes of the night’’ in a Postclassic
scene from the Madrid Codex (34) interpreted as
an astronomer looking out at the night sky (Fig.
252
STARS, THE MILKY WAY, COMETS, AND METEORS
IMAGES OF STARS
253
7.1a; Aveni 1980, fig. 1). The astronomer’s eyeball
stretched from its socket resembles a ‘‘death eye.’’ He
sits in a nocturnal circle surrounded by death eyes
representing stars. In the Classic period, disembodied eyes and crossed bones represent the night sky
and the starry underworld on the Vase of the Seven
Gods (Pl. 7). Michael Coe (1973 : 83) points out that
the deities of the underworld and the luminaries of
the night sky may actually be the same. In this light,
‘‘death collars’’ formed by a circle of disembodied
eyes probably represent stars, indicating an association with both the night sky and the underworld.
These death eyes evoke central Mexican images of
stars, represented as a stylized eye bisected by a red
lid, as seen in the Death God holding up the night
sky on Codex Borgia 51 (Fig. 7.1b). He wears a
crown of stars and his eyes are actually stars.
Concentric rings can be used as signifiers for water or stars, depending on the context. Designs
of small circles or rings may be star symbols (Coe
1973 : 83, no 37; 1982 : 32, no. 10). The same forms
appear in the star glyph (T510f ), which resembles
the letter W or M framing two rings (Ringle and
Smith-Stark 1996 : 303). This form is used as a star
glyph in texts and as a symbolic element in images
representing bright stars and planets. The T510f
glyph sometimes shows the starry aspect of an ani-
mal constellation (Fig. 7.1i). Venus and other planets
are depicted by a cruciform design framing four
rings (T510b). Occasionally this glyph is used for
bright stars, as in the turtle constellation at Bonampak (Fig. 7.1k).
Individual stars may be represented by birds. Today the Yucatec Maya say that Theta Taurus is chamukuy, the name of a small bird (Sosa 1985 : 341).
The Ritual of the Bacabs speaks of the Ix Ko-ti-tzab
located in the fifth layer of the sky, which is the
‘‘ko-bird-in-the-rattles constellation,’’ interpreted as
a bird star in the Pleiades (Roys 1965 : 7, 42, 136,
155). The Lacandón say that Rigel and Sirius are
woodpeckers (Bruce et al. 1971 : 15), and woodpeckers do appear in starry contexts in Maya art,
most notably in imagery of sky bands (Coe 1982 : 32,
no. 10; Houston et al. 1992 : 502; Kerr 1992 : 498,
no. 4464).
In sum, the imagery of stars in Precolumbian
Maya art is still poorly understood. Many designs
conventionally interpreted as death eyes may actually represent stars. Birds can also symbolize stars,
but their celestial nature is not easily recognized, except when they are placed on sky bands. Flowers,
fireflies, and even jaguar spots may represent stars,
but once again, they are difficult to recognize as such
unless the context clarifies an astronomical nature.
FIG. 7.1. a: Stars as ‘‘eyes of night’’ observed by astronomer, whose eye is stretched from its socket (Late Postclassic Madrid Codex 34; after Villacorta and Villacorta
1977).
b: Central Mexican images of stars represented as stylized eyes on sky band, here associated with death god
bearing stars (Codex Borgia 51; after Seler 1960 –1961, 5,
fig. 289).
c: Katun and Tun glyphs joined with T207 glyph representing Pleiades (Dresden Codex 70; after Villacorta
and Villacorta 1977).
d: Rattlesnake symbolizing Pleiades in zodiac-like sequence (north facade of Late Classic Palace of Stuccoes,
Acancéh, Yucatán; after Seler 1960 –1961, 5, pl. 11).
e: Deer attached to scorpion by rope, possibly representing deer planet in conjunction with Scorpius (Madrid
Codex 44b; after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
f: Segmented snake with skeletal snout and scorpion
stinger, probably representing Scorpius (Late Classic Copán Stela A; after Maudslay 1889 –1902, 1, pl. 26).
g: Aztec Xiuhcoatl representing star-snouted serpent
that may be linked with Scorpius (Codex Borbonicus 20;
after Beyer 1965, fig. 230).
h: Turtle carries Cauac signs representing three hearthstone stars that symbolize three bright stars in Orion (Madrid Codex 71a; after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
i: Two stellar peccaries probably represent Leo with
T510f star glyphs (vault of Room 2 in Structure 1, Bonampak; after Miller 1982, pl. 16). Note that adjacent cartouche is not shown.
j –k: Venus as warrior (Morning Star?) hurling spear
at starry turtle representing Orion, here marked with
three T510b star glyphs depicting Orion’s Belt (Room 2
of Structure 1, Bonampak; after Miller 1982, pl. 19).
254
STARS, THE MILKY WAY, COMETS, AND METEORS
THE MAYA ZODIAC
Our best evidence of formal constellations among
the Maya comes from a sequence of celestial figures
in the Postclassic Paris Codex (23 –24), long recognized as a form of zodiac representing thirteen star
groups (Fig. 7.2a; Gates 1910 : 31). These same celestial animals also appear in the Madrid Codex,
although not in a formal zodiac sequence (Knorozov 1982).
The Paris Codex table shows five rows of Tzolkin
dates with red numerals spaced at intervals of 28
days (Fig. 7.2a; Appendix 3). The reading order is
right to left, as indicated by the ‘‘mirror writing’’
with the glyphs facing opposite to the normal direction, a pattern first noted by Eduard Seler (1904b :
21). With thirteen dates per row (some now effaced),
each row completes a period of 13 3 28 days totaling
364 days, a computing year which falls 6.282 days
short of five sidereal years (H. Bricker and V. Bricker
1992 : 152). Five rows constitute five computing
years, equal to 1,820 days or seven complete Tzolkins
(7 3 260), bringing the computing year and the
Tzolkin into renewed alignment.
In the upper row, between each zodiac figure,
black numbers record intervals of 8.8 in Long Round
notation (168 days), representing six ‘‘months’’ (6 3
28 days). A similar set was probably recorded below,
although there are some perplexing variations in the
notations, including three that seem to record only
the number eight (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 1992 :
158). Alongside the intervals of 168 days, blue-green
numbers record correction factors that serve to realign the Tzolkin calendar dates with the solar year
and the position of the constellations. Seler (1904b :
21) recognized these as factors used to add 20 days
to the Tzolkin dates. Love (1994 : 99 –102) notes that
FIG. 7.2. a: Late Postclassic zodiac with animal constellations suspended from sky band in upper row, here representing stars on or near where ecliptic crosses Milky
Way; lower row represents star groups located along other
points of ecliptic (Paris Codex 23 –24; after Villacorta and
Villacorta 1977).
they were added some time after the original codex
was painted. He explains that slippage in the positions of constellations occurs because the table is
based on multiples of 364 days, while the constellations reappeared in the same position relative to the
horizon at sunset every 365.25 days. It was necessary
to move the Tzolkin days forward 20 days to bring
them into alignment with the constellations. The
Maya did so by changing the bar-and-dot coefficient. For example, by adding 20 days, 3 Kan would
become 10 Kan (Appendix 3). Thus the observation
time would shift to 20 days later, by which time
the constellation would have reached the appropriate
position on the horizon.
Kelley (1976 : 45 –50) proposes that the Paris Codex animals represent constellations spaced at 168day intervals, because the number 8.8 appears between the animals. Given the apparent solar motion
in the background of stars of about 17 a day, after
an interval of 168 days the Sun is almost halfway
around the sky, and the next interval of 168 days
brings it back to a position only 29 days short of the
solar year. This would place the constellations that
are next to one another in the codex at opposite sides
of the sky. Kelley’s proposed zodiac, however, departs from the long-standing association between
the Pleiades and the rattlesnake among the Maya of
Yucatán. He also suggests that the animals biting the
eclipse signs refer to eclipse events. The 168-day interval is very close to the ‘‘eclipse half-year’’ (173.25
days), indicating that the table was probably used
for eclipse prediction. It also should be noted that
the table could chart the position of the Moon, because the 168-day interval is halfway between the
eclipse half-year and six draconic months (6 3 27.21
5 163.26 days 1 4.74 5 168 days). Furthermore, the
average between the synodic lunar month and the
b: Zodiac-like sequence showing crossed bands alternating with signs representing Moon, various constellations, and star signs that might show Venus positions
(Nunnery, Chichén Itzá; after Seler 1960 –1961, 5, fig. 42).
THE MAYA ZODIAC
255
256
STARS, THE MILKY WAY, COMETS, AND METEORS
TABLE 7.1. LAYOUT OF THE ZODIAC OF THE POSTCLASSIC PARIS CODEX 23 – 24
Capricorn
Sagittarius
Gemini
Scorpius
Orion
Pleiades
Libra
(bird 3)
(fish-snake)
(bird 2)
(scorpion)
(turtle)
(rattlesnake)
(bird 1)
Aries
Pisces
Virgo
Leo
Aquarius
Cancer *
(ocelot)
(skeleton)
(?)
(peccary?)
(bat)
(frog)
Source: Based on H. Bricker and V. Bricker 1992, 1996.
* Western Leo in the Brickers’ zodiac is replaced by Cancer in my revised layout.
TABLE 7.2. PAIRINGS OF CONSTELLATIONS,
A.D.
755 – 756
DAWN SET AND
LONGEST VISIBILITY
DAWN RISE AND FIRST VISIBILITY
AFTER CONJUNCTION
November 10
Pleiades (rattlesnake) sets dawn
Libra (bird 1) rises dawn
December 8
Orion (turtle) sets dawn
Scorpius (scorpion) rises dawn
January 5
Gemini (bird 2) sets dawn
Sagittarius (fish-snake) rises dawn
February 2
Cancer (frog *) sets dawn
Capricorn (bird 3) rises dawn
March 1
Leo (peccary?) sets dawn
Aquarius (bat) rises dawn
March 29
Virgo (?) sets dawn
Pisces (skeleton) rises dawn
April 26
Libra (bird 1) and Virgo (?) set dawn
Aries (ocelot) rises dawn
May 24
Scorpius (scorpion) sets dawn
Pleiades (rattlesnake) rises dawn
June 21
Sagittarius (fish-snake) sets dawn
Orion (turtle) rises dawn
July 19
Capricorn (bird 3) sets dawn
Gemini (bird 2) rises dawn
August 16
Aquarius (bat) sets dawn
Cancer (frog *) rises dawn
September 13
Pisces (skeleton) sets dawn
Leo (peccary?) rises dawn
October 11
Aries (ocelot) sets dawn
Virgo (?) rises dawn
Source: Based on H. Bricker and V. Bricker 1992.
* The frog as Western Leo is replaced by Cancer in my revised layout.
sidereal lunar month is 28.426 days, approximating
the 28-day interval recorded in the table.
Gregory Severin (1981) proposes that the zodiac
represents constellations that are next to each other
in the sky, an arrangement originally proposed by
Herbert Spinden. Some of the constellations Severin
identifies are in accord with Colonial period sources.
For example, the rattlesnake is linked to the Pleiades
in Taurus, and the turtle to Orion or Gemini. Like
other scholars, he relates the constellations to thirteen zodiacal months of 28 days forming a 364-day
computing year with a full round of 1,820 days after
five passes through the Tzolkin table (Severin 1981 :
13). However, other aspects of his interpretation differ markedly from those of other scholars. He says
that the winged Kin glyphs are signs of the Sun at the
vernal equinox, and he believes that the whole sequence represents the change in the vernal equinox
THE MAYA ZODIAC
through the 26,000-year cycle of precession of the
equinox. Another interpretation that has not found
a following among scholars is Severin’s (1981 : 20, 23)
notion that the blue-green numbers are modifying
coefficients that refer to the Katun cycle.
Bruce Love (1994 : 89 –102) notes that, given the
division of the stars into thirteen constellations, arranging the dates in thirteen sets of 28 days makes
sense because the average time for one constellation
to replace another relative to the horizon is 28 days
forming a sidereal ‘‘month’’ (13 3 28 5 365 days).
Like Severin, Love links the turtle with Orion and
the rattlesnake with the Pleiades, and he also proposes that the animal constellations represent adjacent star groups. He maintains, however, that the
Paris Codex does not represent a true zodiac because
some of the constellations are beyond the relatively
narrow band of the ecliptic (about 187 wide). Love
compares the layout to the Quiché constellations,
and he points out that half of the constellations observed by the Quiché are not on the ecliptic. The
Quiché star groups serve as ‘‘signs of the night’’ during the period of longest visibility, as opposed to our
European zodiac that identifies constellations with
the month of solar conjunction.
Harvey and Victoria Bricker (1992) provide an
intriguing solution to the layout of constellations in
the Paris Codex. The Brickers note that some paired
constellations represent adjacent constellations, following the principle of a 28-day sidereal month, but
others represent constellations at opposite sides of
the sky in accord with the 168-day intervals of six
sidereal months, as suggested by Kelley. Tables 7.1
and 7.2 reconstruct the associated constellations and
the dates of their positions at both dawn rise and
dawn set. The star groups paired from November
through April in Table 7.2 reproduce the zodiac sequence. Like Kelley, the Brickers note that the separation of solar-eclipse glyphs by 168-day (8.8) intervals reflects a period close to the eclipse half-year.
Nonetheless, the eclipse signs do not show eclipses
in those specific constellations (Harvey Bricker, personal communication 1996).
Another form of zodiac is seen in the facade of the
Nunnery (Las Monjas) at Chichén Itzá. In addition
to a series of animals, some with T510f glyphs, there
257
is a lunar glyph (T683), an Imix glyph, and a T510f
glyph standing alone (Fig. 7.2b). Seler 1960 –1961,
5 : 228 –231) proposes that the Nunnery shows Venus represented in a sequence of positions amid the
background of stars. The order of the constellations
shows that only some overlap with the Paris Codex
(Kelley 1976, fig. 14). The Brickers (1992 : 166) note
that the blocks may be out of order, but even rearranging them, they could find no extensive correspondence with the Paris Codex zodiac. There are
a total of twenty-five different elements in the sky
band, twelve of which are variants of the sky glyph
and seven correspond to figures in the Paris Codex,
including a turtle, a scorpion, a peccary, two birds, a
snake, and a skeletal figure (H. Bricker and V. Bricker
1992, table 6.3). The skeletal figure is associated with
Pisces in the Paris Codex. Pisces marked the spring
equinox in the Classic and Postclassic periods, an intriguing correlation, given the abundance of skeletal
images in Maya art.
A zodiac-like sequence is represented on the north
facade of the Palace of the Stuccoes at Acancéh, Yucatán, dating to a.d. 600 –700 (Miller 1991 : 15, pls.
3 – 6; Seler 1960 –1961, 5, pl. 11). Animals noted for
their nocturnal activities, such as the frog, the bat, the
feline, and the gopher, wear eye rings (Miller 1991 :
35). Some of the same animals—the bat, the owl,
and the rattlesnake—are seen in the Paris Codex
(Fig. 7.1d). A spider monkey evokes the monkey
planet. A howler monkey might be related to the
Morning Star in the Dresden Codex. A blue figure
may be the Classic period counterpart of Hunahpu
(Miller 1991 : 45). The facade has twenty-one figures,
suggesting thirteen constellations grouped with the
Sun, the Moon, and the planets, possibly with two different gods representing the dual aspects of Venus.
In sum, there is strong evidence for a zodiac in
Classic and Postclassic Yucatán. The Paris Codex
zodiac suggests dawn observations made during the
dry season. All the constellations are on the ecliptic
or nearby. The zodiac may refer to the moon’s position crossing the node, indicating a potential for
eclipses at intervals spaced approximately six months
apart. Some of the Postclassic constellations can be
traced back as far as a.d. 600. As we will see, some
may even date back to Preclassic times.
258
STARS, THE MILKY WAY, COMETS, AND METEORS
TABLE 7.3. MAYA CONSTELLATIONS LINKED WITH WESTERN ZODIAC
MAYA CONSTELL ATION
WESTERN CONSTELL ATION
SOL AR CONJUNCTION ( A.D.
Bird 1
Libra
October
Scorpion
Scorpius
November
Fish-snake
Sagittarius
December
Bird 3
Capricorn
January
Bat
Aquarius
February
Skeleton
Pisces
March
Ocelot
Aries
April
Rattlesnake
Pleiades in Taurus
April–mid-May
Turtle
Orion added in Maya system
May–mid-June
Bird 2
Gemini
June
Frog
Cancer
July
Peccary?
Leo
August
(?)
Virgo
September
THE PLEIADES
The Pleiades are a sign for planting today, just as
they were some two thousand years ago. The Pleiades rose at dawn in mid-May in the Protoclassic
Maya period, just prior to planting at the onset of
the rains; by the end of the Postclassic, they were
seen rising in late May, a shift of only about two
weeks (Table 7.4). By this time, their rise coincided
with the planting season. Today, they disappear in
early May, just prior to the planting.
The disappearance of the Pleiades around planting time may be the subject of a legend in the Popol
Vuh. The Pleiades are the four hundred boys who
trick Zipacna (a crocodile) into digging a hole for a
giant post in their house. The boys try to kill Zipacna
by burying him beneath the post; he gains revenge
by pulling the house down on them and killing
them, after which they are transformed into stars
called motz (the group), the same name used for the
Pleiades today (Edmonson 1971 : 48; Girard 1979 :
77). Dennis Tedlock (1991 : 171) suggests that Zipacna represents the earth monster who devours the
0)
Pleiades when they disappear in conjunction at the
beginning of the planting season (Tables 7.3, 7.4).
Quite a different image appears in Yucatán, where
the Pleiades are the tzab, the ‘‘rattlesnake’s rattle,’’ a
name known from sixteenth-century sources and
one that still survives today (Lamb 1981 : 244; Tozzer
1941 : 133). Landa notes that the Yucatec Maya observed the Pleiades (tzab) to tell the time of night
(Tozzer 1941 : 133, 220). The tzab were special insignia of the priests, who carried a short stick with
rattlesnakes’ tails attached to it (Tozzer 1941 : 105).
Representations of God D from the codices and in
the murals of Santa Rita show him holding a staff
shaped like a rattlesnake (Taube 1992b, fig. 14).
The Paris Codex confirms the association between
the Pleiades and the rattlesnake in Postclassic times
(Fig. 7.2a).
The Ritual of the Bacabs describes the red Sun
with the snake-rattles constellation, clearly an image
of their celestial conjunction in May (Roys 1965 :147,
159). Other names such as Ix Hom-ti-tzab (she who
sinks into the rattlesnake constellation) and ‘‘lady in
the rattles constellation’’ may refer to the Moon in
THE PLEIADES
259
TABLE 7.4. DISAPPEARANCE INTERVAL OF PLEIADES OVER
TIME AT 217 N LATITUDE (DZIBILCHALTÚN, YUCATÁN)
YEAR
DISAPPEARANCE INTERVAL
PLEIADES DAWN RISE
500 b.c.
March 30 –May 6
May 7
0 b.c.
April 6 –May 12
May 13
a.d. 500
April 13 –May 18
May 19
a.d. 1000
April 20 –May 23
May 24
a.d. 1500
April 27–May 28
May 29
Source: Aveni 1980, table 10 (dates N.S.).
conjunction with the Pleiades (Roys 1965 : 37, 52,
151, 155). As it happens, the width of the Moon is
just sufficient to cover the Pleiades, so there may
have been a special focus on the relationship between
the two.
The Pleiades glyph (T207), depicting rattlesnakes’
rattles, appears in calendar cycles that are still poorly
understood. Kelley (1976 : 253, fig. 89) points out
that the serpent numbers of Dresden Codex 61 are
accompanied by a text with the Pleiades glyph, followed by a glyph for one pictun equaling 8,000 Tuns.
On Dresden Codex 70, glyphs representing a Katun
and a Tun are linked with T207 (Fig. 7.1c). Eric
Thompson (1972 : 85) notes that in the same column
there are calendar entries that still elude interpretation. These are preceded by the serpent numbers on page 69 associated with an interval of more
than 30,000 years. Such large intervals evoke a connection with the precession of the equinox (26,000
years).
My study of Madrid Codex pages 12 –18 shows
that the 260-day calendar on these pages coordinates
with a stellar cycle marked by the changing position
of the Pleiades, which is represented by a rattlesnake
that changes its form and position (Fig. 7.3; Milbrath
1980b, 1981). On page 12b, the sequence opens with
the serpent emerging from the sky band. As we will
see in subsequent discussions, the sky band marks
the intersection point of the Milky Way and the
ecliptic, a crossroads where the Pleiades are located.
The sky band is featured because this intersection
point is positioned on the eastern horizon around
the winter solstice. Indeed, the sky band appears
only on pages that correspond to times when the
crossroads of the Milky Way and the ecliptic is on
the horizon at dusk. Page 12b marks the beginning
of the astronomical year, when the Pleiades were
seen in the east at dusk around the winter solstice.
The next six pages represent a fixed 260-day agricultural calendar running from February to late October. The calendar overlies a sequence of serpents that
show the movement of the Pleiades over the course
of the planting cycle in the fifteenth century, the
epoch of the Madrid Codex. For discussion of the
solar dates and agricultural events, see Chapter 3.
The layout indicates that the agricultural calendar
begins in early February on page 13b with the Pleiades overhead at dusk at the beginning of the fixed
260-day agricultural cycle. By the March equinox,
the Pleiades are past the meridian at dusk, beginning
their descent, as seen on page 14b. The sequence
continues on page 15b, where the Chicchan serpent
loses its rattles as a sign that the Pleiades have become invisible at dusk at the onset of the rainy season in May. The intersection point of the Milky Way
and the ecliptic touches the western horizon, and
this is why the sky band is represented prominently
on page 15. And when the crossroads of the ecliptic
and the Milky Way begins to emerge above the eastern horizon in late August, the sky band reappears
on page 17. As the calendar comes to a close in late
October on page 18, the serpent reemerges from the
THE PLEIADES
261
underworld without its rattles, just prior to the dusk
rise of the Pleiades.
The Pleiades glyph (T207) appears on Madrid
Codex 16a (upper left) above a sequence of Chicchan serpents, some bearing rattle tails identical to
those on the Pleiades glyph (Fig. 7.3). The Chicchan
serpents bear serpent markings like the day sign
Chicchan, implying a link with Maya horoscopes
that give the prognostication (mut) for the days Kan
and Chicchan as ah tzab ti can, meaning ‘‘the rattlesnake rattle in the sky’’ (Lamb n.d.a).
The Chicchan serpent, a rain serpent associated
with agricultural fertility in contemporary Maya accounts, may be linked with the Madrid Codex serpent, which has a feathered crest and a rattle tail. It
is possible that the Pleiades represented as the rattlesnake’s rattle can be traced back to Olmec times. As
early as 900 – 400 b.c., we see Olmec images of the
rattler with a feathered crest, as on La Venta Monument 19 (Milbrath 1979, table II, fig. 70).
The Chicchan serpent is linked with the day sign
Chicchan and the Pleiades, and it is possible that Venus is also part of the image. The serpent’s rattle tail
may show that the Pleiades are closely related with
Venus in its manifestation as a feathered serpent.
Karl Taube (1992b : 140, fig. 76e) suggests that the
Chicchan serpents in the Madrid Codex are one of a
group of ‘‘crested’’ serpents that may be linked with
Quetzalcoatl, noting that the serpent aspect of Quetzalcoatl has a strong connection with water and fertility. The rattles certainly represent the Pleiades, but
the serpent might be the counterpart of Quetzalcoatl
as the planet Venus. Venus observations may also
have been coordinated with a 260-day cycle representing the fixed agricultural calendar. Indeed, Daniel Flores (1989) finds a direct connection between
the 260-day interval and Venus observations. For example, he notes that counting the average interval
from the first appearance of Venus as Evening Star
to the last day of visibility gives an average of 259.87
days. A link with Venus is also suggested because the
Madrid Codex displays the 260-day calendar in four
rows of 65 days, an arrangement convenient for calculating Venus events such as heliacal rise dates (Milbrath 1981 : 277).
As noted in Chapter 5, Venus passing by the Pleiades is a sign associated with rain, for this occurs
invariably from mid-March through mid-June. Rain
appears as a background in the Madrid Codex
serpent sequence because the calendar relates to
weather patterns presented in relation to observations of the Pleiades and possibly also of Venus.
The Chicchan serpents in the Madrid Codex seem to
be the counterparts of the Chortı́ Maya Chicchan
serpents, especially the northern Chicchan that is
the chief who directs the Chicchans in their rainmaking activities (Wisdom 1940 : 393 –396). Ivan
Sprajc (1993a : 27) suggests that the northern Chicchan reflects the observed coincidence of Venus in
northerly extremes with the onset of the rains. The
northern extreme of Venus may have been linked
with the Pleiades, because they are relatively far
north on the ecliptic. Furthermore, if we consider
Perseus to be part of the serpent constellation, as
I proposed in my original study, the constellation
extends quite far north.
The Chicchan serpent takes a peculiar form in
the Madrid Codex, resembling a hook (Fig. 7.3).
This form led me to study stars in the vicinity of the
Pleiades to see if the serpent’s body could be a nearby
star group. Plotting the movements of Perseus and
the Pleiades shows a good correspondence with the
changing positions of the Chicchan serpent in the
Madrid Codex. The Pleiades and Perseus are a natural pair, forming a sort of bent serpent like that in
the Madrid Codex (Aveni 1980, fig. 70; Milbrath
1980b, 1981). Yucatec lore describes the Pleiades as
the rattler’s tail, but the Paris Codex zodiac shows the
complete serpent, indicating a larger constellation.
This star group probably included the neighboring
stars of Perseus, a constellation to the north of the
ecliptic with a bright binary star, Algol.
FIG. 7.3. Chicchan serpent with tzab tail (‘‘rattlesnake’s
Tzolkin at 207 latitude ca. a.d. 1450. All dates Gregorian
(N.S.). (Madrid Codex 12 –18; modified after Milbrath
1981, fig. 23.2a)
rattle’’) in sequence showing changing position of Pleiades in relation to 260-day agricultural calendar and
262
STARS, THE MILKY WAY, COMETS, AND METEORS
The Chortı́ Chicchans are responsible for most of
the sky phenomena, and they are closely associated
with the ‘‘Working Men,’’ who bear lightning axes.
These men would seem to be counterparts of the
Chacs, a pairing like that on Madrid Codex 13b,
where Chac rides the Chicchan serpent when he is
pouring rain from his jar. Chac mounts the Chicchan serpent in the same way that the five Chacs ride
horses representing different kinds of clouds and
weather in modern Yucatec Maya lore (Chapter 5).
Indeed, there are five Chacs on pages 12b –18b.
In my original study of the Madrid Codex, I suggested that Chac may be connected with Gemini,
marking the Sun’s position at the onset of heavy
rains in June (Milbrath 1980b, 1981). Subsequent research points toward Chac having a planetary identity; nonetheless, Chac’s planet could have a stellar
‘‘home’’ in Gemini (Chapter 5). Indeed, all the planets probably had astrological ‘‘homes’’ in different
constellations (Kelley 1985 : 236). Landa reports that
Venus, the Pleiades, and Gemini were the most important bodies observed by the Maya. On page 12b,
Chac has the year-sign headdress of Tlaloc A, suggesting that he is involved in the eight-year Venus
Almanac, an idealized cycle that brings a Venus event
into alignment with specific solar, lunar, and stellar
events. Venus passes by Gemini during the rainy season, an association similar to that seen with the Pleiades. When the Sun enters the Pleiades, it is the time
of the solar zenith when the rains begin in Yucatán;
and when the Sun enters Gemini, the rains are at
their maximum intensity and the Sun is at its northern extreme. Conversely, when Gemini is in opposition to the Sun, visible for the longest period of time,
it is the time of the winter solstice. The Pleiades are
in opposition to the Sun around the beginning of the
dry season in November, the time of the solar nadir
in Yucatán. It seems clear that by watching the Sun,
Venus, the Pleiades, and Gemini, a very reliable Venus Almanac could be constructed.
The Pleiades may be represented by the serpent
rattles on a bag held by the ruler on Bonampak Stelae
2 and 3 (Mathews 1980 : 60 – 64, figs. 2, 4). This bag
could be the counterpart for the rattle staff carried in
Postclassic times. Stela 3 bears a date (9.17.15.0.0;
10/31/785) that correlates approximately with the
midnight zenith of the Pleiades. The accession date
of Chaan Muan (9.17.5.8.9; 6/9/776) on Stela 2 is
around three weeks after the dawn rise of the Pleiades (Table 7.4). The accession event was probably
guided by other astronomical events, most notably
the first stationary point of Jupiter (6/18/776), the
second stationary point of Saturn (6/19/776), and
the conjunction of Mars and Venus, when the Evening Star was near its maximum elongation and its
maximum altitude (Aveni and Hotaling 1994, table 1;
Lounsbury 1982 : 159; Meeus n.d.; Schele and Freidel
1990 : 446).
The Pleiades bag is also represented on Yaxchilán
Stela 18, which has one of the few representations
of the tzab glyph (T207) in the central Maya area
during the Classic period. The apparent reference to
a Yucatec word for the Pleiades is interesting in light
of the fact that Yaxchilán is a bilingual site where
Yucatec was probably spoken along with Chol (Mathews 1990, fig. 2). The text on Stela 18 begins with
Shield Jaguar capturing Chuen of Bonampak on
a Long Count date reconstructed as 9.14.17.15.11,
based on a Calendar Round date, 3 Eb 14 Mol, with
a one-day error in the Tzolkin notation (Tate 1992 :
244, app. 2). The Long Count corresponds to a date
in early July (7/8/729) when the Pleiades were overhead at dawn and Jupiter and Saturn were nearby
undergoing retrograde motion in Pisces. Jupiter and
Saturn moved in tandem, reaching their second stationary points together in late October, by which
time the Pleiades were overhead at midnight. A
glyph for ‘‘sky center’’ appears with the Pleiades
glyph preceding a Katun 5 Ahau expression associated with a fire event (D1-E2; Tate 1992, fig. 145,
app. 3). The Katun 5 Ahau could refer to the next
5 Ahau Katun ending, 10.1.0.0.0 (11/24/849), when
Jupiter and Saturn would once again be in proximity
as they approached their second stationary points at
a time when the Pleiades once again passed overhead
at midnight.
Inscriptions on Yaxchilán Lintel 31 include a house
dedication phrase with the tzab glyph and a fire
glyph (Schele 1990a : 149, fig. 9.6). Carolyn Tate
(1992 : 163 –165, 277, fig. 57) transcribes the text
as: ‘‘2 Ahau 8 Uo (B2-A4), fire is drilled to dedicate
Mah K’ina Itzam Na . . . its holy name, the temple
THE PLEIADES
(B4-C1) [of Bird Jaguar] (D1).’’ This Calendar
Round date, reconstructed as 9.16.13.0.0 (2/24/764),
marks a fire event associated with the dedication of
Bird Jaguar’s temple. At this time, the Pleiades were
overhead at dusk; more significant, Saturn was in
conjunction with the Pleiades, an event that would
recur approximately every twenty-nine years (one
and a half Katuns).
Yaxchilán Lintel 10 has a tzab reference associated
with an 18 Zotz inscription (D8) tentatively reconstructed as 9.18.17.13.10 5 Oc 18 Zotz (4/3/808; Tate
1992, app. 2). This date coincides approximately with
the dusk set of the Pleiades at the latitude of Yaxchilán
if we presume a slightly raised horizon. At this time,
Jupiter was undergoing retrograde motion, and possibly this was also noteworthy in the inscriptions.
The Pleiades were also recognized as far west as
Palenque, for an inscription on Temple XIV records
a variant of T207 (Pl. 13; Ringle and Smith-Stark
1996 : 292). This glyph is interpreted as a reference to
the apotheosis of Chan Bahlum on 9 Ahau 3 Kankin
(9.13.13.15.0; Schele and Miller 1986 : 272). His apotheosis on 10/31/705 coincided with events involving Jupiter, Saturn, and the Moon (Chapter 6). It is
noteworthy that Saturn, having just passed its first
stationary point, was undergoing retrograde near the
Pleiades.
The Yucatec rattlesnake constellation may also
have been represented in the Petén during the Early
Classic at Tikal (Stela 1; Coe 1970 : 92). Tikal Stela 1
depicts Stormy Sky framed by feathered standards,
with a rattlesnake and a feline climbing the standard
on the left, and a fish-snake and a fragmentary figure
climbing on the right. The two standards may represent two sides of the sky, with the Pleiades on one
side and Sagittarius on the other side.
In the central and southern Maya area, we would
expect to find images linking the Pleiades with sandals, the Chol name for the Pleiades (Chapter 1).
Such imagery is much more difficult to pinpoint, because sandals often appear on royal figures, and no
glyphic expression for the word sandals is recognized
to date. Arthur Schlak (1989) concludes that jaguarpelt sandals appear on rulers represented on monuments bearing dates related to significant Pleiades
positions. However, since he links any number of
263
jaguar costume elements with the Pleiades, the analysis is not sufficiently refined to determine whether
jaguar sandals are depicted at a specific time in the
cycle of the Pleiades. Also, his sample of figures with
jaguar sandals is by no means sufficient to conclude
that there is a connection with the Pleiades.
Observations of the Pleiades in relation to the
Sun and Venus are documented in orientations at
Chichén Itzá. A stairway niche in the Caracol shows
an alignment (paralleling Window 1) to the northern
extreme of Venus and another to the zenith sunset
(Fig. 3.1b). And Window 1 was used to view the Pleiades in late April as they set heliacally at dusk, before
the onset of the rains at the time of the first solar
zenith in late May (Aveni 1980 : 266, fig. 93). The
window has a broad enough opening so that the Pleiades could be seen setting prior to the zenith sunset over a relatively long period of time, despite the
shift in their setting position from 2887 azimuth in
a.d. 500 to 2907 in a.d. 1000 (Aveni 1980, table 9).
A similar orientation is seen in the doorway of the
inner temple in the Upper Temple of the Jaguars
(Milbrath 1988b, 1988c). As noted in Chapter 5, the
feathered-serpent columns in the portico of this
temple represent Venus in conjunction with the
Pleiades, an event that invariably occurs between
March 21 and June 21. This calendric image is reinforced by the orientation of the temple, which
faces sunset on April 29, midway between the spring
equinox and the summer solstice (Chapter 3). The
orientation underscores a connection between the
Venus serpent, the Pleiades, and a time of year associated with the rains to come. The feathered-serpent
columns with rattle tails also frame the entrance to
the Temple of the Warriors, a structure oriented precisely to the setting Pleiades in a.d. 1000 (2907). Another Pleiades image may appear in the rattlesnake
accompanying a warrior on the north jamb of the
west doorway of the Castillo (Cohodas 1978, fig. 68).
The west face is oriented precisely to the position of
the zenith sunset (2917) marking the onset of the
rains (Milbrath 1988c).
In sum, the most easily identifiable image of the
Pleiades is the rattlesnake’s rattle, especially common in Yucatán. The Pleiades were clearly important
calendar stars at the time of the conquest. The Post-
264
STARS, THE MILKY WAY, COMETS, AND METEORS
classic Madrid Codex shows a Pleiades calendar corresponding to the agricultural season. Other codices
show that longer cycles of time are linked with the
Pleiades. Both dawn and dusk observations of the
Pleiades were important in certain Classic Maya inscriptions and architectural orientations.
THE SCORPION AND SKELETAL
SNAKE CONSTELLATIONS
As noted in Chapter 1, ethnographic accounts give
varying identifications for the scorpion constellation: Ursa Major (Tojolabal area in Chiapas), Scorpius (Tzotzil area in Chiapas and Yucatec area in
Quintana Roo), a large constellation running from
Gemini to Sirius (Yucatec area southeast of Valladolid), and a constellation running from Orion to
Sirius (Yalcobá in Yucatán). This gives us perhaps
too many options to work with when interpreting
Maya images of celestial scorpions.
The Colonial period dictionaries from Yucatán
identify zinaan ek (scorpion stars) as the sign of
Scorpio (Justeson 1989 : 116; Lamb 1981 : 244; Roys
1972 : 96). The Chilam Balam books also list the
‘‘black scorpion’’ (ek chuuah) among the stellar deities involved in Katun prophecies (Kelley 1976 : 103;
Roys 1967 : 151 n. 3). A centipede labeled ch’apat,
another form of stinging insect, represents the zodiacal sign of Scorpio in the Chilam Balam of Kaua
(Lamb n.d.a).
The layout of the Paris Codex indicates that Scorpius represents a scorpion constellation in Postclassic Yucatán. Although Scorpius appears next to a
turtle on the sky band, it is actually at the other side
of the sky, meaning that its seasonal associations are
opposite (Fig. 7.2a). At Chichén Itzá, the lintel of the
eastern doorway of the Nunnery depicts a text that
shows a celestial scorpion, and the Nunnery at Uxmal represents the scorpion constellation on a sky
band (Fig. 7.2b; V. Bricker and H. Bricker 1995 : 98,
figs. 1–2).
We also find a stellar scorpion in the Madrid Codex on pages 44 and 48. A series of images show a
scorpion holding a rope tied to a deer, suggesting
possibly celestial conjunction with a deer planet or
perhaps proximity to a deer star or deer constellation
(Fig. 7.1e). A scene on Madrid Codex 11a shows the
old Moon Goddess wearing a scorpion tail, perhaps
an image of the Moon in conjunction with Scorpius.
Madrid Codex 79a depicts the Venus God L with a
scorpion body, suggesting another image of celestial
conjunction (Fig. 5.11b).
John Carlson (1991) notes that one of the twenty
directional aspects of Venus in the Dresden Codex
Venus pages may refer to a scorpion constellation.
As noted in Chapter 5, the scorpion constellation is
named in columns B and C on page 46 of the Dresden Codex Venus pages (Figs. 5.3a, 5.11c). The
scorpion constellation (B) is linked with day 326
and the west, referring to the canonical day the Evening Star would reemerge. In the Postclassic layout
described in Chapter 5, day 326 fell on 5/7/1220,
and in Postclassic northern Yucatán this was the
month when Scorpius was visible for the longest
period of time, making it the ‘‘sign of the night’’
(Table 7.2). The list of twenty deities also names the
Sun, God K (Jupiter), and the five regent gods, including the Moon Goddess and God N. It may well
be that the total number comprises thirteen different constellations, five planets, and the Sun and
the Moon.
In the Classic Period, the scorpion may be portrayed as a segmented snake with a skeletal snout,
only very rarely showing a scorpion stinger, as on Copán Stela A (Fig. 7.1f ). The segmented body recalls
representations of the Aztec Xiuhcoatl, a star-snouted
serpent apparently linked with Scorpius (Fig. 7.1g;
Milbrath 1980a, 1995b, 1997). The date on Stela A
(9.14.19.8.0; 1/28/731) corresponds to a time when
Scorpius was overhead at dawn. Perhaps this is why
the Sun God holds the snake over his head.
On the west face of Copán Structure 10L-29, skeletal snake heads appear in sets of four, framing cartouches that may originally have held solar symbols
(Andrews and Fash 1992, fig. 10). The diving figures
at the bases of the cartouches recall imagery of the
Evening Star. The skeletal serpent, which Linda
Schele (1992b) calls the White-Bone-Snake (formerly
the snaggletoothed dragon), may be an image of Scorpius, located at the intersection of the Milky Way and
the ecliptic. A background of S-shaped scrolls evoke
the cloudy aspect of the Milky Way (see below).
THE SCORPION AND SKELETAL SNAKE CONSTELLATIONS
At Palenque, there are a number of representations of the skeletal snake. Four skeletal snakes frame
Kin symbols on the thirteen ancestor cartouches of
House A (Fig. 3.4k; Robertson 1985b, figs. 112 –
138). Their arrangement radiating from the Sun
symbol is like that of Xiuhcoatl’s framing the Sun
disks at Chichén Itzá (Fig. 3.5i). Such images may
show the Sun in conjunction with Scorpius, reflecting the Sun’s position in November at the beginning
of the dry season. The Sun God is conceptually
linked with the White-Bone-Snake in Classic Maya
ancestor cartouches, evoking comparison with the
image of Xiuhcoatl framing the Sun God at Chichén
Itzá and that of Xiuhcoatl held by the Aztec solar god
Huitzilopochtli (Fig. 3.5i; Milbrath 1980a).
The central panel of the Temple of the Sun depicts
skeletal snake heads on crossed spears, indicating a
connection with warfare (Fig. 3.6b). The date (1/5/
684) directly above corresponds to a time when
Scorpius was high above the eastern horizon at dawn
with the morning star (Table 7.2).
On Pacal’s Sarcophagus Lid, the skeletal snake is
a portal to the otherworld in the Milky Way (Pl. 10;
Freidel et al. 1993 : 269 –270, fig. 6 : 11b). Schele
(1992b : 133, 137) notes that the jaws correspond to
the glyph for ‘‘hole’’ in the codices and the glyph for
the five-day Uayeb, and she interprets the creature
as the White-Bone-Snake representing a place of
transformation and an entry to the underworld in the
rift branch of the Milky Way. I would add that the
skeletal snake represents Scorpius in the underworld
section of the Milky Way. The date (8/26/683) of Pacal’s apotheosis recorded on the Sarcophagus corresponds to a time when Scorpius was seen high above
the western sky at dusk, marking the portal to the
underworld in the rift of the Milky Way (Fig. 7.8c).
Yaxchilán Lintel 25 also depicts the skeletal snake
with hooked teeth at the end of the snout and a segmented body, as on Copán Stela A, but a second
head replaces the scorpion’s tail (Fig. 5.8f ). Here
the tail is visualized as a form of jaw, just as the scorpion stinger around the eclipse glyph in the Paris
Codex zodiac substitutes for the animal jaws biting
the eclipse glyphs seen in the other constellations
(Fig. 7.2a). Schele and Miller (1986 : 187–188, pl. 63)
originally designated this snake as a Vision Serpent,
265
but more recently Taube (1992a : 59 – 68) suggests
that it is a War Serpent linked with a mosaic serpent
headdress seen on the Temple of Quetzalcoatl at
Teotihuacán and worn by warriors in Maya art (Fig.
5.6g, Pl. 15). The Yaxchilán snake has a skeletal
jaw, suggesting links with the White-Bone-Snake on
Pacal’s Sarcophagus and on the spears in Palenque’s
Temple of the Sun. The ringed designs on the snake’s
body may represent the stars of Scorpius marking
the rift branch of the Milky Way, the underworld
road of xibalba be (Chapter 1). This section of the
Milky Way may be the place where dead ancestors
enter the underworld, and this may be why Lintel 25
shows the serpent jaws holding an ancestor with the
attributes of Tlaloc, a god who may be linked with
Venus. Tlaloc in the serpent’s jaws may represent Venus in Scorpius. On the date carved on Lintel 25 (10/
18/681), Venus was visible as the Evening Star passing by Antares, the brightest star in Scorpius. Such a
conjunction event during the Classic period took
place from September through December, overlapping with the onset of the season of warfare. This
may account for the warlike imagery in the scene.
Other Yaxchilán images involve what may be symbolic pairings rather than actual images of celestial
conjunction with Scorpius. On Yaxchilán Lintel 39,
for example, a skeletal snake with a segmented body
bears God K (Jupiter) in its jaws, but this pairing
does not seem to represent conjunction. On the
recorded date (9.15.10.0.1; 6/25/741), Jupiter rose
after midnight and was about to enter retrograde,
while Scorpius was at the opposite side of the sky
above the western horizon. Yaxchilán Stela 1 depicts
the Sun God holding a skeletal snake forming a serpent bar (Fig. 3.8d). The dates on Stela 1 (2/14/760
and 3/11/761) do not refer to the Sun in conjunction
with Scorpius, but the image embodies a link between the dry-season Sun and Scorpius.
On Tikal Stela 22, Ruler C at the time of his accession wears a backrack with a cartouche framed by
skeletal snakes, resembling the ancestor cartouches
of Yaxchilán and Palenque (Jones 1977 : 36, fig. 3;
Tate 1992, fig. 23). The Calendar Round date 13
Ahau 18 Cumku refers to the Katun ending
9.17.0.0.0, when Jupiter and Saturn were in retrograde motion. The ruler holds a latticed staff and
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STARS, THE MILKY WAY, COMETS, AND METEORS
drops seeds or liquid (blood?) from his right hand.
Bloodletting is the last event named in the inscriptions, just following the date of 11 Kan 12 Kayab
(9.16.17.16.4; 12/23/768). This date is one month after Antares emerged from solar conjunction. At this
time Venus was in Scorpius, an interesting overlap
with the planet’s sidereal positioning on the date recorded on Yaxchilán Lintel 25, another monument
featuring a bloodletting event (Fig. 5.8f ).
In Maya vase painting, Scorpius may be represented by a naturalistic scorpion in some contexts.
The Blowgunner’s Pot shows Hunahpu shooting a
bird in a tree with a scorpion at its base (Fig. 3.10k).
On the opposite side of the pot, a rattlesnake appears with a ‘‘Cauac cluster’’ on his tail. Some
scholars identify the scorpion as Scorpius and the
rattlesnake as Sagittarius (Freidel et al. 1993 : 102,
figs. 2 : 7c, 3 :33; Schele 1992b : 131). They identify
the tree as the Milky Way. I, on the other hand, link
the tree with stars in Sagittarius that form a sort of
celestial cross alongside Scorpius (see below). The
Pleiades are the rattlesnake’s Cauac tail. The scorpion is Scorpius positioned at the opposite side of
the sky. The Calendar Round date on the vessel is
1 Ahau 3 Kankin (Coe 1989 : 170). On every repetition of this date during the Late Classic period, Scorpius was visible near the eastern horizon around
dusk, and by dawn it had moved to the western horizon. Thus the scorpion represents Scorpius on the
horizon.
We can conclude that there is strong evidence that
Scorpius was visualized as a scorpion in the Postclassic period. In earlier times, scorpion traits may
be seen on a skeletal snake representing Scorpius.
Sometimes the snake has a segmented body like a
scorpion. The skeletal serpent may be equated with
the War Serpent and the White-Bone-Snake. Certain
dates on Classic Maya monuments with the skeletal
serpent indicate an interest in significant positions of
Scorpius or times when the planets pass through
Scorpius. Other images seem to be symbolic representations, showing the Sun or a solar deity associated with the skeletal snake, perhaps indicating a
special association between the Sun and Scorpius not
unlike that seen later in Aztec art.
ORION AND GEMINI
Gemini has the brightest twin stars in the sky, Castor
and Pollux, marking the northern extreme of the
Sun at the summer solstice. For over one thousand
years Castor and Pollux remained in conjunction
with the Sun on the summer solstice (Aveni 1980,
table 10). Gemini is next to Orion, so they share
similar seasonal associations. Orion’s Belt has the
brightest group of three stars in the sky. Orion is positioned overhead when it crosses the meridian in
the latitudes of Mesoamerica. The three stars are
very close to the celestial equator, dividing the sky in
two halves. The belt rotates in an interesting fashion,
positioned roughly east to west when rising and
north to south when setting.
The importance of Orion in Quiché cosmology is
attested to by a number of temples oriented toward
the setting points of stars in Orion at Utatlán, a Postclassic Quiché site (Freidel et al. 1993 : 103). In this
area of Mesoamerica, the stars of Orion are seen in a
true zenith position. This may be why they express
the notion of centrality among the Quiché Maya,
who associate Orion with a deity known as Heart of
Sky. Juan de León (1945 : 44 – 45) notes that in ancient times the Quiché linked Orion with Jun Rakán
(Huracán or Hunracán) of the Popol Vuh, an identification supported by Carmack (1981 : 356). Huracán is another way of referring to Hurricane, one of
the three aspects of Heart of Sky, who appears with
the plumed serpent in the creation epic (D. Tedlock
1985 : 72 –75, 341, 343, 365). His aspect as a onelegged god can be deduced from the name Hurricane, which means ‘‘1 Leg’’ (hu[n]rakan; Edmonson
1971 : 11–12). Hurricanes are also associated with
specific positions of the Big Dipper (see below).
The idea of centrality may be seen in the hearthstones of the home fire in the Popol Vuh, which symbolize a triangular group of stars in Orion (Alnitak,
Saiph, and Rigel) that form the three celestial hearthstones still recognized by the Quiché (D. Tedlock
1985 : 261). The three stones seem to be mentioned
in the creation mythology of the Chilam Balam of
Chumayel, which speaks of ‘‘the three-cornered precious stone of creation’’ (Looper 1995 : 24; Roys 1967 :
ORION AND GEMINI
107). On page 71a of the Madrid Codex, a turtle representing stars in Orion carries three Cauac signs
(Fig. 7.1h). These are the ‘‘three stones of creation,’’
known as the ‘‘three-stone place’’ in Classic period
inscriptions at Palenque and Quiriguá (Freidel et al.
1993 : 82 – 83, fig. 2.16; Tedlock 1995 : 119 –120).
A constellation known as the fire drill, suggesting a connection with the seat of the fire in the three
hearthstones of creation, seems to be linked with
Orion or Gemini. The Colonial period Motul dictionary glosses mehem ek (semen star) as ‘‘the astillejos,
a constellation in the sky’’; astillejos (fire drill) is a
Spanish term referring to Orion in the Nebrija dictionary of the Colonial period (Lamb 1981 : 236,
344). Thompson (1972 : 68) says that this fire-drill
constellation refers specifically to Orion’s Belt. He
equates it with the Aztec fire-drill constellation
(mamalhuaztli), but this is identified as Castor and
Pollux of Gemini by Arthur Anderson and Charles
Dibble (Sahagún 1950 –1982, 7 : 60). Alfred Tozzer
(1941 : 133 n. 623) says that the astillejos are Gemini.
Similarly, modern Spanish dictionaries link the term
fire drill with Castor and Pollux (Lamb 1981 : 237).
We must conclude that the fire drill could be located
in Orion or Gemini. Since they are adjacent in the
sky, there could have been some confusion among
the chroniclers between the astrological ‘‘sign’’ and
the constellation itself. Floyd Lounsbury (1982 : 166)
points out that the zodiacal sign of Gemini actually
included the stars of Orion and much of Taurus in
the sixteenth century, for the signs remained fixed
while the stars shifted with precession. This also may
account for different identifications made for the
turtle constellation.
Landa identifies ac ek (the turtle star) as one of
the two most important constellations in the Maya
calendar (Tozzer 1941 : 132 –133). Tozzer and other
scholars link Landa’s turtle constellation with Gemini (Knorozov 1982 : 204). The Motul dictionary
says that ac ek is a constellation formed by three
stars in the sign of Gemini that, with others, make a
turtle (Lounsbury 1982 : 166 –167). The Lacandón
and the Yucatec Maya of Chan Kom also identify
the turtle as Gemini (Chapter 1). On the other
hand, Thompson (1960 : 111, 116) notes that a Yuca-
267
tec Maya informant described the square of Orion
that includes Rigel and Betelgeuse as a turtle constellation (ac). Furthermore, the Paris Codex layout
links Orion with a turtle and Gemini with a bird
(Table 7.1). As noted below, this bird is probably
an owl.
As discussed in Chapter 5, the turtle victim on
Dresden Codex 49 seems to represent Orion setting
in opposition to the rising Morning Star in November of 1225 (Fig. 5.3d). Equating the Dresden
Codex turtle with a tortoise, Thompson notes that
the Yucatec Maya say that the tortoise weeps for rain.
They recount that when the woods are wet and the
earth moist, the tortoise is not seen, whereas when
the land is thirsty, the tortoise walks about (Redfield
and Villa Rojas 1962 : 207). Apparently, the tortoise
is seen on land when the celestial turtle is prominent
at the time of the dry season. Orion has its longest
visibility in December during the dry season (Table
7.2). The speared victim on Dresden Codex 49 bears
a title with a seated manikin (T227) that may represent a dwarf (ac) (Thompson 1972 : 64, 69 –70). It is
paired with a turtle-head glyph referring to the turtle
constellation. This turtle head is essentially the same
glyph used for the month Kayab, and both show a
Kan Cross in the turtle’s eye, which can be seen in
the first glyph at the bottom of page 46 noting 19
Kayab (Fig. 5.3a). The glyph for Kayab incorporates
a turtle head that may be linked with the turtle constellation (Thompson 1960 : 116).
The turtle constellation could also be represented
by a turtle head with a water-lily headband. This
turtle is a logograph for ac (ak) in Maya glyphic writing (Houston 1989 : 40). Ralph Roys (1965 : xxii–
xxiii) notes that ac is a homonym with five different
meanings in Yucatec, including a certain grass, a
turtle, a boar peccary, a dwarf, and stars in Gemini.
Star-marked dwarfs on the Yaxchilán Hieroglyphic
Step VII of Structure 33 bring to mind the wordplay
between dwarf and the ac stars in Gemini (Tate 1992,
fig. 111). The dwarfs watch Bird Jaguar playing with
a ball formed by the body of a bound victim. The
last Calendar Round inscription on the monument
is the date of Bird Jaguar’s ball game (Schele and Miller 1986 : 249, fig. VI.7). Tate (1992 : 273) links this 3
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STARS, THE MILKY WAY, COMETS, AND METEORS
Muluc 17 Mac date (9.15.13.6.9; 10/15/744) with Jupiter’s first stationary point (10/23/744; Meeus n.d.).
At this time, Jupiter passed by Castor and Pollux,
which may be represented by the two star dwarfs
next to the ballplayer.
Other representations of the turtle constellation
appear in Classic Maya imagery. A celestial turtle appears in the sky band on the Nunnery facade at
Chichén Itzá (Fig. 7.2b). The Bonampak murals depict a stellar turtle with three bright stars on its back,
calling to mind Orion’s Belt (Fig. 7.1k; H. Bricker and
V. Bricker 1992: 177; Freidel et al. 1993 : 80, fig. 2 : 15).
The painted pot known as the Resurrection Vase
depicts the Hero Twins (the Sun and the Moon)
pouring water on the Maize God as he sprouts from
a turtle shell (Fig. 3.11b). Although this turtle is often interpreted as a representation of the earth (Benson 1997 : 97; Coe 1989), Schele proposes that it represents stars in Orion and that the Maize God is the
Milky Way represented in the form of a tree (Freidel
et al. 1993 : 82, fig. 2 : 17). Although I disagree with
identifying the Maize God with the Milky Way, there
is a strong link between the turtle constellation in
Orion and the cycle of maize. For thousands of years,
the period that Orion (the turtle) was invisible in
conjunction with the Sun coincided with the time
of maize planting, and its reemergence in June correlated with the sprouting maize (Tables 7.2, 7.3).
In Mesoamerican latitudes, Orion’s Belt disappeared
from the sky from April 29 to June 17 around a.d. 0;
by a.d. 1000 the disappearance interval had shifted
only slightly, running from May 11 to June 28 in the
Gregorian calendar (Aveni 1980, table 10). Perhaps
the birthplace of maize is in the turtle constellation,
for the Chilam Balam of Chumayel tells us that the
tender green maize shoot was born in heaven (Roys
1967 : 112).
We can conclude that both the Classic and Postclassic Maya linked the turtle and the celestial hearthstones with stars in Orion. A long-standing association between the period of Orion’s conjunction and
maize planting can be seen in Classic Maya imagery
that shows maize sprouting from the celestial turtle
associated with Orion. Castor and Pollux may be
linked with twin dwarfs in one Classic Maya representation. Stars in Gemini seem to be an owl in the
Paris Codex, but it is not clear whether this association extends back through time. Gemini and Orion,
two neighboring constellations, sometimes bear the
same name in Colonial period dictionaries, probably
reflecting a confusion between the European constellation and the astrological sign.
THE PECCARY CONSTELLATION
We do not have direct evidence for the peccary constellation in Colonial period accounts, but the Lacandón speak of a peccary formed by bright stars in
Orion, with nearby stars as the piglets (Chapter 1).
The name ac in early dictionaries has caused confusion because it is applied to a peccary and a turtle,
as well as star groups in both Gemini and Orion, as
noted in the previous discussion. Such confusion
may be why David Freidel, Linda Schele, and Joy Parker (1993 : 85, figs. 2 : 15, 2 : 19, 2 : 33) identify Gemini
as both a peccary and a turtle, and at another point
they say that Orion is also linked with a peccary.
It is noteworthy that modern Maya accounts say
that two collared peccaries convey the Sun on the
long, slow days around the summer solstice (Thompson 1967 : 38). This suggests a connection with Gemini, marking the summer solstice, or possibly another nearby star group. One possible candidate is
Leo, based on the layout of the Paris Codex zodiac
(Table 7.3). Leo’s brightest star (Regulus) disappears
in conjunction with the Sun a few weeks after the
summer solstice.
The Paris Codex zodiac has a partially effaced figure that may be a peccary constellation linked with
Leo (H. Bricker and V. Bricker 1992 : 171–172, 178).
Although the Brickers originally proposed that Leo
was divided into two constellations, it seems more
likely that the frog constellation they identify as
western Leo actually refers to stars in Cancer (Tables
7.1, 7.2; Milbrath 1996a).
Two stellar peccaries are painted in the vault of
Room 2 in Structure 1 at Bonampak (Fig. 7.1i). Following the patterning from the Paris Codex zodiac,
Harvey and Victoria Bricker (1992 : 178, fig. 6.11)
link the Bonampak peccaries with Leo. Although
Lounsbury (1982 : 166 –167, table 3) does not identify the star peccaries, he reconstructs a battle date
BIRD CONSTELLATIONS
inscribed in Room 2 as 9.18.1.15.5, noting that the
date marks the time when Venus was in inferior conjunction. Using the Gregorian date and the 584,285
correlation, Freidel, Schele, and Parker propose that
the scene on the vault with the peccaries and three
other starry cartouches represents four celestial deities seen close together on the night of August 6, 792
(Freidel et al. 1993 : 80 – 82, fig. 2 : 15). They refer to
the copulating peccaries as Gemini, and the turtle
as Orion’s Belt. Two other anthropomorphic figures
in between are identified as Mars and Saturn positioned between these two constellations. On the
other hand, if the peccaries represent Leo, the vault
could show the underworld sky on the battle date.
Using the 584,283 correlation, the date (7/31/792) is
precisely the day Venus was in inferior conjunction,
four days before Venus would rise at dawn (Aveni
and Hotaling 1994, table 1). At this time, Venus and
the Sun were positioned in Leo. The star deity aiming a spear at the celestial turtle could be Venus, who
must kill the Orion turtle in order to rise at dawn
four days later.
We have a great number of peccary images that
could be identified with the peccary constellation. A
celestial peccary appears in the sky band on the Nunnery facade at Chichén Itzá (Fig. 7.2b). The West
Court at Palenque depicts two celestial peccaries
framing the aged Sun God, evoking the long days of
summer when the Sun moves with the celestial peccaries (Fig. 3.7h). Similar images in portable art
show a peccary with a Kin symbol (Freidel et al.
1993, fig. 2 : 19; Hellmuth 1987, fig. 593). One such
vase illustrated by Coe (1973, no. 66) has a peccary
and a deer on opposite sides, suggesting that the two
sides symbolize opposite seasons; unlike the slowmoving peccaries, the deer carries the Sun quickly
across the sky during the winter (Chapter 1). The
deer constellation remains enigmatic, but it might be
the Hyades, a V-shaped configuration in Taurus that
resembles deer horns.
On a peccary skull from Tomb 1 at Copán, celestial ballplayers seated in a cavelike opening appear
with three peccaries that may represent a constellation (Fash 1991, fig. 24). Two ballplayers in the center of the composition are Venus twins, according to
Clemency Coggins (1986; 1988c : 106, fig. 7). The
269
peccaries are arranged at one corner of the composition; at another we see a spider monkey wearing a
headband (a monkey planet?). The spotted feline
alongside could be the jaguar moon. A vulture below
could be a planet or a bird constellation. A deer
standing on the baseline next to a skeletal ballplayer
with deer features evokes imagery of a celestial deer
(a constellation or the deer planet?). The skull bears
a 1 Ahau 8 Chen Calendar Round date, but the corresponding date is not certain, so it is not possible to
accurately reconstruct the astronomical events.
Discussing the Vase of the Seven Gods (Pl. 7), Coe
(1973 : 107) suggests that the peccary with a death
collar is a constellation. (But see Taube 1992b, fig.
39b.) The 4 Ahau 8 Cumku date may be an anniversary of the creation date. This date invariably falls in
the dry season during the Late Classic period. As
noted in Chapter 6, the Calendar Round anniversary
of 4 Ahau 8 Cumku in December 785 is suggested on
stylistic grounds. At this time, Leo was above the
Morning Star in the dawn sky, mirroring the position of the animal over God L’s head on the vase.
We can conclude that the peccary constellation
probably represents Leo in the Postclassic period,
and possibly also in Classic period times. Another
alternative is that the peccary relates to Gemini.
There are many peccary images in Maya art that may
depict stellar imagery. In any case, the peccary seems
to be a constellation marking the position of the Sun
during the summer.
BIRD CONSTELLATIONS
Birds, the paramount rulers of the sky, represent
planets, constellations, and individual stars in Maya
cosmology—but it is difficult to sort out which is
which. Our best evidence for bird constellations
comes from the Paris Codex zodiac, where Harvey
and Victoria Bricker (1992 : 171, table 6.5) identify
three different bird constellations. Bird 3, a fragmentary bird to the left on the upper row, probably depicts Capricorn (Fig. 7.2a; Table 7.1). Gemini is represented by Bird 2, a form of owl in the upper band.
Bird 1, all but effaced on the far right in the upper
row, is linked with Libra.
One of the partially preserved birds in the zodiac
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STARS, THE MILKY WAY, COMETS, AND METEORS
could be a vulture, which appears prominently in astronomical contexts. On Dresden Codex page 36b, a
vulture perches on a starry snake that may depict Venus, perhaps representing the planet in conjunction
with a vulture constellation (Fig. 5.4b). Similarly, a
vulture perches on a star or Venus symbol in the
Nunnery sky band at Chichén Itzá (Fig. 7.2b).
In the Paris Codex zodiac, Bird 2 representing
Gemini is an important constellation because it is the
‘‘sign of the night’’ in December, the month of the
winter solstice, and at the summer solstice it is in
conjunction with the Sun. It is also the only zodiac
bird sufficiently well preserved in the Paris Codex to
discuss in terms of iconography. The Brickers follow
Seler (1960 –1961, 4 : 642) in describing the bird as
the cox bird, a black pheasant in the Motul dictionary (Tozzer 1941 : 202 n. 1115), but Bird 2 is clearly
an owl. Its mottled feathers and tuft of head feathers
are traits of owls found in Mexico, such as Bubo virginianus or Otus asio. Stars on the tail identify Bird 2
as a nocturnal creature. The brightest twin stars in the
sky, Castor and Pollux in Gemini, probably evoked
the owl’s eyes. Love (1994, fig. 10.7) identifies the
Paris Codex owl as the Maya Muan bird, named after
the bird representing the month Muan. Thompson
(1960 : 114 –115) says that the Muan bird is a Yucatecan horned owl or a screech owl, both characterized by tufts of feathers on the head. He notes that
the Muan bird often is represented on or above the
celestial dragon. The Paris Codex (10) also depicts a
similar bird, a symbol of Katun 12 Ahau, identified
by Taube (1987) as the Muan bird representing a
screech owl or a horned owl, a companion of God L
(‘‘Moan owl’’ in Taube 1992b : 85). On the other
hand, Nikolai Grube and Linda Schele (1994 : 10 –12)
identify the Muan bird as a hawk and God L’s companion bird as the kuy owl, a Ferruginous Pygmy
Owl (Glaucidium brasilianum) associated with warfare in the Classic period. Chapter 5 presents evidence linking God L’s owl to Mercury.
In sum, there are multiple birds represented in
the Paris Codex zodiac, and clearly we have a wealth
of possible bird constellations. Bird 2 is an owl associated with Gemini. The relationship of this bird to
the bird representing the month Muan and to God
L’s owl is not yet clear. A vulture may be linked with
one of the two other zodiac birds that represent Libra
and Capricorn.
CROSS CONSTELLATIONS AND
STELLAR TREES
Birds naturally bring us to trees and their celestial
counterparts—stellar crosses. Cosmic crosses and
celestial trees representing cross constellations appear in ethnographic accounts (Chapter 1). Among
the Lacandón, the Southern Cross is a ceiba tree,
the place where souls of the dead ascend to heaven
(Bruce 1979 : 155). Colonial period records tell us
that the Yucatec Maya believed that the ceiba shaded
the souls of the dead in a land of milk and honey
(Thompson 1970b : 301). Among the Yucatec Maya,
the ceiba is represented by a wooden cross painted
green (Sosa 1989 : 137). Although not explicitly described as astronomical, these crosses may be associated with stellar crosses imbued with Christian imagery. The Yucatec Maya say that the Southern Cross
is cruz ek (cross star), representing the cross of Jerusalem at the southern edge of the world (Redfield
and Villa Rojas 1962 : 206; Villa Rojas 1945 : 150,
156). A location in Jerusalem is implied by the description of the Quiché cross constellations, because
as ‘‘thieves’ crosses’’ they flank Christ’s cross at
Calvary.
The Quiché of Momostenango, in the department
of Totonicapán, identify two thieves’ crosses; one is
the Southern Cross and the other is in Sagittarius
(Tedlock 1992a : 29). These two stellar crosses are
in the Milky Way in the southern sky. Because the
Southern Cross is visible exclusively during the rainy
season, it is called the rainy-season thieves’ cross
(B. Tedlock 1985 : 83). The dry-season thieves’ cross
is a seven-star asterism in Sagittarius. Judith Remington (1977 : 85 – 87) collected data on three cross
constellations found among the Quiché in the department of Quetzaltenango and among the Cakchiquel in the department of Guatemala. One is the
Southern Cross; the second is a star cross centered
on the delta star in Sagittarius—two identifications
that apparently overlap with the two Quiché constellations recorded in Momostenango—and a third
cross was recorded by Remington but remains un-
CROSS CONSTELLATIONS AND STELLAR TREES
identified. Although the Northern Cross is not mentioned in ethnographic accounts, its cross configuration is easily seen in the sky (Fig. 7.8b, northwest).
It is clearly important in the orientation of a temple
at Palenque.
In light of the imagery of cross constellations in
the Quiché area, it is noteworthy that a Protoclassic
sculpture from Santa Cruz de Quiché in Guatemala
(now in the National Museum of the American Indian [9/6718]) depicts a crosslike form with circular
designs that probably represent stars. On the cross
we see a zoomorphic head with a mirror brow, a
long front tooth, and scroll eyebrows; the head rests
on a bound bundle with trilobe ends, not unlike the
pendant worn by astronomical gods.
Seventh-century Classic Maya monuments from
Palenque also seem to represent cross constellations.
Two magnificent tree-crosses are found in the Cross
Group at Palenque (Pls. 11–12). These images seem
to represent stellar crosses. The orientations of the
Temple of the Cross and the Temple of the Foliated
Cross help reveal the nature of these celestial crosses.
The alignment of the temples indicates an interest in
celestial crosses located at northern and southern
sections of the Milky Way. The Temple of the Cross
is oriented toward the southwest to an azimuth of
2117458 (Aveni and Hartung 1979, table 1, fig. 1).
With a mountainous horizon like that on the south
side of Palenque, Beta Crucis in the Southern Cross
could be seen setting through the doorway of the inner sanctuary (with a horizon elevation of 37, Beta
Crucis set at 2117078 circa a.d. 500; Aveni 1980,
table 9). The Temple of the Foliated Cross has a
3127308 azimuth facing toward the northwest, where
the horizon is relatively flat, but the sight line passes
over the Temple of the Sun, artificially raising the
horizon. Thus the temple is aligned toward the setting point of Deneb, the brightest star in the Northern Cross (with a horizon elevation of 37, Deneb set
at 3127488 circa a.d. 500; Aveni 1980, table 9). Given
these associations and the importance of cross constellations today, we can conclude that the Temple
of the Foliated Cross is a temple dedicated to the
Northern Cross, and the Temple of the Cross is dedicated to the Southern Cross.
The principal themes of the panels in the Temple
271
of the Cross and the Temple of the Foliated Cross
are heir designation and accession. Both temples depict the heir apparent, young Chan Bahlum, in his
bloodletting costume (Pls. 11–12). Although events
in Chan Bahlum’s life seem to be linked with Jupiter’s
retrograde motion, as noted in Chapter 6, star positions also seem to be significant in the dates selected
for these events. Schlak (1996) notes that the heir designation on 6/12/641 (9.10.8.9.3) coincided with the
sunset rise of Deneb (Alpha Cygnus), the brightest
star in the Northern Cross. And the accession date (1/
5/684; 9.12.11.12.10) can be linked with Deneb’s rise
at dawn. Although not noted by Schlak, the Southern Cross also shows a relationship with the heirdesignation and accession dates. The Southern Cross
was crossing the meridian above the mountainous
southern horizon at dusk on the heir-designation
date in a.d. 641. And some forty years later, the
Southern Cross was again positioned above the
southern horizon at dawn at the time of Chan Bahlum’s accession in a.d. 684.
The tree-cross in the Temple of the Foliated
Cross, actually a maize plant, seems to be linked to
the Northern Cross, whereas the one in the Temple
of the Cross symbolizes the Southern Cross. In the
Temple of the Cross, Chan Bahlum’s heir-designation date (9 Akbal 6 Xul) is inscribed above the
young ruler, who faces a celestial tree representing
the Southern Cross. His temple is aligned so that the
Southern Cross was seen from the inner sanctuary
around dusk when Chan Bahlum was designated
heir on 6/12/641 (Pl. 12). The Temple of the Foliated Cross faces the setting position of the Northern
Cross when Chan Bahlum was crowned king on
1/5/684 (Deneb set at dusk on 1/25/500 N.S., at
217 N latitude; Aveni 1980, table 10). In this temple,
the accession date associated with the mature Chan
Bahlum is clearly the main focus, because the heirdesignation date is not even represented with the
young Chan Bahlum (Pl. 11). At the time of his accession, King Chan Bahlum faces a celestial cross
representing the Northern Cross as a maize plant.
At age forty-nine, the newly crowned Chan Bahlum is metaphorically compared to a mature maize
plant, for the foliated cross is a maize plant with its
ears doubled over in preparation for harvest. The
272
STARS, THE MILKY WAY, COMETS, AND METEORS
maize is ripe and ready to serve as food for the
people, just as the ruler is mature and ready to serve
the people. The metaphor extends into the sky,
bringing the stars into play. At the time of Chan
Bahlum’s accession in January of 684, the Northern
Cross stood erect over the horizon to the northwest
at dusk, and its light streamed into the inner chamber of the Temple of the Foliated Cross. Thus the
Northern Cross is the embodiment of the mature
maize drying on the stalk in January. Indeed, the
Northern Cross itself has bent arms, just like the
bent maize ears on a dried stalk ready for harvest.
The foliated cross reflects the image of the Northern
Cross on the horizon, just as the cross in the Temple
of the Cross mirrors the Southern Cross as it makes
its brief transit across the sky. The two structures
present a perfect harmony between temple orientation, iconography, and dated events signaling two of
the most important ceremonies in the reign of Chan
Bahlum.
Connecting royal rituals to the position of a constellation may seem to be fanciful to some people,
but here again we have to turn to the modern Maya
for instruction. The Cakchiquel of Chinautla still
send young boys out when they turn six or seven to
fight for the stars of a cross constellation called the
Thieves’ Dagger so that they will gain the proper
skills to become an adult (Remington 1977 : 87). It
seems more than coincidence that at six years of age,
the young Chan Bahlum is shown with a cross constellation in a ceremony to make him ready to assume his proper role as the future king.
A third structure in the Cross Group at Palenque
signals a relationship with a cross constellation. In
the Temple of the Sun, Chan Bahlum’s accession date
is the focus of the imagery because it is placed in the
center of the composition (Fig. 3.6b). His accession
date was timed by Jupiter’s departure from its second
stationary point, and Jupiter may be represented by
the God K manikin held by the ruler on the right
(Chapter 6). As in the case of the other temples of
the Cross Group, the iconography of the Temple of
the Sun bears a relationship to the temple’s alignment. The accession date tells us the day of observation, and the orientation tells us where to look on
the horizon. The time of observation is most prob-
ably dawn, given the temple’s alignment toward the
winter solstice sunrise, an event occurring around
two weeks before the ruler’s accession (Chapter 3).
The temple orientation aligns with Sagittarius rising
in early January. The cosmic power of this constellation streamed into the inner temple just before
sunrise on the January accession date. Stars in Sagittarius form a cross constellation described in contemporary Maya accounts as centered on delta Sagittarius, equivalent to the bow in the Sagittarius
archer’s hand (Fig. 7.8a, lower center).
In the Temple of the Sun, a celestial cross is suggested by the crossed spears (Fig. 3.6b). As noted
earlier, the spears bear skeletal snakes that may symbolize Scorpius, a constellation adjacent to Sagittarius. Since only part of Sagittarius is seen as a celestial cross today, it seems that the constellation
may have been divided into two different asterisms
in times past. The rest of Sagittarius may be represented by a fish-snake serpent bar below, the
counterpart of the fish-snake in the Paris Codex
(Fig. 7.2a). The Temple of the Sun depicts God L
supporting a zoomorphic bar that bears two heads of
a shark monster known as Xoc, one at either end. As
Andrea Stone (1992) points out, zoomorphic bars
are often referred to as thrones because people sit on
them, but they actually represent supernatural locales. In this case, the Xoc zoomorph evokes the fishsnake in Sagittarius located adjacent to the celestial
cross in Sagittarius, probably represented by the
crossed spears.
Stellar imagery is also prominent in an important
image of apotheosis in the Temple of the Inscriptions at Palenque, a pyramid that houses the tomb
of Chan Bahlum’s father, Pacal II. As noted in Chapter 6, Pacal’s apotheosis as God K coincided with Jupiter’s first stationary point (8/28/683). Instead of
describing a death event, the text says ‘‘he entered
the road,’’ referring to an astrologically timed apotheosis. As noted earlier, the giant maw framing God
K and his celestial tree is none other than the skeletal
snake embodying Scorpius, the entry to the Milky
Way—the xibalba be in the southern sky (Pl. 10).
The cosmic tree on the Sarcophagus Lid shows a
context for Pacal’s apotheosis. The tree has similar
attributes to the one in the Temple of the Cross, also
THE NORTH STAR AND THE ‘‘DIPPERS’’
depicting the Quadripartite God at the base. As we
will see, the skeletal Quadripartite God may represent the place where the ecliptic crosses the Milky
Way at its southern extreme. The imagery suggests
the tree is the Southern Cross located in the southern sky on the southern part of the Milky Way, where
the souls of the dead ascend. Among the Lacandón,
the Southern Cross is a stellar ceiba, which the dead
climb to reach heaven. In light of contemporary
Maya beliefs that the souls of the dead become stars
(Thompson 1960 :85), it may be that the stars of the
Milky Way were seen as the spirits of the dead traveling along the soul’s road.
In sum, cross constellations seem especially important in the imagery of seventh-century rulers at
Palenque. Study of the Sarcophagus Lid suggests
that the deceased Pacal entered the Milky Way near
Scorpius and ascended to heaven on the Southern
Cross to reach his planet Jupiter. The imagery, dates,
and orientations of Chan Bahlum’s temples indicate
specific associations with cross constellations representing world trees located in the Milky Way. Chan
Bahlum stands in the Temple of the Foliated Cross
alongside an image of the Northern Cross, a giant
maize plant representing a cosmic tree that bestowed
a blessing on his reign at his accession in January of
a.d. 684. In a like fashion, at his heir designation
when he was six years old, he appears with the
Southern Cross, another cosmic tree, but this one
in the Temple of the Cross. This temple focuses on
the heir-designation date in June, and it is oriented
to the Southern Cross setting at this time, whereas
the Temple of the Foliated Cross focuses on the accession date in early January when the Northern
Cross could be seen setting from the temple interior.
The accession event is also featured prominently in
the Temple of the Sun, but here the temple is oriented to a third celestial cross in Sagittarius that rose
at dawn in January. Like the other two temples, the
central image here can be related to a cross constellation in the Milky Way.
THE NORTH STAR AND THE ‘‘DIPPERS’’
Precession brought Polaris to the position of a true
Pole Star for the Northern Hemisphere in medieval
273
times. Today it still remains the pivot of the sky fixing the north point. Its elevation above the horizon
can be used to determine latitude. At 157 latitude,
Polaris is approximately 157 above the horizon. It
is so low on the horizon in tropical latitudes of
Mesoamerica that in mountainous regions it would
barely be visible. The best place for observing the
Pole Star in the Maya area is northern Yucatán,
where the flat horizon gives optimum visibility. Indeed, it may be that some rare north-facing structures in this area were used for such observations,
the most notable being Structures 1 and 2 in the
Northwest Quadrangle at Uxmal (Aveni 1980, app.
A; Aveni and Hartung 1986, table 1).
Some Yucatec dictionaries of the Colonial period
name xaman ek as ‘‘star of the north’’ and ‘‘guide of
the merchants,’’ referring to the North Star (Polaris)
in Ursa Minor; others use this term to refer to the
whole constellation, glossing it as ‘‘guards of the
north’’ (Lamb 1981 : 243). Chimal ek (shield star) is
the ‘‘star of the north’’ (Polaris) in Yucatec dictionaries, but this name sometimes also applies to Ursa
Minor and neighboring stars (D. Tedlock 1985 : 330).
Paul Schellhas (1904 : 20) originally identified God
C of the codices as the North Star, and this interpretation is still repeated today (Coggins 1988a : 140;
Galindo 1994 : 100; Sharer 1994 : 535). Schellhas
points out that the glyph for north has a face that
resembles God C, but he also notes that on Dresden
Codex pages 29c–30c, all four directions are associated with the God C head (Schellhas 1904 : 21).
Similarly, on the Rı́o Azul tomb, God C appears associated with all four directions (Fig. 3.2b). Taube
(1992b : 27) points out that God C never serves as the
main sign for north in the Dresden Codex, the most
carefully painted of the Maya manuscripts. Kelley
(1976 : 630) notes that God C’s role as a representative of the North Star seems highly questionable. In
Chapter 6, God C is identified as a monkey planet.
Perhaps he is also lord of the four directions.
Schele (1990 : 151–152, fig. 9.7) also proposes that
Polaris is mentioned in Classic period mythological
texts in the Temple of the Cross at Palenque (Pl. 12).
She identifies the date 13 Ik 0 Chen as a creation
event in 3112 b.c. linked to a Long Count set at the
beginning of the epoch (1.9.2). She suggests that an
274
STARS, THE MILKY WAY, COMETS, AND METEORS
expression she translates as ‘‘entering or becoming
the sky’’ (och ta chaan) is paired with the establishment of a house named ‘‘raised up sky of the north’’
(wakah chaan xaman), translating wak as ‘‘something raised on high’’; however, wak more commonly refers to the number six. She proposes that
this image refers to lifting up the sky from the sea,
with xaman referring to the sky pivoting around Polaris. This interpretation remains highly speculative,
and the text may alternatively be translated as ‘‘six
sky in the north.’’
Linda Schele and Mary Miller (1986 : 277) suggest
that the clustering of burial sites to the north of Tikal
and the north-facing burials at Palenque indicate
that the ancestral dead rose to occupy the north sky.
Be that as it may, it seems clear that the dead entered
the sky to the south, in the xibalba be section of the
Milky Way (see below).
Surprisingly, terms for the Big Dipper or Ursa
Major do not appear in Colonial period Yucatec dictionaries, except for an erroneous reference to chimal
ek as Ursa Major. Lamb (1981 : 243, 245) proposes
that Ursa Major is linked with the starry ball-court
constellation called ekel ek (darkness stars), glossed
as ‘‘game of ball.’’ Modern Yucatec references to the
Big Dipper or Ursa Major as the ‘‘seventh sacrament’’ seem to link the Big Dipper to the Catholic
last rites performed just before death (Redfield and
Villa Rojas 1962 : 206). Another Yucatec term for
Ursa Major, noria ek (water wheel star), also clearly
refers to Postconquest imagery, naming a European
invention.
Quiché Maya dictionaries identify Ursa Major as
Vucub Caquix, meaning ‘‘seven macaw’’ (Alvarado
1975 : 73; gucup cakix in León 1954 : 33). Dennis Tedlock (1985 : 36, 91, 330, 360) says that Vucub Caquix
is the Big Dipper, a seven-star configuration in Ursa
Major. In the Popol Vuh, Vucub Caquix moves up in
a tree to proclaim himself as the Sun, but Hunahpu
shoots him down, ending his reign as the false Sun.
His wife is Chimalmat, a Nahua-derived name that
Tedlock notes is linked with chimal ek, a name for
Ursa Minor, a constellation close to the Big Dipper.
A calendar regulated by positions of the Big Dipper
may be implied in the ascent and descent of Vucub
Caquix, for Tedlock (1991) notes that the Big Dip-
per’s descent in the dusk sky marks the beginning of
the hurricane season, just as its rise marks the onset
of the dry season.
In terms of astronomy, it is noteworthy that the
Big Dipper has been linked with Principal Bird
Deity, an alter ego of God D named Itzam-Yeh (Freidel et al. 1993 : 79, 89, 112, 449, fig. 2 : 13; D. Tedlock
1985 : 90 –91). Tedlock interprets a Classic period
scene showing the Hun Ahau twin killing the Principal Bird Deity as the death of Vucub Caquix
(Fig. 3.10k). Elizabeth Benson (1997 : 91–92) tentatively identifies the Principal Bird Deity as a King
Vulture. She notes that Vucub Caquix is the ancestor of the scarlet macaws, but his representation in
the Classic period is complex and partly vulturine.
Vucub Caquix loses a tooth in the Popol Vuh, which
suggests a connection with a modern Maya account
that describes how King Vulture was forced to give
up the Moon when the Sun caused him to have a
toothache (Benson 1996 : 311–312). On the other
hand, Nicholas Hellmuth (1987 : 365) reaches the
conclusion that the Principal Bird Deity is not Vucub
Caquix, but is instead a hawk mentioned in a second
shooting incident of the Popol Vuh.
We can conclude that the identification of northern stars and constellations in Precolumbian Maya
art remains elusive. The Colonial period Yucatec
sources provide some evidence to suggest that the
Little Dipper or Polaris was visualized as a shield, but
no direct connection with Precolumbian Maya imagery has been demonstrated to date. The oftenrepeated notion that God C represents the North
Star is untenable. Identifications of the Big Dipper
among the Precolumbian Maya are by no means
conclusive, despite recent research linking this star
group to Vucub Caquix and to the Principal Bird
Deity.
CENTRAL MEXICAN IMAGES
OF THE MILKY WAY
The Aztecs of central Mexico visualized the Milky
Way as a white road created when Tezcatlipoca and
Quetzalcoatl walked across the sky (Historia de los
mexicanos por sus pinturas 1973 : 32). The Historia
de México (1973 : 105) says that Tezcatlipoca and
THE COSMIC MONSTER AND THE MILKY WAY
Ehecatl made the heavens by entering the earth goddess (Tlalteutl) and joining together to form a low
heaven, which the other gods helped them raise up.
The next year, the stars were created, including the
Milky Way, represented as a male and female pair
known as Citlaltonac (where the stars shine) and
Citlalicue (star skirt). In both accounts, the world
was restored after a great flood, and the sky had to
be raised before the Milky Way was created in the
world age of the Aztecs. This was the epoch of the
fifth sun, for the destruction of the world had been
repeated four times. In another account, however,
the Milky Way creation sequence is reversed, for
Quetzalcoatl and Tezcatlipoca are among the many
divine children of Citlalicue (González Torres 1975 :
130). The gods were born when Citlalicue gave birth
to a stone knife that she threw to earth. Although the
Milky Way has a male and female aspect, Citlalicue
is most often named by herself in legends and invocations referring to the Milky Way (González Torres
1975 : 129 –133).
On Codex Vindobonensis 47b, Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl holds up a band of celestial water on a sky
band with Venus glyphs, possibly alluding to the
Milky Way as a celestial river (Fig. 5.4g). And Codex Vindobonensis 48 shows Quetzalcoatl emerging through a cleft opening in a sky band with Venus glyphs in a scene representing his rebirth in the
heavens (Fig. 5.4f; Milbrath 1988a : 158 –159). The
image of Quetzalcoatl emerging through a cleft sky
band parallels scenes in the Codex Borgia (29 – 46)
that show Quetzalcoatl passing through a sky band
forming the body of a figure that Karl Nowotny
(1976) describes as a sky goddess (Fig. 7.4a–b). I
have identified this goddess as the Milky Way, noting
that she is probably the counterpart of the Milky
Way goddess known as ‘‘star skirt’’ (Citlalicue) in
Aztec mythology (Milbrath 1988a : 160 –164; 1989).
The goddess bears stars and Venus signs, much like
the sky bands in Mixtec codices. The cleft in her
body marks the place where the ecliptic crosses the
Milky Way, which is also the place where the Venus deity, Quetzalcoatl, is reborn (Milbrath 1988a;
1989). A similar construct appears in the imagery
of Chichén Itzá (Fig. 5.5f–g). Here the feathered
serpent emerges from the abdomen of an elon-
275
gated goddess. Taube (1992b : 129 –131) links these
Chichén Itzá murals with a myth in the Historia de
México (1973 : 108) that describes how Tezcatlipoca
and Quetzalcoatl tore apart the earth goddess by
transforming themselves into two great serpents and
squeezing the earth in the middle. The myth states
that her lower body rose up to the sky—hence the
celestial associations of this goddess are quite appropriate. In the murals, her body is covered with bluegreen jade disks, implying a shiny quality, for jade
sparkles like water. In central Mexican imagery, jade
symbols appear in representations of water, but they
may also allude to stars in some contexts.
We can conclude that in some Aztec accounts,
Quetzalcoatl and Tezcatlipoca are responsible for creating the Milky Way, variously described as a celestial
road, a divine star couple, or, more specifically, a star
skirt. In others, the goddess of the Milky Way gives
birth to Quetzalcoatl, Tezcatlipoca, and a multitude
of other gods. Central Mexican and Mixtec codices
show Venus-Quetzalcoatl positioned at the intersection of the ecliptic and the Milky Way. Quetzalcoatl
emerges from the abdomen of a star-skirted goddess
of the Milky Way in the Codex Borgia, suggesting
a form of celestial rebirth. At Chichén Itzá, central
Mexican influence is evident in images that show the
feathered serpent emerging from the elongated body
of a sky goddess who may represent the Milky Way.
Mixtec scenes show the rebirth of Quetzalcoatl as he
emerges from a cleft in a sky band that probably
shows where the ecliptic crosses the Milky Way. In
other scenes, the Venus deity holds up sky waters
that may be the Milky Way.
THE COSMIC MONSTER
AND THE MILKY WAY
A zoomorph that Andrea Stone (1985) dubbed the
Cosmic Monster sometimes has an elongated skyband body that evokes a link with the central Mexican goddess of the Milky Way (Fig. 7.4a–b). On
Paris Codex 22, the ecliptical cord crosses over the
sky-band body of the Cosmic Monster, serving as a
sky rope connecting six deities, among which we
find two death gods and four gods representing
different aspects of God N (Fig. 7.4c). Another
THE COSMIC MONSTER AND THE MILKY WAY
277
Postclassic image from the Dresden Codex shows the
Cosmic Monster with reptile skin, a sky-band body,
and deer feet (Fig. 7.4d). The monster is positioned
at the top of the composition, like sky bands in Classic Maya art. In Classic period representations, Freidel, Schele, and Parker interpret the Cosmic Monster
as the Milky Way monster, but they identify the sky
band as the ecliptic bearing symbols of planets and
constellations (Freidel et al. 1993 : 67, 422 n. 34).
On the other hand, a number of scholars have suggested that the sky band is the Milky Way (Galindo
1994 : 103; Robertson 1985a : 27). Both interpretations have an element of truth because the sky band
refers to the place where the ecliptic crosses the
Milky Way.
My study of the Paris Codex zodiac layout indicates that all the constellations suspended from the
sky band are either on the Milky Way or at the edge
of the Milky Way (Figs. 7.2a, 7.6; Table 7.1). The second group of constellations, suspended from a white
band with zigzag lines (the ecliptical cord?), consists
of constellations on the ecliptic that are not near the
Milky Way. The image of the sky band as the place
where the ecliptic crosses the Milky Way is confirmed by independent analysis of the Dresden Codex Venus pages, where the Sun, the Moon, and
planets crossing the Milky Way are represented as
gods on sky-band thrones (Chapter 5).
The Cosmic Monster with a sky-band body appears at the top of various stelae at Yaxchilán (Stelae 1, 4, 10; Figs. 3.8c, 4.2i; Tate 1992, fig. 130).
Stela 1 represents the Cosmic Monster with the same
head at either end of a sky-band body. Serpent bars
held by Classic Maya rulers take a similar form.
David Stuart (1984 : 15) suggests that these doubleheaded serpent bars may be images of the Milky
Way. The Milky Way is clearly related to serpent imagery in contemporary Maya accounts (Chapter 1;
Girard 1949 : 458). The Cosmic Monster incorporates serpent imagery, but it also seems to include
other animals.
The Cosmic Monster has a variety of body forms,
most often covered with reptile skin bearing a sky
band or scrolls (cloud symbols), or more rarely net
markings (Fig. 7.5a– e; Stone 1983 : 171–173). The
net design could be stylized reptile skin or it may
refer to an actual net, recalling a Maya myth that alludes to a net of fish transformed into the Milky Way
(Chapter 1). If a watery context is implied, the allusion may be to the Milky Way as a celestial river or
ocean, as seen in the Codex Vindobonensis (Fig.
5.4g). The Cosmic Monster overlaps in some sense
with the Cauac Monster (Stone 1983 : 186). Cauac
markings, like an inverted pyramid of beads, have
been variously interpreted as a symbol of rain or
storm (Thompson 1960 : 89), but more recent interpretations of the Cauac Monster suggest that he is
the Witz Monster symbolizing the mountains (Stuart, cited in Fash 1992 : 92, figs. 4 –5).
The Cosmic Monster on Copán Structure 22 is
covered with cloud symbols, which are related to the
cloudy aspect of the Milky Way (Fig. 7.5d). Two aged
figures of the Pauahtuns (God N) hold the Cosmic
Monster aloft. Its front head has a face with reptilian
FIGS. 7.4. a–b: Late Postclassic sky goddesses representing Milky Way with cleft opening for passage of central
Mexican Venus god known as Quetzalcoatl (Codex Borgia
46; after Seler 1963).
c: Cosmic Monster sky-band body wrapped in sky rope
representing ecliptical cord, with four aspects of God N
seated above (Paris Codex 22; after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
d: Aged Moon Goddess and Venus as God L showered
by water from front end of Cosmic Monster, symbolizing
rainy season section of Milky Way (Dresden Codex 74;
after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
e: Terminal Classic monument depicting ruler surrounded by ‘‘cloud-rider’’ deities passing through Milky
Way at Katun ending 10.2.0.0.0 (8/11/869), when four
planets were positioned in Milky Way (Jimbal Stela 1; after Schele and Freidel 1990, fig. 10.8a).
f: Twin Chacs sit back to back on sky-band throne beneath cloudlike scrolls probably symbolizing Milky Way
(Dresden Codex 68a; after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
g: Preclassic ruler in cave opening holds ceremonial
bar with S-shaped scroll that may symbolize Milky Way,
while tiered cloud symbols above issue rain (Chalcatzingo
Relief 1; after Coe 1968 : 93).
278
STARS, THE MILKY WAY, COMETS, AND METEORS
THE COSMIC MONSTER AND THE MILKY WAY
279
traits and may also have deer attributes, whereas the
rear head depicts the Quadripartite God, including
the Kin brow and a bloodletter (Stuart 1988, fig.
5.32). Seven supernatural figures along the body
probably represent the Sun, the Moon, and five
planets (Chapter 6). Such figures are described as
‘‘cloud-riders’’ by Proskouriakoff (1993 : 98, 185 –
187, 192). These S-shaped scrolls are usually described as clouds or smoke (Andrews and Fash 1992 :
74; Reilly 1996). The scrolls have also been interpreted as blood (Stuart 1988). In my opinion they
represent a cloudy aspect of the Milky Way. Star
symbols interlace with two of the scrolls covering
the body of the Cosmic Monster on Copán Structure 22.
Although an S-shaped scroll in a beaded frame
(T632) has commonly been interpreted as a cloud,
based on an image in the Dresden Codex that shows
it as a source of rainfall (Fig. 7.4f ), we cannot be
sure that this is the only meaning for this symbol.
The Cosmic Monster embodying an aspect of the
Milky Way also seems to be a source of rainfall or
celestial water (Figs. 5.7g, 7.5a). Furthermore, an Olmec petroglyph from the Preclassic epoch suggests
that rain clouds and the S-shaped scroll were distinguished at an early time, for Chalcatzingo Relief 1
depicts a ruler holding a ceremonial bar bearing an
S-shaped scroll, also on his throne, but the clouds
issuing rain above are quite different in form (Fig.
7.4g). Here the ruler’s ceremonial bar can be compared with the serpent bar that invokes Milky Way
imagery in later times.
David Stuart and Stephen Houston (1994 : 44)
identify T632 as the symbol for clouds (muyal ),
and they note that muyal often appears in celestial
contexts. On the other hand, Stone (1992; 1996)
identifies the muyal compound as a supernatural locale. The muyal place may be located on the Milky
Way, and muyal itself seems to refer to the cloudiness of the Milky Way or to a cloudy place on the
Milky Way.
In a broad study of Precolumbian imagery, Terence Grieder (1982 : 100 –104, 126 –128) links the
S-shaped scroll to Scorpius. Another possibility is
that it represents an S-shaped dark cloud in the Milky
Way that runs from Canis Major to the Southern
Cross, identified by the Quechua as the snake Machacuay (Urton 1981, fig. 33). This is the area of
Canopus, an especially bright star that certainly
would have attracted some attention (Aveni 1980 :
108). The association with rainfall seen in the Dresden Codex can be explained by the fact that this dark
cloud would be prominent at dusk at the onset of the
rainy season. On the other hand, if the S-shaped design alludes to Scorpius, it could be associated with
clouds and rainfall, because this star group is seen in
the evening sky during the rainy season. Alternatively, the T632 scroll may be a more general reference to the cloudy aspect of the Milky Way.
Variations in body forms of the Cosmic Monster
may allude to different parts of the Milky Way. Indeed, there may be an underworld-upperworld dichotomy in the imagery of the Cosmic Monster’s
body. Reptile body markings predominate on the
FIG. 7.5. a 1: Late Classic Cosmic Monster with sky-band
body terminating in two heads that represent seasonal duality; a 2: monster frames doorway, giving view of northern
sky (House E, Palace, Palenque; after Maudslay 1889 –
1902, 4, pl. 43).
b: Upside-down rear head of Cosmic Monster (here
shown upright) with skeletal jaw, Kin brow, and headdress with shell, bloodletter, star symbol, and stream of
blood; also known as Quadripartite Monster, this deity
may allude to Sun crossing rift (underworld) section of
Milky Way at winter solstice during dry season (House E,
Palenque; after Robertson 1985a, fig. 89).
c: Reptile variant of Cosmic Monster frames east sub-
terranean doorway in House E (Palace, Palenque; after
Robertson 1985a, fig. 115).
d 1: Cosmic Monster covered with cloud symbols; d 2 :
Cosmic Monster, supported by two aged figures of God N,
carries seven deities in cloud volutes (Late Classic Structure 22, Copán; after Maudslay 1889 –1902, 1, pl. 12).
e: Late Classic double-headed Cosmic Monster with
skin and feet like crocodile (Altar 41 at Copán; after
Maudslay 1889 –1902, 1, pl. 114).
f: Double-headed Cosmic Monster with rear head in
form of skeletal snake (Late Classic Altar G1 at Copán;
after Schele 1987b).
THE COSMIC MONSTER AND THE MILKY WAY
281
Cosmic Monsters framing the entries to subterranean passages of House E at Palenque (Fig. 7.5c;
Robertson 1985a, fig. 109; Stone 1985 : 48). On the
other hand, a Cosmic Monster with a sky-band body
on House E frames a doorway that gives a clear view
of the sky (Fig. 7.5a).
A deer ear on one head of the Cosmic Monster on
House E is typical of the deer features associated with
the front head (Fig. 5.7g). Such attributes may allude to a deer constellation (Hyades?) located on the
Milky Way. The front head in House E has a heavylidded eye inset with the T510f star, evoking a link
with ‘‘big eye,’’ a Maya name for Venus (Chapter 5).
Indeed, some scholars link the front head of the Cosmic Monster to Venus (Miller 1988 : 179 –180; Schele
and Miller 1986 : 45).
The sky-band body on House E wraps around to
connect with an upside-down rear head marked
with a Kin glyph (Fig. 7.5a–b). The front and rear
heads seem to represent an opposition of sorts.
There may also be a dichotomy in the liquids associated with the two heads on House E. In Merle
Greene Robertson’s reconstruction of the colors in a
replica made for the Florida Museum of Natural
History, the rear head issues a liquid from the brow
that is predominantly red, whereas the front head
disgorges a liquid that is predominantly blue, like
the water flowing from the Cosmic Monster’s mouth
on Dresden Codex page 74 (Fig. 7.4d). As noted in
Chapter 4, page 74 seems to show rainy-season imagery of the Moon, and the rain comes from the
front head of the Cosmic Monster. The water flow
may indicate that the front head is linked with the
rainy-season side of the Milky Way.
The rear head of the Cosmic Monster represents
the Quadripartite God, a skeletal god who carries a
quadripartite badge: a shell, a bloodletter, a Kin symbol, and a fourth element usually including a tri-
lobed design reminiscent of the pendants worn by
GI and other planetary gods (Fig. 7.5b). The skeletal
imagery of the rear head refers to the death and the
resurrection of the Sun (Stone 1983 : 204). This is in
accord with Schele’s (1976 : 17) suggestion that the
rear head may be linked with the Sun at the winter
solstice. The monster has a death aspect seen in its
skeletal jaw and in the Cimi sign associated with
death that sometimes replaces the Kin sign. The Kin
symbol may be the glyphic counterpart of T546, a
Kin bowl that is sometimes interpreted as lak’in, the
symbol of east (Chapter 3). The bloodletter in the
headdress, a stingray spine, is sometimes replaced
by a shark’s tooth also used in bloodletting (Jones
1991). This symbol may allude to the shark-like Xoc
monster evoking Sagittarius as a fish-snake in the zodiac of the Paris Codex. In my opinion, the Quadripartite God with its skeletal face and prominent solar
glyph probably depicts the Sun in Sagittarius. The
rear head seems to represent the place where the
ecliptic crosses the Milky Way in the southern sky at
the winter solstice. And here the Sun is reborn at
dawn on the winter solstice, following the longest
night of the year, when the Sun passes through the
xibalba be section of the Milky Way. Perhaps this is
why the quadripartite monster’s Kin symbol apparently symbolizes the east.
Sometimes the rear head is replaced by a skeletal
snake, as on Altar G1 at Copán (Fig. 7.5f; Schele
1987b). This serpent (Schele’s White-Bone-Snake)
represents Scorpius marking the Sun’s position at the
onset of the dry season in November, as noted earlier. Thus the rear head of the Cosmic Monster may
be associated with Scorpius and Sagittarius, constellations that track the Sun’s position from the beginning of the dry season through the winter solstice,
when the Sun dies and is reborn after the longest
night of the year (Fig. 7.6). Conversely, the constel-
FIG. 7.6. a: Ecliptic visualized as giant celestial ring crossing Milky Way at two places, creating two crossroads,
probably linked with two crossroads in Popol Vuh.
b 1: Rear head of Cosmic Monster with Scorpius and
Sagittarius, constellations that track Sun’s position from
beginning of dry season through winter solstice; front head
with Pleiades, Orion, and Gemini, marking Sun’s position
at onset of rainy season through summer solstice; other
constellations on or near ecliptic probably associated with
imagery of ecliptical cord (drawing by Stacey Breheny);
b 2 : inset of actual arrangement of constellations in Paris
Codex 23 –24 (after Villacorta and Villacorta 1977).
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STARS, THE MILKY WAY, COMETS, AND METEORS
lations associated with the position of the front head
are the Pleiades and Orion, star groups that mark the
Sun’s position at the onset of the rainy season, and
Gemini, which designates the Sun’s northernmost
position at the summer solstice. Venus may also be
linked with the front head of the monster because
that planet passing by the Pleiades is a sign of rain,
and the northern extreme of Venus (reached only
when it is in the northern section of the ecliptic) is
associated with the onset of the rains (Chapter 5).
Lamanai Stela 9 depicts an Early Classic image of
the Cosmic Monster’s front head, here with deer
antlers and a T510f star symbol on the creature’s
deer ear and another in its heavy-lidded eye (Stone
1983 : 198 –200, fig. 128b). This is in accord with
other images of the front head showing deer attributes and heavy-lidded eyes. The deer attributes call
to mind the horned serpent in a Tzotzil account,
apparently related to the Chicchan Serpent of the
Chortı́ (Chapter 1). As noted earlier, the Chicchan
Serpent of Yucatán may be linked with Venus, especially when it is in the northern sky crossing the
Milky Way.
We can conclude that the Cosmic Monster is one
of the main images of the Milky Way in both Classic
and Postclassic times. During the Classic period, its
two heads represent a form of opposition that seems
to reflect seasonal duality. The reptilian front head
probably represents the place where the Sun moves
to the northern sky, crossing the Milky Way at the
onset of the rains in May through June. The front
head is closely associated with the northern Chicchan Serpent (a deer-serpent?), who brings rain perhaps associated with Venus in the northern sector of
the Milky Way. The rear head, with its skeletal aspect, represents the Sun crossing the southern part
of the Milky Way, when it passes through Scorpius
at the beginning of the dry season and Sagittarius at
the winter solstice. Here death imagery is appropriate because the vegetation dries up and the Sun descends to the underworld at the winter solstice, the
longest night of the year. The rear head is usually represented by the Quadripartite God wearing a headdress that includes a bloodletter, sometimes a symbol of the Xoc monster that may embody Sagittarius
as a fish-snake. Occasionally the rear head is accom-
panied by, or even replaced by, a skeletal snake, also
known as the White-Bone-Snake. This figure seems
to represent stars in Scorpius, marking the Sun’s position at the onset of the dry season.
SERPENT FORMS OF THE MILKY WAY
Colonial period dictionaries of Yucatán may help
to identify the serpent associated with the Cosmic
Monster. One of the serpent names for the Milky
Way, tamacaz, refers to the fer-de-lance, an extremely deadly pit viper (Coe 1975 : 27; Lamb 1981 :
245). Because of its yellow chin, the fer-de-lance
is called barba amarilla (yellow beard) in Latin
America. It is noteworthy that the Cosmic Monster
sometimes has a beard, which suggests a link with
the fer-de-lance (Figs. 5.7g, 7.5a–b).
The species of fer-de-lance still found in Quintana
Roo, Bothrops atrox, is characterized by lattice markings on its body formed by a design of diamonds of
dark against light. A relief-carved vessel from the
National Museum of the American Indian depicts
bearded serpents with fer-de-lance body markings
(Pl. 21). Schele and Miller (1986 : 193 –194, pls. 73,
73a) describe them as Vision Serpents invoked by
hallucinations during a bloodletting rite, an interpretation that has been questioned because blood loss
does not cause hallucinations (Stross and Kerr 1990).
As I noted in the Star Gods of the Ancient Americas exhibit (1982), these serpents seem to be images of the
Milky Way held by the Sun God (Pl. 21, far right). He
wears a skeletal snake headdress that indicates his
position in Scorpius, where the ecliptic crosses the
underworld branch of the Milky Way known as xibalba be among the contemporary Quiché. One of the
serpents has a skeletal zoomorph kneeling in front of
a decapitated head (to far left, Pl. 21). The serpent’s
front head has a skeletal death god riding on its
snout (Schele and Miller 1986, pl. 73a). The death
associations of this serpent are appropriate to the
underworld branch of the Milky Way in the southern
sky, the left hand of the Sun in modern Maya cosmology. The other serpent, in the Sun’s right hand,
symbolizes the saki be or rainy-season half of the
Milky Way. With this serpent, we see a turtle depicting stars in Orion.
FOUR ROADS IN THE SKY AND FOUR ITZAMNAS
Ceramic vessels also show other variations in imagery of the Cosmic Monster. A tripod plate depicts
the Cosmic Monster wrapping around the edge, with
the rear head bearing the insignia of the Quadripartite God (Schele and Miller 1986 : 312, pl. 122c).
Here the Cosmic Monster arches over a serpent
emerging from a cosmic plant sprouting from Chac’s
head. Perhaps this is the serpent aspect of Venus.
A scene on a painted vase depicts the bearded serpent rising out of a canoe infixed with the Kin glyph
on the head of a long-lipped god (Coe 1982 : 91,
no. 46). This long-lipped deity apparently is the rear
head of the Cosmic Monster in a free-form style reserved for pottery painting. It conforms to Schele
and Miller’s (1986 : 44) description of the rear head
of the Cosmic Monster as the ‘‘half-skeletal zoomorph with a sun-bowl on its forehead.’’ The
bearded serpent takes the place of the front head of
the Cosmic Monster.
An incised vessel from the American Museum of
Natural History depicts a serpent emerging above
the front head of the Cosmic Monster, positioned in
a stepped cleft opening (Fig. 4.10d1). The Cosmic
Monster has a crocodilian aspect and deer feet, but
its eye form is similar to the serpent emerging from
its jaws, which has eyes with half-closed lids and long
lashes (deer eyes?). Ring-shaped designs on the serpent’s body, interpreted as jade disks by Schele and
Miller (1986 : 308), may in fact be stars, their luminous quality enhanced by shiny mirrors alongside.
The serpent twines around the Moon Goddess, making her a ‘‘dragon lady,’’ a scene frequently repeated
in painted pottery (Chapter 4). A monkey planet and
other planetary deities ride along the serpent’s coiled
body. The stepped cleft with Akbal zoomorphs is an
opening to the underworld. Here we see the Sun God
and two other gods climbing a tree. This tree may
depict Sagittarius as a cross constellation at the intersection of the Milky Way and the ecliptic, marking
the place where the Sun ascends at sunrise after the
longest night of the year.
On the Protoclassic Hauberg Stela, probably dating to a.d. 199, a deified ruler or a god (GI?) appears
with four climbers and three divers who trail blood
from their severed bodies (Fig. 6.4c). The total of
seven figures, among which we find the Sun and
283
Chac (Venus?), evokes the classical planets of antiquity, as noted in Chapter 6. A Wak Chan (6 Sky) title
on the eyebrows of the serpent arching overhead
names the sky serpent with a play on words, for
Chan can mean both ‘‘sky’’ and ‘‘serpent.’’ Schele
(1992b : 143) says the snake is the ecliptic, whereas
she identifies the form framing the ruler as a tree
representing the Milky Way. This element seems
more like a stream of liquid, as we can see by comparing it with images such as the one on Dresden
Codex 74 (Fig. 7.4d). As such it may embody the
Milky Way as a stream of blood flowing from the
severed bodies, recalling the blood stream associated
with the rear head of the Cosmic Monster on Palenque’s House E. The snake overhead may refer to
the Milky Way in its serpent aspect, apparently
closely linked with the front head of the Cosmic
Monster. It is noteworthy that the snake is bearded,
once again evoking the fer-de-lance aspect of the
Milky Way. Its tail may carry an early form of the
upside-down rear head of the Cosmic Monster.
In sum, contemporary and Colonial period Maya
accounts refer to the Milky Way as a serpent, establishing a connection with the serpent imagery most
often seen in the front head of the Cosmic Monster,
but early forms of the monster may associate the serpent’s tail with the rear head of the Cosmic Monster.
The Cosmic Monster is characterized by a beard that
seems to link him with imagery of the fer-de-lance—
known as ‘‘yellow beard’’ in Mesoamerica—a serpent equated with the Milky Way.
FOUR ROADS IN THE SKY
AND FOUR ITZAMNAS
The snake is not the only image of the Milky Way
known from Colonial period accounts. The Popol
Vuh describes the Milky Way as a road, recalling Aztec accounts. When the Hero Twins reached a crossroads in the underworld and chose the black road of
Xibalba, they went along the xibalba be, or ‘‘underworld road,’’ a branch of the Milky Way with a rift
or cleft (from the Northern Cross south to Sagittarius); at the opposite side of the Milky Way we find
the ‘‘white road’’ (saki be; Chapter 1). Dennis Tedlock (1985 : 111, 134, 334; 1991 : 172) points out that
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STARS, THE MILKY WAY, COMETS, AND METEORS
the crossroads is the point where the ecliptic crosses
the rift or cleft in the Milky Way. Since there are actually two crossroads at different points in the narrative, I would suggest that a second crossroads is located at the opposite side of the sky (Fig. 7.6a). The
two crossroads form four paths that intersect at opposite sides of the sky. The Popol Vuh says the roads
are four different colors, providing a key to their nature. The white and black roads, actually two sides of
the Milky Way, form a giant ring in the sky encircling
the earth. The ecliptic is another giant celestial ring
that crosses the Milky Way at two places, creating two
crossroads. The red road is probably the Sun’s path
during the dry season, the epoch of warfare and
bloodshed. The fourth road is green at one crossroads and yellow at the other. This seems to be
the Sun’s path during the rainy season. The green
road symbolizes the road of newly green vegetation,
whereas the yellow road is that of mature maize.
Just as there are four different colored roads, the
creator god, Itzamna, has four aspects assigned to
world colors and directions in the Ritual of the Bacabs: the red to the east, the white to the north, the
black to the west, and the yellow to the south (Roys
1965 : 23 n. 23; Thompson 1970b : 212). In my opinion, Itzamna’s four bodies are equated with the four
celestial roads of the Quiché coming together in the
sky to enclose our world. The two crossroads mark
the two heads of Itzamna, the intersection points of
the Milky Way and the ecliptic. His white body probably refers to the rainy-season side of the Milky Way,
just as his black body evokes the underworld side of
the Milky Way linked with xibalba be.
Itzamna is translated as ‘‘iguana house’’ in the
Vienna dictionary, but other Yucatec dictionaries
suggest different translations. Alfredo Barrera Vásquez (1975 : 205) suggests that Itzamna means the
‘‘magician who has the knowledge of creative power,’’
whereas Itzam-cab-aı́n means ‘‘magician who gives
birth to life on earth.’’ He translates itzam as ‘‘wizard
of the water.’’ The chronicler Lizana notes that Itzamna (Itzamat Ul) describes himself as the dew
and the sustenance of the sky and clouds (cited in
Thompson 1970b : 211). Contemporary Yucatec accounts say that itz refers to liquids excreted drop by
drop, such as resin, tears, milk, semen, and candle
wax (Sosa 1985 : 435). Apparently, the essence of
Itzamna (itz) was visualized as liquid drops or dew
in the sky—an image completely appropriate to the
Milky Way. This notion is preserved among the Jacalteca Maya, who call the Milky Way the ‘‘dew
road’’ (La Farge and Byers 1931 : 130).
Yucatec Maya lore also describes a white road that
may be an image of the rainy-season side of the
Milky Way. According to the Kusansum legend, in a
previous world age the sacbe (white road) was a cord
filled with blood that stretched across the sky from
Tulum and Cobá to Chichén Itzá and Uxmal. Arthur
Miller (1982 : 92 –95) links this mythical cord to the
imagery of a twined cord in the murals at Tulum
(Fig. 3.3b). Chapter 3 demonstrated that twined
cords represent the ecliptic. The serpent heads on
the Tulum cords add another dimension, for they
form double-headed serpents with twined-cord bodies, not unlike those on a black-background vase of
the Classic period (Fig. 3.3c). These evoke the intertwined paths of the Sun, the Moon, and the planets.
The serpent-cords wrap around the composition,
enclosing the celestial figures in sacred space. The
same notion of enclosure is evident in the imagery
of the god Itzamna.
Piedras Negras accession monuments show the
Cosmic Monster with its sky-band body wrapping
around the enthroned ruler, who is positioned near
the top of the monument. These niche-figure stelae
refer to world creation and the agricultural and astronomical cycles (Stone 1989 : 155; Taube 1988b).
The footprint path below the ruler suggests a possible link with the Milky Way as a road or path in
the sky.
Many scholars link the Classic period doubleheaded serpent with Itzamna. According to Michael
Coe (1978b : 28; 1982 : 91), the Bearded Dragon is
the serpent guise of Itzamna, who takes a doubleheaded form when represented as the ceremonial
bar held by Maya rulers. Sharer (1994 : 530) notes
that the Milky Way is depicted as a two-headed serpent that is probably another manifestation of Itzamna, whose body represents the Milky Way or the
sky. In many contexts, the double-headed serpent
represents the front head of the Cosmic Monster in
duplicate form.
MONUMENTS WITH IMAGES OF THE MILKY WAY
Thompson (1970b : 212 –214, fig. 4; 1973 : 58 –59)
proposes that the Cosmic Monster is the Classic period counterpart of Itzamna. He interprets Itzamna
as a double-headed creature representing a section
drawing of the monster, whose body had four sides
forming Itzamna. He notes that Itzamna is a being
with four bodies, each occupying a quarter of the
sky. He suggests that by joining two of the four Itzamnas together rear to rear, Maya artists developed
the two-headed monster now generally referred to as
the Cosmic Monster. I would add that the two heads
of the Classic Maya Cosmic Monster are the crossroads in the sky where the ecliptic crosses the Milky
Way (Fig. 7.6b).
According to Thompson (1970b : 209 –233), Itzamna was the creator and the chief god in Yucatán,
and he came close to incorporating most of the other
major gods in his various aspects. His main roles are
reflected in his many names, among which we find
Itzamna Kinich Ahau (a solar aspect) and Itzamna
Cab (an earth aspect). Thompson proposes that Bolon Dzacab, a name for God K, is a manifestation of
the vegetal aspect of Itzamna associated with images
of sprouting maize, whereas God D is Itzamna in his
role as a creator god. Schele (1992b : 125) sees Itzamna’s divine dew manifested in God D. Taube
(1989a : 9) identifies Itzamna as an earth caiman (Itzam Cab Ain in the chronicles) and a manifestation
of God D, without resolving the problem of how
this identification relates to God D’s zoological alter
ego—the Principal Bird Deity. The face of the Principal Bird Deity is represented on the sky band
forming the back of the Cosmic Monster over the
doorway in House E at Palenque (Fig. 7.5a). In Postclassic codices, God D appears in the jaws of the Cosmic Monster, as on Dresden Codex 4b –5b (Thompson 1970b : 228 –229, fig. 4b). But God D is only one
of a number of deities associated with Itzamna. I
would suggest that God D, the Sun God, and God K
become aspects of Itzamna when they are located in
the Milky Way. The Cosmic Monster–Itzamna carries celestial gods in his mouth because he is carrying
the Sun, the Moon, and the planets as they cross the
Milky Way.
The earth aspect of Itzamna may relate to the
position of the Milky Way below the horizon or,
285
more specifically, to the region of the Milky Way
linked with the celestial hearthstones. The Ritual
of the Bacabs gives an incantation for opening the
hearth (pib), telling Itzam Cab to open his mouth as
the earth is removed for the fire (Roys 1965 : 49 –50).
The text says that Itzam Cab has the hearthstones as
his head, a blazing fire as his tongue, and the firewood as his thighs, and he stands erect over the
hearth fire of the house (Thompson 1970 : 230). This
may be explained by the fact that the hearthstone
stars of Orion are located on the head of Itzamna,
associated with the front head of the Cosmic Monster in Classic times. He stands erect over the hearth
fire because the stars of Orion are positioned close to
the zenith in the Maya area.
Other stellar references link Itzamna to constellations on the Milky Way. The Chilam Balam of Chumayel mentions Itzam Tzab, an image that links the
Pleiades with Itzamna. The text notes that Itzam
Tzab is Itzamna’s face during the Katun 13 Ahau, a
time of hunger due to locusts (Roys 1967 : 134).
We can conclude that the Itzamna of the chronicles has a quadripartite body. The four colored bodies of Itzamna relate to the four celestial roads in
Quiché accounts. The image of four roads in the
Popol Vuh reveals a cosmic diagram describing the
intersecting paths of the ecliptic and the Milky Way.
In Maya art, this translates into zoomorphic imagery,
with a double-headed Cosmic Monster being the
counterpart of Itzamna. Itzamna’s celestial dew is the
substance of clouds that are the essence of the Milky
Way. Different aspects of Itzamna in the chronicles
seem to reflect a relationship with the Sun, the Moon,
and the planets, perhaps symbolizing when these
bodies were seen in the Milky Way. Important star
groups located where the ecliptic crosses the Milky
Way are also mentioned in relation to Itzamna.
CLASSIC PERIOD MONUMENTS
WITH IMAGES OF THE MILKY WAY
We can now turn to Classic Maya monuments that
depict celestial ancestors and deities passing through
the Milky Way. The images of gods in the jaws of the
Cosmic Monster are so common that they would
require a separate study to see if they do in fact
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STARS, THE MILKY WAY, COMETS, AND METEORS
bear dates that signal an astronomical body passing through the Milky Way. Setting these aside at
this time, we turn to the cloud riders, an image that
may refer to positioning in the Milky Way. In some
cases, it is difficult to distinguish deities amid the
clouds from apotheosized ancestors. Patricia McAnany (1995b : 44 – 46) describes images of ancestors
wreathed in clouds from Ucanal and Jimbal, but
these cloud riders are identified as deities by David
Stuart (1984 : 11). In any case, we should bear in
mind that clouds and the substance of the Milky Way
may be interchangeable in some contexts, especially
in the imagery of rulers ascending to the heavens to
take on attributes of the gods.
On Jimbal Stela 1, two cloud riders appear amidst
scrolls with beaded borders (Fig. 7.4e). Although
Stuart (1984 : 11–12; 1988 : 203) refers to these as
the Jaguar God and the Fish God, the details of their
facial features are by no means clear. Even though
the Sun and Moon were not passing through the
Milky Way, on the Katun ending recorded on this
monument (10.2.0.0.0; 8/11/869), all the planets
were crossing the Milky Way except for Mercury,
which was invisible in conjunction with the Sun and
the Moon in Leo. Thus we have no shortage of
planetary gods in the Milky Way. Furthermore, Jupiter and Saturn were in conjunction in Sagittarius,
and both planets were in retrograde motion, with
Jupiter precisely at its second stationary point (8/10/
869; Meeus n.d.).
The Paddler Twins, mentioned as celebrants of
the new cycle at the creation some five thousand
years ago on Ixlu Stela 2, are represented floating
amid S-shaped scrolls (Fig. 4.3b; Stuart 1984 : 11–
13). This monument bears a Katun-ending date
(10.1.0.0.0; 11/24/849) that correlates with a number of astronomical events, including Jupiter and
Saturn both approaching their second stationary
points, the Evening Star near its maximum altitude,
and the Pleiades crossing overhead at midnight.
David Stuart (1988) describes the solar deity as the
Fish God. It is noteworthy that on this date the Sun
was in the Milky Way entering Sagittarius, the constellation that would later mark the position of the
Sun at the winter solstice, when it reached its southernmost position crossing the Milky Way. Perhaps
the Fish God wears a fish-bone bloodletter because
he is linked with a fish-snake constellation (shark?)
in Sagittarius, known as Xoc among the Classic
Maya. As noted in Chapter 4, the Jaguar God and
the Fish God appear as the Paddler Twins on monuments bearing dates that coincide with times when
either the Sun or the Moon was crossing the Milky
Way. In the imagery of the Paddlers, the Milky Way
is a celestial river that carries the Paddlers across
the sky.
Schele (1992b : 153) suggests that the number six
attached to an S-shaped scroll (T632) recorded in
Tomb 12 at Rı́o Azul refers to the ruler’s burial place
at ‘‘six-raised-up-cloudy-sky.’’ Stuart and Houston
(1994 : 44) interpret the inscription wak kaan muyal
nal as the terrestrial location of Tomb 12. Stone
(1992) describes it as a celestial locale. In my opinion, it refers to the Milky Way or, more specifically,
to a location in the xibalba be section of the Milky
Way. In any case, its context in a burial is interesting
in light of imagery discussed above that suggests that
deceased rulers travel through the Milky Way.
Quiriguá Monument 7 (Zoomorph G) may represent the deceased ruler’s connection with the Milky
Way. Claude-François Baudez (1988 : 140) identifies the imagery as the accession of Sky Xul on
9.17.14.16.18, one of the latest dates recorded on the
monument. On the other hand, Stone (1983 : 90)
identifies both sides of the zoomorph as posthumous
portraits of Cauac Sky, carved after his death on
9.17.14.13.0, a date also on the monument. Another
date records an Initial Series date of 9.17.15.0.0 (10/
31/785), and Stone (1992) points out that the Paddler Twins celebrated this period ending at a celestial
place called wak muyal (6 cloud), a supernatural locale associated with deceased rulers at both Quiriguá
and Rı́o Azul. The wak muyal compound may appear in the funerary text as a reference to the Milky
Way, the place where the dead king ascended after
death. It is noteworthy that the Sun reached the rift
of the Milky Way, entering Scorpius, at the time the
Paddler Twins celebrated the period-ending rites.
Jupiter was visible at dusk in Scorpius, and Venus
was near its maximum altitude in Sagittarius.
On Quiriguá Monument 23, Chac dances amid
beaded scrolls beside a T-shaped Cauac opening
MONUMENTS WITH IMAGES OF THE MILKY WAY
that evokes a connection with the cleft passages
through the Milky Way in central Mexican codices
(Fig. 5.10c). The beaded scrolls suggest a correspondence with the cloud riders. A similar image appears on Quiriguá Monument 24 (Baudez 1988,
fig. 12). If Chac is Venus, as suggested in Chapter 5,
it is significant that each of the two monuments records an Initial Series date that corresponds to a
time when Venus was crossing the Milky Way, if we
consider Libra as the edge of the Milky Way. Baudez (1988 : 143 –144) says that Monuments 23 and
24 show a dead ruler, and it is possible that both
monuments show the resurrection or apotheosis of
a dead ruler here in the guise of Chac as Venus
crossing the Milky Way.
Kan Xul’s apotheosis event on the Dumbarton
Oaks Relief Panel 2, dated to 9 Manik 5 Muan
(9.14.11.2.7; 11/18/722), corresponds to a time when
Venus was just above the eastern horizon in Scorpius
(Fig. 5.10d; Chapter 5). Apparently, the dead ruler in
the guise of Chac represented Venus about to disappear in superior conjunction. His planet Venus was
located in Scorpius, a constellation associated with
the underworld branch of the Milky Way. The ruler’s
shell diadem could represent the curve of stars in
Scorpius.
On the Sarcophagus Lid, the jaws framing Pacal
embody stars in Scorpius, and the tree represents the
Southern Cross, both star groups in the southern
section of the Milky Way, the xibalba be (Pl. 10). The
Southern Cross tree grows from the rear head of the
Cosmic Monster (the Quadripartite God), marking
the southernmost point of the ecliptic crossing the
Milky Way. At the time of his apotheosis on 8/26/
683, Pacal seems to have taken a trip on the Milky
Way. The phrase ‘‘he entered the road,’’ associated
with Pacal’s apotheosis, evokes his travel along the
underworld road of the Milky Way road to reach Jupiter at its first stationary point (Chapter 6). Pacal’s
journey to apotheosis may be reconstructed as follows: When the Milky Way rift opened like a maw
into the underworld at dusk, he passed to the rear
head of the Cosmic Monster and on through the
jaws of the Scorpius serpent. From here he moved to
ascend the Southern Cross. Then, as the Southern
Cross disappeared below the horizon, the saki be, or
287
‘‘white road,’’ of the Milky Way rose overhead at
dawn. Apparently, Pacal traveled along the underworld branch of the Milky Way to reach the other
side of the sky, where he joined his planet Jupiter at
its first stationary point, located precisely in conjunction with the Pleiades overhead at dawn.
Milky Way imagery that appears on Copán Stela I
depicts the apotheosized ruler in the guise of GI,
with the skeletal rear head of the Cosmic Monster as
a headdress (Fig. 5.10j; Baudez 1985 : 37; Proskouriakoff 1993 : 58 –59). An inscription with 10 Ahau is
partially destroyed, but it is worth noting that Venus
was in the Milky Way or on its edge on both 10 Ahau
dates proposed by Proskouriakoff (8/22/627 and
9/3/659). If the second date is correct, the monument could refer to the apotheosized ruler as VenusGI in the Milky Way. On the second date, Venus
and Saturn were in conjunction in Libra on the
edge of the underworld section of the Milky Way.
The Quadripartite God headdress suggests that Venus was positioned in the underworld section of the
Milky Way. Perhaps the ruler took the form of Venus when it crossed the Milky Way in the region
known as xibalba be.
As noted in Chapter 4, Copán Stela H portrays a
royal person who seems to embody the full Moon
of the maize harvest, either a royal woman or the
ruler 18 Rabbit (Baudez 1994, figs. 22 –24). The
ruler may embody the Moon deity merged with the
Maize God wearing a netted skirt. An inscription
referring to the date 4 Ahau 18 Muan (9.14.19.5.0;
11/29/730) marks a time when the full Moon was
crossing the Milky Way in Orion. Although the imagery does not seem to represent apotheosis, unless
perhaps the ruler’s mother is represented, the figure
is at the center of the cosmos, surrounded by images of the Cosmic Monster. The individual holds
a serpent bar with skeletal snake heads, representing Scorpius at the southern side of the Milky Way.
The royal backrack has a skeletal face with a Kin
sign on the brow and a stingray-spine bloodletter,
elements referring to the Quadripartite God, symbolizing the southernmost intersection point of the
Milky Way and the ecliptic. The date on the monument marks the time when the Sun was entering
Sagittarius, located in the underworld branch of
288
STARS, THE MILKY WAY, COMETS, AND METEORS
the Milky Way. The Principal Bird Deity (God D’s
bird) perching on the bloodletter may also be an astronomical deity. Preliminary study indicates that
Venus may be represented by this bird deity, essentially a bird with snake attributes, just as Quetzalcoatl is a snake with bird attributes. The Venus association is reinforced by the fact that Venus was
crossing the Milky Way in Sagittarius on the recorded date.
On Tikal Stela 5, the ruler’s backrack has a skeletal
face in a Kin cartouche that may represent the Sun
in the month of the winter solstice (Jones 1977,
fig. 13). The fragmentary Calendar Round date, reconstructed as 3 Lamat 6 Pax (9.15.3.6.8; 12/6/734),
refers to a time when the Sun was in Sagittarius. The
skeletal face is a symbol associated with the Sun’s
position at the winter solstice, when it descends to
the underworld in Sagittarius on the longest night of
the year. Skeletal snakes surrounding the Kin cartouche probably represent Scorpius, the star group
adjacent to Sagittarius in the southern sector of the
Milky Way.
We can conclude that a number of Classic period
monuments record dates that place the Sun, the
Moon, and the planets in the Milky Way. The cloud
riders may allude to any of these celestial bodies
crossing in the Milky Way. A favored time for the
apotheosis of dead rulers was when one of the planets was positioned on the Milky Way. This type of
imagery is most often linked with the southern extreme of the ecliptic where it crosses the Milky Way
in the region of Sagittarius and Scorpius. The living
ruler may also appear with imagery of the Milky
Way, placing the ruler at the center of the cosmos.
When the Sun enters the Milky Way, the seasons
change; and when the Sun starts to move out of the
Milky Way, the solstices occur. The Sun reaches the
Milky Way in May at the beginning of the Mesoamerican rainy season. At this point, the Sun is in zenith
position around the time it moves into conjunction
with the Pleiades in Taurus. Then the Sun passes to
the next constellation, where Gemini marks the Sun’s
position at the summer solstice in June, and the Sun
reaches its northern extreme on the ecliptic. At this
time the Sun exits the Milky Way and travels around
to the opposite side of the sky, where the ecliptic
again crosses the Milky Way. Now the Sun is in conjunction with Scorpius at the onset of the dry season
in November. Passing through the Milky Way, the
Sun reaches Sagittarius at the winter solstice in December at the southern extreme of the ecliptic.
In interpreting the relationship of Maya images to
these seasonal configurations of the Milky Way, we
must bear in mind that the observation time is important in defining the configuration, for the Milky
Way can rotate dramatically during the course of one
night. On the other hand, The Milky Way gradually
changes position when observed at the same time of
night over the course of the year.
In terms of the Mesoamerican seasons, there seem
to be four important seasonal orientations. The
Milky Way arches overhead running southeast to
northwest at dusk in March, around the spring equinox (Fig. 7.7a). This type of configuration, placing
the hearthstone stars of Orion overhead, can be seen
at different times of night from October through
April, making it a sign of the dry season. Around the
summer solstice in June, the Milky Way surrounds
the horizon like a cosmic ocean at dusk (Fig. 7.7b).
Such a configuration can be seen at different times of
night from mid-January through mid-June, bridging the transition into the rainy season. Around the
fall equinox, the Milky Way arches overhead from
northeast to southwest at dusk, with the dark rift in
the Milky Way running overhead and down to the
FIG. 7.7. A: Night sky seen from latitudes 307, 207, and
107 N; dry-season aspect of Milky Way at dusk near spring
equinox arches overhead from southeast to northwest;
same position seen at different times of night from October to April (after Rey 1976 : 100).
B: Night sky seen from latitudes 307, 207, and 107 N;
Milky Way surrounds horizon like cosmic ocean at dusk
near summer solstice in June; same position seen at different times of night from January to June, moving from dry
season to rainy season (after Rey 1976 : 100).
ROTATING THE MILKY WAY
THE MAYA IN THE HISTORY OF WORLD ASTRONOMY
291
southern horizon (Fig. 7.8a). This type of sky is seen
at different times of night from April to October, coinciding with the rainy season. Several months later,
around the winter solstice, the Milky Way arches
over the sky in an east-west configuration at dusk,
and the rift has moved from the overhead position
to the western horizon (Fig. 7.8b). This type of sky
can be seen at different times of night from July to
January, bridging the transition from wet to dry.
Schele (1992b : 135 –136) says that we see the Cosmic Monster aspect of the Milky Way (east-west) at
dusk during winter, a conclusion that is supported
by the analysis presented here. Imagery associated
with the east-west position of the Milky Way at dusk
on the winter solstice may be linked with the death
of the Sun, seen especially in representations of the
Cosmic Monster’s rear head marking the rift in
the underworld branch of the Milky Way (Fig. 7.8b
Pl. 10). The gap in the Milky Way makes it look almost like a monster with a mouth positioned to the
west. The Sun passes through the rift on the longest
night of the year. On the following day at dawn,
when the Sun reappears, the Milky Way has changed
position dramatically, resembling a cosmic ocean
surrounding the horizon, an image of renewal. Now
the rift opening is to the east (Fig. 7.7b).
Schele (1992b : 131–132) hypothesizes that the
southeast-to-northwest configuration of the Milky
Way represents a tree associated with the image of
the Milky Way at sunset around the summer solstice. This idea was probably inspired by Eva Hunt’s
(1977 : 205) notion that the Milky Way is an axis
mundi that can be compared with tree trunks, umbilical lines, rivers, and roads. More recently, Freidel
and Schele (1995 : 134) document a Lacandón account that says that the roots of the tree are in the
Milky Way south of Scorpius. I would add that this
is the area where we find a celestial tree incorporat-
ing stars in Sagittarius, and further to the south we
see another tree in the Southern Cross, described as
a sacred ceiba by the Lacandón. Clearly there are celestial trees with their roots on the Milky Way, but
Schele’s notion that the Milky Way itself is a tree
seems untenable. The tree stands ‘‘up’’ only if you
consider it in relation to modern sky maps that show
north as up, and the top of the tree is actually quite
low on the horizon (Tedlock 1995 : 119). The celestial trees on the Milky Way may hold up the sky,
but trees were not responsible for raising the Milky
Way, nor do we find trees representing the Milky
Way in accounts describing the creation of the
Milky Way in central Mexican sources discussed
earlier.
In sum, the rotation of the Milky Way was clearly
important in Maya iconography. Different seasonal
configurations were certainly recognized, but we
have yet to determine what observation time was
used, a detail that is crucial to such interpretations.
The Cosmic Monster is best seen in the east-west
position of the Milky Way seen at dusk, when the
rift-mouth of the monster is on the western horizon
as the Sun sets into the underworld on the winter
solstice. Future research may help to define images
of the Milky Way as a cosmic ocean, a position that
makes the Milky Way seem to surround the horizon.
If dusk was the observation time, this could allude
to the rainy season, when the Milky Way and its liquid descend to the earth. The association, however,
would be with the dry season if the observation time
was at dawn.
FIG. 7.8. A: Night sky seen from latitudes 307, 207, and
107 N; Milky Way arches overhead from northeast to
southwest at dusk near fall equinox, with dark rift in
Milky Way running overhead and down to southern horizon; same position visible at different times of night
from April to October during rainy season (after Rey
1976 : 101).
B: Night sky seen from latitudes 307, 207, and 107 N;
Milky Way arches over sky in east-west configuration at
dusk on winter solstice, with rift above western horizon;
same position seen at different times of night from July to
January, bridging transition from wet to dry (after Rey
1976 : 101).
THE MAYA IN THE HISTORY
OF WORLD ASTRONOMY
Maya images of the Milky Way as a celestial river
and a sky serpent may reflect ancient archetypes, for
292
STARS, THE MILKY WAY, COMETS, AND METEORS
such images are quite widespread across the world.
Among the Quechua of South America, such images
are particularly well developed; there the Milky Way
is a celestial river that circulates the waters of the
cosmos (Urton 1981). The association of the Milky
Way with the dead is also common. Edward Krupp
(1993) notes that among the Lapps, the Milky Way
is the road for the dead leaving earth, and similar
images are found in the transformational notions in
Siberia, where the Milky Way is a path of migrating
birds whose departure is compared to the soul’s departure from Earth. Indeed, the link between the
Milky Way and the realm of death is so widespread
that it may have been part of the traditions brought
over during the Pleistocene migrations.
Like the people of classical Greece and early Renaissance Europe, the Maya visualized an earthcentered universe with celestial heroes traveling
from the sky to the underworld. The Popol Vuh is an
astronomical legend like the classical Greek myths
that account for the location of constellations and relate the adventures of astronomical gods representing the Sun, the Moon, and the planets. In a curious
overlap, the planet Jupiter is a god linked with rulers
and the weather in both cultures. Jupiter is the planet
of kings in both cultures; however, among the Maya,
Jupiter was not king of the sky but rather one of
three brothers who formed a celestial triad with the
Sun and the Morning Star. And although the Maya
pictured God K with an axe that may symbolize
thunder, rainfall was apparently controlled by Chac,
a god who may represent Venus.
Other similarities in the ancient astronomies are
due to independent invention resulting from observing similar patterns in the sky. The Maya discovered
the octaeteris, an eight-year period of Venus events
meshed with ninety-nine lunar months, a cycle also
known in classical Greece and Mesopotamia. And
like the Greeks of classical times, the Maya apparently also recognized the metonic cycle, which indicates that these cycles were developed independently
in the New World as a result of direct observation
(Krupp 1995 : 72). Like the Old World astronomers,
Maya starwatchers studied positional astronomy to
track the position of the Sun, the Moon, and the
planets in the background of stars. They also prac-
ticed horizon astronomy, tracking the horizon extremes of these celestial bodies, a form of observation that requires fixed observation points, usually
involving monumental architecture.
The scholars of earlier generations noted that the
Classic Maya were fascinated by calendrics and astronomy. We now know that they were recording
the histories of lineages and rulers, but history seems
to be integrated with observation of astronomical
events. This is not surprising because astronomy and
political events are inextricably linked in many ancient civilizations, especially those of Mesopotamia
and China. Indeed, recent research suggests that
changes in dynasties in ancient China were timed by
planetary conjunctions (Pankenier 1997).
David Kelley (1960; 1972; 1974 : 136 –342; 1976 :
92) sees a resemblance between the Mesoamerican
and Eurasian concepts of time and astronomy. He
links the Mesoamerican cycle of the Lords of the
Night to the Hindu planetary week of nine days that
refers to five planets, the Sun, the Moon, and two
invisible planets believed to cause eclipses. Other
parallels include the organization of time into four
world ages associated with different colors, and the
idea of cyclical destructions of the world. Kelley also
notes a link between the Mesoamerican calendar and
the Hindu lunar mansions that track the position of
the Moon amid the stars. Transpacific contacts are
one way of explaining such similarities. More likely,
a similar worldview developed because both cultures
are located in tropical latitudes, where there is a
marked contrast between the rainy and dry seasons,
and the seasons are similarly linked to the positions
of certain stars.
The seasonal associations of specific constellations
could have been maintained for almost two thousand years by shifting from an observation of dawn
rise in Preclassic times to a dusk-set observation in
the Postclassic period. There is evidence for both
dawn-rise and dusk-set observations in the Postclassic period. A constellation’s position in opposition
was also important, rising at dusk and setting at
dawn, as seen in the Aztec New Fire Ceremony,
which focuses on the longest visibility of the Pleiades, a ritual that may also be represented among the
Maya of Yucatán during the Terminal Classic period.
THE MAYA IN THE HISTORY OF WORLD ASTRONOMY
The system is in place today among the Quiché, who
identify individual constellations as ‘‘signs of the
night’’ when they are visible for the longest period
during the dry season. Constellations in opposition
to the Sun also mark the location of the full Moon,
which suggests comparison with the lunar mansions
of Asia. The Paris Codex zodiac seems to be based
on both dawn rise and dawn set observations.
Although there are few demonstrable overlaps
in terms of star terminology of the Chinese lunar
mansions, the most intriguing is the twentieth lunar
mansion (tsui), which is a turtle star in Orion (Needham 1959, table 24). Indeed, worship of certain constellations may be so ancient that they date back to
the time of Asian migrations to the New World.
Grieder (1982 : 100 –104, 126 –128) argues that worship of Scorpius in the Americas and in Asia pertains
to a very ancient stratum of beliefs apparent in the
Shang Dynasty dating as far back as 3100 b.c. The
Pleiades and Scorpius may be among the first star
groups to be used in calendars of the New World.
Their roles as seasonal markers in Mesoamerica are
mirrored in the central Andes, but the seasonal associations are reversed (Dearborn and White 1982 :
252; Urton 1981).
Given the imagery of quadripartite space in Mesoamerican cosmology, it is interesting to note that
the Chinese also divided the sky into quarters. They
distributed the lunar mansions among four star animals ranging all the way around the equatorial circle:
293
the blue dragon of the east (including Spica in Virgo
and stars of Scorpius), the vermilion bird of the
south, the white tiger of the west (including Taurus
and Orion), and the black tortoise of the north,
which includes stars in Capricorn (Needham 1959 :
242). The blue dragon represents spring, when the
stars in Scorpius and Virgo were visible for the longest period of time. The ancient association of the
dragon with spring continues today in the Chinese
New Year celebration, when the dragon is paraded
through the streets. This colorful pageant probably
originated as a dramatization of events involving
stars of the Spring Dragon, spanning one quarter of
the heavens. In Han times, the full Moon rose in
between the two horns of the Spring Dragon during
the festivities for the new year, hence the oft-repeated image of the dragon and its pearl—the Moon
(Needham 1959 : 252, fig. 95, table 24).
We are only beginning to understand the role of
astronomy in Maya imagery. Through iconographic
studies focusing on astronomy, decipherment of
Maya hieroglyphs, and study of traditions preserved
by the Maya today, it may be possible to recognize a
wealth of seasonal images and rituals dating back to
the Classic Maya period. Such studies will add a
missing piece of the puzzle in world history, allowing
us to compare images of the universe across the
globe, and someday we will recognize Maya images
every bit as colorful as the Chinese Spring Dragon
and its lunar pearl.
THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK
APPENDIX 1
GUIDE TO ASTRONOMICAL IDENTITIES
Cosmic Monster: Milky Way with heads at crossing
points of ecliptic
Itzamna: Sky surrounding Earth, featuring four
paths formed by Milky Way and ecliptic
God A8: Male Moon?
Jaguar War God: God of Number Seven, also
known as Jaguar God of the Underworld, associated
with dry-season Moon and Venus
God B (Chac): Venus?
God C: Monkey planet
God CH: Male Moon
Junajpu: Morning Star among modern Quiché
(counterpart of Hunahpu)
God E: Maize God linked with Moon and possibly
also Venus
Lahun Chan: Venus as Morning Star (especially in
rainy season?)
God G: Sun
Mars Beast: Mars as a deer monster
God H: Counterpart to central Mexican Venus god
Quetzalcoatl
Muan bird: Stars in Gemini
God K: Jupiter
God L: Venus (especially in dry season?)
God S (1 Ahau): Solar god linked with Morning
Star; also called Hun Ahau
Palenque Triad: GI is Venus, GII is Jupiter, GIII is
underworld Sun
Quadripartite God: Southern point where ecliptic
crosses Milky Way
Rattlesnake: Pleiades and possibly also Perseus
Goddess I: Waxing Moon and full Moon
Skeletal snake (White-Bone-Snake): Stars in Scorpius
Goddess O with human features: Waning Moon
Three Hearthstones: Three stars in Orion
Goddess O with monstrous features: New Moon
Turtle: Orion’s Belt
Headband Twins: Solar and lunar pair represented
with headbands
Water-lily Jaguar: Rainy-season Moon
Xoc or Fish-snake: Stars in Sagittarius
Hero Twins: Hunahpu and Xbalanque, who became
the Sun and the Moon in the Popol Vuh
Xbalanque: Lunar twin in Popol Vuh
Howler Monkey: Venus as Morning Star (especially
in dry season?)
Yax Balam: Precolumbian counterpart to Xbalanque representing lunar twin
APPENDIX 2
TABLE OF CLASSIC PERIOD DATES, MONUMENTS,
AND ASSOCIATED ASTRONOMICAL EVENTS
JULIAN
DATE
GREGORIAN
DATE
JULIAN DAY
NUMBER
SITE
8/12/2587 b.c.
7/22/2587 b.c.
776745
Palenque
1/13/378
1/14/378
1859135
Tikal
9/3/426
9/4/426
1876900
Copán
10/16/445
10/17/445
1883883
Tikal
4/28/451
4/29/451
1885903
Tikal
5/17/591
5/19/591
1937057
La Esperanza
5/11/603
5/14/603
1941434
Bonampak
5/7/613
5/10/613
1945083
Copán
9.9.10.0.0 2 Ahau 13 Pop
3/16/623
3/19/623
1948683
Copán
9.9.18.16.3 7 Akbal 16 Muan
12/22/631
12/25/631
1951886
Caracol
9.10.8.9.3 9 Akbal 6 Xul
6/12/641
6/15/641
1955346
Palenque
9.11.0.0.0 12 Ahau 8 Ceh
10/9/652
10/12/652
1959483
Dumbarton Oaks
9.11.0.0.0 12 Ahau 8 Ceh
10/9/652
10/12/652
1959483
Palenque
3/17/676
3/20/676
1968043
Copán
10/18/681
10/21/681
1970084
Yaxchilán
5/5/682
5/8/682
1970283
Copán
LONG COUNT
IS
1.6.14.11.2 1 Ik 10 Tzec
8.17.1.4.12 11 Eb 15 Mac
IS
8.19.10.10.17 5 Caban 15 Yaxkin
9.0.10.0.0 7 Ahau 3 Yax
IS
9.0.15.11.0 12 Ahau 13 Pop ?
9.7.17.12.14 11 Ix 14 Zotz
IS
9.8.9.15.11 7 Chuen 4 Zotz
9.9.0.0.0 3 Ahau 3 Zotz
9.12.3.14.0 5 Ahau 8 Uo
IS
IS
9.12.9.8.1 5 Imix 4 Mac
9.12.10.0.0 9 Ahau 18 Zotz
IS
DATES, MONUMENTS, AND ASSOCIATED ASTRONOMICAL EVENTS
297
MONUMENT
TARGET EVENTS
Temple of the Sun
819-day station
Ball-court marker
Moon in Sagittarius crossing Milky Way; Sun in Capricorn
Altar Q
Maximum altitude of Morning Star; full Moon setting in west; heliacal rise of Mars in
Virgo; Mercury and Jupiter near Mars
Stela 31
Jupiter in retrograde; new Moon; Venus as Morning Star near maximum brilliance;
heliacal set of Mars
Stela 1
Jupiter, Saturn, and Mars in Virgo in east; Venus as Evening Star making first appearance in Taurus in west; Saturn in retrograde; Jupiter approaching second stationary
point
Ballplayer Relief
End of the dry season; date linked with seasonal transition
Lintel 4, Structure 6
Saturn in retrograde
Stela 7
Venus at maximum altitude as Evening Star; Moon in Libra; Sun in Taurus crossing
Milky Way
Stela P
Waxing Moon in Cancer close to Milky Way; Morning Star in Aquarius
Stela 3
First appearance of the Evening Star
Cross Group: HeirDesignation Date
Saturn within two weeks of first stationary point; Mars and Jupiter in conjunction;
Jupiter’s departure from second stationary point; sunset rise of Deneb in Northern
Cross
Relief Panel 2
Five days after appearance of Venus as Evening Star; first visible crescent Moon; Mars
just above western horizon
Temple of the Inscriptions
Five days after appearance of Venus as Evening Star; first visible crescent Moon; Mars
above western horizon
Stela I
Venus high in sky as Morning Star; Sun at vernal equinox
Lintel 25
Jupiter’s second stationary point; first crescent Moon; Venus high in sky as Evening
Star passing Antares in Scorpius; Mars at first stationary point
Stela 6
Venus ends retrograde as Morning Star
298
APPENDIX 2
JULIAN
DATE
GREGORIAN
DATE
JULIAN DAY
NUMBER
SITE
9.12.11.5.18 6 Etz’nab 11 Yax
8/26/683
8/29/683
1970761
Palenque
9.12.11.12.10 8 Oc 3 Kayab
1/5/684
1/8/684
1970893
Palenque
9.12.16.2.2 1 Ik 10 Tzec
5/15/688
6/18/688
1972485
Palenque
9.12.18.5.16 2 Cib 14 Mol
7/18/690
7/21/690
1973279
Palenque
9.12.19.12.9 1 Muluc 2 Muan
11/23/691
11/26/691
1973772
Tikal
9.12.19.14.12 5 Eb 5 Kayab
1/5/692
1/8/692
1973815
Palenque
9.13.0.0.0 8 Ahau 8 Uo
3/13/692
3/16/692
1973883
Copán
9.13.3.7.18 11 Etz’nab 11 Chen
8/3/695
8/6/695
1975121
Tikal
9.13.3.9.18 12 Etz’nab 11 Zac
9/12/695
9/15/695
1975161
Tikal
9.13.10.8.16 1 Cib 14 Mol
7/15/702
7/19/702
1977659
Palenque
9.13.13.15.0 9 Ahau 3 Kankin
10/31/705
11/4/705
1978863
Palenque
3/22/706
3/26/706
1979005
Naranjo
9.13.15.0.0 13 Ahau 18 Pax ?
12/25/706
12/29/706
1979283
Naranjo
9.13.16.10.13 1 Ben 1 Chen
7/20/708
7/24/708
1979856
Yaxchilán
9.13.17.12.10 8 Oc 13 Yax
8/21/709
8/25/709
1980253
Yaxchilán
9.13.17.15.12 5 Eb 15 Mac
10/22/709
10/26/709
1980315
Yaxchilán
9.13.17.15.13 6 Ben 16 Mac
10/23/709
10/27/709
1980316
Yaxchilán
9.13.17.15.13 6 Ben 16 Mac
10/23/709
10/27/709
1980316
Yaxchilán
9.14.0.0.0 6 Ahau 13 Muan
11/29/711
12/3/711
1981083
Copán
9.14.0.0.0 6 Ahau 13 Muan
11/29/711
12/3/711
1981083
Tikal
9.14.0.0.0 6 Ahau 13 Muan
11/29/711
12/3/711
1981083
Dos Pilas
9.14.5.3.14 8 Ix 2 Cumku
1/15/717
1/19/717
1982957
Dos Pilas
9.14.9.10.13 1 Ben 16 Tzec
5/13/721
5/17/721
1984536
Dos Pilas
9.14.10.4.0 7 Ahau 3 Kayab
12/26/721
12/30/721
1984763
Dos Pilas
LONG COUNT
9.13.14.4.2 8 Ik 0 Zip
IS
IS
DATES, MONUMENTS, AND ASSOCIATED ASTRONOMICAL EVENTS
299
MONUMENT
TARGET EVENTS
Temple of the Inscriptions,
Sarcophagus Lid
Jupiter at first stationary point, in conjunction with Pleiades
Cross Group: Accession Date
Jupiter departs from second stationary point, close to Pleiades; Mars in retrograde;
dawn rise of Mercury; Venus near maximum altitude as Morning Star in Scorpius;
dawn rise of Deneb
Temple of the Inscriptions
819-day station; Jupiter and Mars pulling away from conjunction and moving forward after retrogrades; Saturn in retrograde
Cross group
Jupiter and Saturn aligned at second stationary point
Altar 5
Last visible crescent Moon joins the Morning Star at the onset of the dry season
Cross Group
Heliacal rise of Jupiter; Venus near maximum altitude as Morning Star
Stela 6
Moon in Scorpius crossing Milky Way; all five naked-eye planets visible; proximity to
spring equinox
Temple I, Lintel 3
Saturn in retrograde
Temple I, Lintel 3
Jupiter at first stationary point; Saturn at second stationary point
Temple of the Inscriptions
Jupiter at second stationary point
Temple XIV
Moon passing Jupiter departing from second stationary point; Saturn in retrograde
near Pleiades; Venus in Sagittarius crossing Milky Way
Stela 21
Venus in retrograde; waxing crescent Moon and Saturn in conjunction; Evening Star
and Mars in conjunction
Stela 21
Last visibility of Morning Star following winter solstice; one day after full Moon
Lintel 30
819-day station spaced 397 days from 9.13.17.12.10, a close approximation of Jupiter’s
synodic cycle; Jupiter in Gemini; Moon passing Saturn in Gemini; Venus about to
disappear as Morning Star
Lintel 30
Venus, Jupiter, and Saturn in conjunction in Cancer; Mars at midpoint of retrograde
Lintel 24
Jupiter and Saturn in conjunction; both approximately at first stationary points
Lintel 32
Jupiter and Saturn in conjunction; both approximately at first stationary points
Lintel 53
Jupiter and Saturn in conjunction; both approximately at first stationary points
Stela C
Four days before appearance of Venus as Evening Star in Sagittarius; full Moon in
Taurus crossing Milky Way; Saturn at first stationary point; Sun in Scorpius crossing
Milky Way
Stela 16
Four days before appearance of Venus as Evening Star in Sagittarius; full Moon in
Taurus crossing Milky Way; Saturn at first stationary point; Sun in Scorpius crossing
Milky Way
Stela 14
Four days before appearance of Venus as Evening Star in Sagittarius; full Moon in
Taurus crossing Milky Way; Saturn at first stationary point; Sun in Scorpius crossing
Milky Way
Stela 14
Proximity to first stationary point of Saturn
Stela 15
Saturn in retrograde
Stela 15
Jupiter in retrograde
300
APPENDIX 2
JULIAN
DATE
GREGORIAN
DATE
JULIAN DAY
NUMBER
SITE
11/18/722
11/22/722
1985090
Dumbarton Oaks
6/19/726
6/23/726
1986399
Yaxchilán
9.14.17.15.11 2 Chuen 14 Mol ?
7/8/729
7/12/729
1987514
Yaxchilán
9.14.17.15.11 2 Chuen 14 Mol
7/8/729
7/12/729
1987514
Yaxchilán
9.14.19.5.0 4 Ahau 18 Muan
11/29/730
12/3/730
1988023
Copán
9.14.19.5.0 4 Ahau 18 Muan
11/29/730
12/3/730
1988023
Copán
1/28/731
2/1/731
1988083
Copán
9.15.1.6.3 6 Akbal 11 Pax
12/11/732
12/15/732
1988766
Dumbarton Oaks
9.15.2.7.1 7 Imix 4 Kayab
12/24/733
12/28/733
1989144
Dumbarton Oaks
9.15.3.6.8 3 Lamat 6 Pax ?
12/6/734
12/10/734
1989491
Tikal
9.15.4.6.4 8 Kan 17 Muan
11/27/735
12/1/735
1989847
Aguateca
9.15.10.0.0 3 Ahau 3 Mol
6/24/741
6/28/741
1991883
Tikal
9.15.10.0.0 3 Ahau 3 Mol
6/24/741
6/28/741
1991883
Tikal
9.15.10.0.1 4 Imix 4 Mol
6/25/741
6/29/741
1991884
Yaxchilán
9.15.12.2.2 11 Ik 15 Chen
7/26/743
7/30/743
1992645
Tikal
9.15.12.2.3 12 Akbal 16 Chen
7/27/743
7/31/743
1992646
Tikal
9.15.12.11.13 7 Ben 1 Pop
2/2/744
2/6/744
1992836
Tikal
9.15.13.0.0 4 Ahau 8 Yaxkin ?
6/8/744
6/12/744
1992963
Tikal
9.15.13.6.9 3 Muluc 17 Mac
10/15/744
10/19/744
1993092
Yaxchilán
9.15.15.0.0 9 Ahau 18 Xul
5/29/746
6/2/746
1993683
Yaxchilán
9.15.15.2.3 13 Akbal 1 Chen
7/11/746
7/15/746
1993726
Tikal
9.15.15.12.16 5 Cib 9 Pop ?
2/9/747
2/13/747
1993939
Copán
9.15.15.14.0 3 Ahau 13 Uo
3/5/747
3/9/747
1993963
Tikal
9.15.19.1.1 1 Imix 19 Xul
5/29/750
6/2/750
1995144
Yaxchilán
9.16.0.0.0 2 Ahau 13 Tzec
5/3/751
5/7/751
1995483
Tikal
4/27/752
5/1/752
1995843
Yaxchilán
LONG COUNT
IS
9.14.11.2.7 9 Manik 5 Muan
9.14.14.13.16 5 Cib 14 Yaxkin ?
9.14.19.8.0 12 Ahau 18 Cumku
9.16.1.0.0 11 Ahau 8 Tzec
IS
IS
IS
DATES, MONUMENTS, AND ASSOCIATED ASTRONOMICAL EVENTS
301
MONUMENT
TARGET EVENTS
Relief Panel 2
Venus as Morning Star (in Scorpius) about to disappear in conjunction
Lintel 26, front edge
Rainy-season Moon; lunar eclipse
Stela 18
Jupiter and Saturn aligned; both at first stationary points; Pleiades overhead at dawn
Structure 44, Step I
Jupiter and Saturn aligned; both at first stationary points; Pleiades overhead at dawn
Stela H
Sun entering Sagittarius in Milky Way; last day of visibility of Venus as Morning Star;
full Moon crossing Milky Way in Orion
Stela A
Sun entering Sagittarius in Milky Way; last day of visibility of Venus as Morning Star;
full Moon crossing Milky Way in Orion
Stela A
Venus reappears as Evening Star; Scorpius overhead at dawn; full Moon
Panel 1
Saturn at second stationary point; Mars just past first stationary point; midpoint of
Jupiter’s retrograde
Panel 1
378 days later, Saturn at second stationary point again
Stela 5
Saturn in retrograde; Venus at greatest brilliance as Evening Star; approximates first
stationary point of Jupiter; last quarter Moon; Sun crossing Milky Way in Sagittarius
Stela 2
Heliacal rise of Venus as Evening Star; onset of dry season; first quarter Moon
Temple IV, Lintel 2
Approximates first stationary point of Jupiter
Temple IV, Lintel 3
Approximates first stationary point of Jupiter
Lintel 39
Approximates first stationary point of Jupiter
Temple IV, Lintel 3
Jupiter in Taurus crossing Milky Way; Mercury at maximum elongation; may be associated with solar eclipse one day previous
Temple IV, Lintel 3
Jupiter in Taurus crossing Milky Way; may be associated with solar eclipse two days
previous
Temple IV, Lintel 2
Saturn in retrograde; approximates full Moon; approximates second stationary point
of Jupiter; Jupiter in Taurus crossing Milky Way; Mars and Jupiter in proximity
Stela 5
Jupiter in conjunction with Sun; last quarter Moon; Saturn departs from second stationary point
Structure 33, Step VII
Approximates first stationary point of Jupiter; Jupiter in Gemini
Stela 11, front
First stationary point of Jupiter; Moon passing; Jupiter and Mars in conjunction; Saturn in retrograde
Temple IV, Lintel 3
Jupiter in Taurus crossing Milky Way
Structure 11, East Door
Five days after first appearance of Venus as Evening Star
Temple IV, Lintel 2
Jupiter and Saturn in retrograde
Stela 11, rear side, facing
Structure 40
Venus as Evening Star in Gemini crossing Milky Way; Saturn in retrograde; Jupiter at
midpoint of retrograde
Stela 20
First stationary point of Jupiter; Saturn in retrograde; Venus as Morning Star near
maximum altitude; a few days after heliacal rise of Mars
Lintel 1
Approximates first stationary point of Jupiter; Mars in retrograde
302
APPENDIX 2
LONG COUNT
IS
JULIAN
DATE
GREGORIAN
DATE
JULIAN DAY
NUMBER
SITE
9.16.1.0.0 11 Ahau 8 Tzec
IS
4/27/752
5/1/752
1995843
Yaxchilán
2/14/760
2/19/760
1998693
Yaxchilán
3/11/761
3/15/761
1999083
Yaxchilán
2/24/764
2/28/764
2000163
Yaxchilán
2/13/766
2/17/766
2000883
Quiriguá
9.16.15.0.0 7 Ahau 18 Pop
2/13/766
2/17/766
2000883
Yaxchilán
9.16.15.0.0 7 Ahau 18 Pop ?
2/13/766
2/17/766
2000883
Yaxchilán
9.16.17.16.4 11 Kan 12 Kayab
12/23/768
12/27/768
2001927
Tikal
9.17.0.0.0 13 Ahau 18 Cumku
1/18/771
1/22/771
2002683
Tikal
1/18/771
1/22/771
2002683
Quiriguá
9.17.0.0.0 13 Ahau 18 Cumku
1/18/771
1/22/771
2002683
Naj Tunich
9.17.5.0.0 6 Ahau 13 Kayab
12/23/775
12/27/775
2004483
Yaxchilán
9.17.5.8.9 6 Muluc 17 Yaxkin
6/9/776
6/13/776
2004652
Bonampak
9.16.8.16.10 1 Oc 18 Pop ?
9.16.10.0.0 1 Ahau 3 Zip
IS
9.16.13.0.0 2 Ahau 8 Uo
9.16.15.0.0 7 Ahau 18 Pop
9.17.0.0.0 13 Ahau 18 Cumku
IS
IS
9.17.10.0.0 12 Ahau 8 Pax ?
IS
11/26/780
11/30/780
2006283
Bonampak
9.17.14.16.18 9 Etz’nab 1 Kankin
IS
10/9/785
10/13/785
2008061
Quiriguá
9.17.15.0.0 5 Ahau 3 Muan
10/31/785
11/4/785
2008083
Quiriguá
9.17.15.0.0 5 Ahau 3 Muan
10/31/785
11/4/785
2008083
Bonampak
9.17.15.0.0 5 Ahau 3 Muan
10/31/785
11/4/785
2008083
Quiriguá
9.17.19.13.16 5 Cib 14 Chen
7/13/790
7/17/790
2009799
Santa Elena Poco
Uinic
9.18.0.3.4 10 Kan 2 Kayab
12/8/790
12/12/790
2009947
Bonampak
9.18.1.2.0 8 Ahau 13 Muan
11/9/791
11/13/791
2010283
Bonampak
9.18.1.15.5 13 Chicchan 13 Yax ?
7/31/792
8/4/792
2010548
Bonampak
9/9/795
9/13/795
2011683
Quiriguá
9.18.17.13.10 5 Oc 18 Zotz ?
4/3/808
4/7/808
2016273
Yaxchilán
9.19.10.0.0 8 Ahau 8 Xul
4/30/820
5/4/820
2020683
Copán
9.18.5.0.0 4 Ahau 13 Ceh
IS
DATES, MONUMENTS, AND ASSOCIATED ASTRONOMICAL EVENTS
303
MONUMENT
TARGET EVENTS
Stela 11
Approximates first stationary point of Jupiter; Mars in retrograde
Stela 1
819-day station; two weeks after Jupiter’s first stationary point; last quarter Moon
Stela 1
Dry-season new Moon; two weeks after first stationary point of Jupiter
Lintel 31
Saturn in conjunction with Pleiades overhead at dusk
Monument 4 (Stela D)
Disappearance of Moon and Morning Star in conjunction; approximates second stationary point of Jupiter
Lintel 52
Disappearance of Moon and Morning Star in conjunction; approximates second stationary point of Jupiter
Stela 10
Disappearance of Moon and Morning Star in conjunction; approximates second stationary point of Jupiter
Stela 22
Venus in Scorpius
Stela 22
Jupiter and Saturn in retrograde
Monument 5 (Stela E)
Jupiter and Saturn in retrograde; possible record of solar eclipse if 584,285 correlation
used
Cave Painting
Jupiter and Saturn in retrograde
Stela 4
Waning dry-season Moon; Venus newly emerged as Evening Star
Stela 2
Mars and Venus in conjunction; maximum altitude of Venus as Evening Star; first
stationary point of Jupiter; second stationary point of Saturn; approximates dawn rise
of Pleiades
Stela 1
Jupiter in retrograde; Saturn in conjunction with Sun
Monument 23 (Altar of
Zoomorph O)
Second stationary point of Saturn; first crescent Moon; Jupiter and Venus in conjunction in Scorpius
Monument 23 (Altar of
Zoomorph O)
Approximate midnight zenith of Pleiades; Venus near maximum altitude in Sagittarius crossing Milky Way at dusk; Sun in Scorpius; Jupiter crossing Milky Way
Stela 3
Approximate midnight zenith of Pleiades; Venus near maximum altitude in Sagittarius crossing Milky Way at dusk; Sun in Scorpius; Jupiter crossing Milky Way
Monument 7 (Zoomorph G)
Approximate midnight zenith of Pleiades; Venus near maximum altitude in Sagittarius crossing Milky Way at dusk; Sun in Scorpius; Jupiter crossing Milky Way
Stela 3
Coincides with total eclipse (7/16/790), but only if 584,286 correlation used
Room 1 (Structure 1)
First stationary point of Venus as Evening Star
Room 1 (Structure 1)
First appearance of Venus as Evening Star
Room 2 (Structure 1)
Venus in inferior conjunction; close to second solar zenith at Bonampak
Monument 24 (Altar of
Zoomorph P)
Venus as Evening Star in conjunction with Mars in Libra at edge of Milky Way
Lintel 10
Approximate last visibility at dusk of Pleiades; Jupiter in retrograde
Stela 11
Jupiter at approximate midpoint of retrograde, in conjunction with full Moon
304
APPENDIX 2
JULIAN
DATE
GREGORIAN
DATE
JULIAN DAY
NUMBER
SITE
10.1.0.0.0 5 Ahau 3 Kayab
11/24/849
11/28/849
2031483
Ixlu
10.1.0.0.0 5 Ahau 3 Kayab ?
11/24/849
11/28/849
2031483
Yaxchilán
10.2.0.0.0 3 Ahau 3 Ceh
8/11/869
8/15/869
2038683
Jimbal
10.2.12.1.8 9 Lamat 11 Yax
7/7/881
7/11/881
2043031
Chichén Itzá
LONG COUNT
IS
DATES, MONUMENTS, AND ASSOCIATED ASTRONOMICAL EVENTS
305
MONUMENT
TARGET EVENTS
Stela 2
Sun crossing Milky Way in Scorpius; waxing Moon in Aquarius; Venus as Evening
Star near maximum altitude; Pleiades overhead at midnight; Jupiter and Saturn
approaching second stationary points
Stela 18
Sun crossing Milky Way in Scorpius; waxing Moon in Aquarius; Venus as Evening
Star near maximum altitude; Pleiades overhead at midnight; Jupiter and Saturn
approaching second stationary points
Stela 1
New Moon; Saturn in retrograde; Jupiter at second stationary point; all planets in
Milky Way except Mercury; Mercury in conjunction with Sun and Moon in Leo
Temple of the Four Lintels
Ball game held nine days before the second solar zenith; Jupiter in retrograde; Mars in
conjunction; waxing quarter Moon
APPENDIX 3
TABLE FOR CALCULATING THE TZOLKIN INTERVALS
DAY #
1
2
3
4
5
6
1
Imix
Ik
Akbal
Kan
Chicchan
Cimi
14
Ix
Men
Cib
Caban
Etznab
Cauac
27
Manik
Lamat
Muluc
Oc
Chuen
Eb
40
Ahau
Imix
Ik
Akbal
Kan
Chicchan
53
Ben
Ix
Men
Cib
Caban
Etznab
66
Cimi
Manik
Lamat
Muluc
Oc
Chuen
79
Cauac
Ahau
Imix
Ik
Akbal
Kan
92
Eb
Ben
Ix
Men
Cib
Caban
105
Chicchan
Cimi
Manik
Lamat
Muluc
Oc
118
Etznab
Cauac
Ahau
Imix
Ik
Akbal
131
Chuen
Eb
Ben
Ix
Men
Cib
144
Kan
Chicchan
Cimi
Manik
Lamat
Muluc
157
Caban
Etznab
Cauac
Ahau
Imix
Ik
170
Oc
Chuen
Eb
Ben
Ix
Men
183
Akbal
Kan
Chicchan
Cimi
Manik
Lamat
196
Cib
Caban
Etznab
Cauac
Ahau
Imix
209
Muluc
Oc
Chuen
Eb
Ben
Ix
222
Ik
Akbal
Kan
Chicchan
Cimi
Manik
235
Men
Cib
Caban
Etznab
Cauac
Ahau
248
Lamat
Muluc
Oc
Chuen
Eb
Ben
BASE #
Instructions:
To find the number of the day, add the row number to the column base number.
For example, 4 Manik is day number 144 1 4 5 148.
To get the interval between two days, subtract the earlier day from the later one.
For example, the number of days separating 6 Men (day #176) from 4 Manik is 176 2 148 5 28 days.
If the later day has a lower number than the earlier one, then the result will be negative. In this case, add 260 to the
negative result to get the interval.
For example, there are 148 2 176 1 260 5 232 days from 6 Men to 4 Manik.
TABLE FOR CALCULATING THE TZOLKIN INTERVALS
307
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
Manik
Lamat
Muluc
Oc
Chuen
Eb
Ben
Ahau
Imix
Ik
Akbal
Kan
Chicchan
Cimi
Ben
Ix
Men
Cib
Caban
Etznab
Cauac
Cimi
Manik
Lamat
Muluc
Oc
Chuen
Eb
Cauac
Ahau
Imix
Ik
Akbal
Kan
Chicchan
Eb
Ben
Ix
Men
Cib
Caban
Etznab
Chicchan
Cimi
Manik
Lamat
Muluc
Oc
Chuen
Etznab
Cauac
Ahau
Imix
Ik
Akbal
Kan
Chuen
Eb
Ben
Ix
Men
Cib
Caban
Kan
Chicchan
Cimi
Manik
Lamat
Muluc
Oc
Caban
Etznab
Cauac
Ahau
Imix
Ik
Akbal
Oc
Chuen
Eb
Ben
Ix
Men
Cib
Akbal
Kan
Chicchan
Cimi
Manik
Lamat
Muluc
Cib
Caban
Etznab
Cauac
Ahau
Imix
Ik
Muluc
Oc
Chuen
Eb
Ben
Ix
Men
Ik
Akbal
Kan
Chicchan
Cimi
Manik
Lamat
Men
Cib
Caban
Etznab
Cauac
Ahau
Imix
Lamat
Muluc
Oc
Chuen
Eb
Ben
Ix
Imix
Ik
Akbal
Kan
Chicchan
Cimi
Manik
Ix
Men
Cib
Caban
Etznab
Cauac
Ahau
THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK
GLOSSARY
(Based on Aveni 1980 : 98 –100, Ortiz 1997, and
other sources)
Annular eclipse: Eclipse of the sun in which a ring
of sunlight is visible around the new moon, because
the moon is too distant from the earth to completely cover the sun.
Azimuth: Angular distance measured from a zero
point at true north moving in an easterly direction
for 3607 along the horizon, measured to a specific
horizon position of the sun, the moon, or a planet
or to the base of a star’s vertical circle.
Celestial equator: Great circle in the sky that is
located 907 from both the north and south celestial
poles. This circle is the celestial counterpart of the
terrestrial equator.
Celestial longitude: Position of the sun, moon, or an
individual planet when measured along the ecliptic
in degrees counting from a zero point at the vernal
equinox.
Conjunction: Position of two or more celestial bodies close to one another (usually within 27 of celestial longitude). When the Sun is involved in a conjunction event, the other celestial body cannot be
seen. The Moon disappears for up to 3 days when
in conjunction with the Sun. For the superior planets, the mean disappearance intervals are 25 days
for Saturn, 32 days for Jupiter, and 120 days for
Mars. On the other hand, the inferior planets
exhibit two periods of conjunction (inferior and
superior conjunction). The exact midpoint of the
disappearance interval is conjunction, but the term
is often used more generally to refer to the entire
period of invisibility.
Declination: Angular distance measured from the
celestial equator to a star along the star’s hour circle,
measured in positive degrees to the north of the
equator and negative to the south, like latitude on
a terrestrial map.
Draconic month: Interval between successive passages of the moon by a given node in its orbit;
27.21222 days.
Eclipse year: Interval between successive passages of
the sun by the same node of the lunar orbit (346.62
days), also known as the draconitic year. One-half
of the eclipse year (173.31 days) is the eclipse halfyear, the time it takes for the sun to move from one
node to another (ascending node to descending
node or vice versa; see Fig. 2.2a).
Ecliptic: Apparent seasonal path of the sun through
the background of stars along a plane angled at
231⁄27 relative to the celestial equator. This angle has
changed very slightly from about 227 to a little over
247 over the course of a cycle that repeats every
41,000 years. Currently the angle is diminishing,
and it is expected to begin increasing in about
15,000 years.
Elongation: Angular distance between the sun and
the moon or the sun and a planet.
310
STAR GODS OF THE MAYA
Ephemeris: Table that lists the position of a celestial
body at different times.
Equinox: Point on the celestial sphere at which the
sun crosses the celestial equator in its apparent
annual motion. The spring or vernal equinox is
when the sun crosses the equator moving north
around March 21; the autumnal equinox is when it
moves from north to south around September 21.
Actual date varies by a day or two depending on the
leap year cycle.
Heliacal rise: Day a planet or star reappears after a
period of invisibility in conjunction with the sun,
usually at dawn.
Heliacal set: Day a planet or star is last visible before
conjunction with the sun, usually at dusk.
Hour circles: Great circles passing through the celestial poles, dividing up the sky into sections like an
orange.
Inferior conjunction: Configuration of a planet in
which it is obscured by passage in front of the Sun.
This only occurs for inferior planets, which circle
between the Sun and Earth in their orbits. Mean
inferior conjunction intervals for the two inferior
planets are three days for Mercury and eight days
for Venus.
Lunar standstill: See Regression of nodes.
Lunation: One full synodic period of the moon,
comprising one lunar month of 29.530588 days.
Maximum elongation: Greatest angular distance of
a planet or the moon from the sun, most often of
interest in reference to the position of an inferior
planet.
Meridian: Great circle that passes through the
zenith and the north and south celestial poles.
Metonic cycle: Period of 6939.6 days (about nineteen
years) that returns the full moon to the same date in
the calendar year.
Nadir: See Zenith.
Nodes: Points of intersection of the plane of the
moon’s orbit around the earth and the 231⁄27 plane
of the earth’s orbit around the sun, known as the
plane of the ecliptic (see Fig. 2.1b).
Occultation: Eclipse of a star or planet by the moon
or another planet.
Opposition: Configuration of a body when it is opposite the sun, at 1807 elongation, so that it rises at
dusk and is seen overhead at midnight, when the
earth is positioned between that body and the sun.
Precession: Slow conical motion of the earth’s axis
of rotation about the poles of the ecliptic, resulting
in a motion of the celestial poles among the stars in
a cycle of approximately 26,000 years.
Regression of nodes: Westward (backward) movement of the nodes (of the lunar orbit) along the
ecliptic, one cycle being completed in 18.61 years.
Lunar standstills, most noticeable in regions beyond
the Tropics, reflect this 18.61-year cycle by marking
the extreme positions in the north-south movement
of the moon along the horizon at rising or setting.
See also Nodes.
Retrograde motion: Apparent westward motion of
a planet in the sky relative to the stars. Mean retrograde interval for Venus is 42 days; Mars, 75 days;
Jupiter, 120 days; and Saturn, 140 days.
Right ascenscion: Position of a star in the equatorial
system of celestial coordinates (similar to longitude
in the system of terrestrial coordinates), used with
declination to locate a star’s position on the celestial
sphere, which is fixed regardless of the observer’s
location. Right ascension (R.A.) is measured east-
GLOSSARY
ward from the zero point at the vernal equinox and
given in hours, minutes, and seconds with 24 hours
corresponding to 3607.
Saros cycle: Cycle of similar eclipses that recurs after
a period of about 18.03 years or 223 lunations
(6,585.32 days).
Sidereal cycle or period: Time it takes for a celestial
body to return to the same part of the sky when
observed from Earth against the background of
stars. Sidereal period for the Moon is 27.32166 days;
Mercury, 88.0 days; Venus, 224.7 days; Mars,
687.1 days; Jupiter, 4,332.5 days; and Saturn,
10,758.9 days.
Stationary point: When a planet stops its eastward
motion through the background of stars at the first
stationary point and then moves backward until it
reaches the second stationary point, after which it
resumes forward motion.
Summer solstice: Point on the celestial sphere where
the sun reaches its greatest distance north of the
celestial equator (231⁄27 N) about June 21, but
viewed from the Southern Hemisphere, this date
marks the winter solstice. Around the solstices the
sun seems to move very slowly along the horizon
when compared to its rapid motion around the
equinoxes.
Superior conjunction: Point at which a planet is
invisible as it passes behind the Sun relative to the
observer on Earth. The term is generally reserved
for the inferior planets that have two disappearance
311
intervals, the longer disappearance interval being
superior conjunction.
Synodic period: The period of time it takes a planet
to return to the same position relative to Earth’s
orbit around the Sun, as determined by observing
successive heliacal risings of the planet. Synodic
period for Mercury is 115.9 days; Venus, 583.9
days; Mars, 780.0 days; Jupiter, 398.9 days; Saturn,
378.1 days.
Tropic of Cancer: Position on Earth parallel to 231⁄27
north, the northern extreme of the Sun’s apparent
motion in the annual cycle.
Tropic of Capricorn: Position on Earth parallel to
231⁄27 south, the southern extreme of the Sun’s
apparent motion in the annual cycle.
Tropical year: Period of revolution of the earth
around the sun with respect to the vernal equinox
(365.24220 days), which looks like the sun moving
around the earth from our geocentric perspective.
Vertical circles: Great circles passing through the
zenith and nadir, perpendicular to the horizon.
Winter solstice: Point on the celestial sphere where
the sun reaches its greatest distance south of the
celestial equator (231⁄27 S) about December 22, but
in the Southern Hemisphere, this date marks the
summer solstice.
Zenith: Point directly overhead of the observer. The
nadir is the point underfoot, opposite the zenith.
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INDEX
Abaj Takalik, 3, 91
Acancéh, 199, 210 –211, 257
accession events, 65, 69, 83, 85, 187, 193, 207–208, 223, 230,
232 –233, 237, 241, 243 –244, 246, 262, 271–273, 284, 286
Achı́ Maya, 29
Acrux, 38
agriculture, 2, 12 –17, 24 –25, 29 –31, 34, 38, 46, 59, 61– 62, 68,
97, 112, 131, 133, 135, 148, 177, 186, 192, 217, 259, 261
Aguateca, 124 –125, 195, 199
Ah Cacao Caan Chac (Tikal ruler also known as Hasaw Chaan
K’awil, Hasaw Kan K’awil I, and Ruler A), 85, 208, 238
almanacs in codices, 2, 15, 28, 58, 60 – 61, 64, 112 –115, 140,
166, 170, 174, 202 –204, 211, 215, 217, 219, 221–223,
254 –256
Alnitak, 39, 266
amphibians, 110, 119. See also frogs; toads
Anales de Cuauhtitlán, 162, 177
ancestors, 12, 37, 79, 82 – 83, 85, 89, 102 –103, 125, 151, 155,
196, 205, 213, 234, 265, 274, 285 –286
animal constellations, 10, 76, 209, 257–270
annual cycle, 4, 12 –15, 44, 47– 48, 59 – 65. See also solar year
Antares, 39, 56, 211, 265 –266
ants, 26, 27, 34, 36, 111, 205
apotheosis, 11, 85, 87, 177, 207–209, 234, 239, 242 –243, 247,
263, 265, 272, 286, 287, 288. See also ancestors
Aquarids (meteor shower), 56
Aquarius, 56, 127
archaeoastronomy, 8
architectural orientations, 8, 10, 46, 58, 63, 65 – 66, 68 –70, 78,
103, 116, 158, 191, 193, 249 –250, 263 –264, 271, 273, 288
Arellano, Alfonso, 151
Aries, 55, 241
astrology, 1, 55 –56, 196, 214, 242, 261
Atamalcualiztli ceremony, 158
atlatl (dart thrower), 166, 173, 177, 180 –181, 193, 203, 216,
229
Aveni, Anthony F., 7–10, 44, 46, 51–52, 54, 65, 68 – 69, 71, 107,
114, 116, 158, 166 –167, 170, 172, 190 –191, 195, 215, 243,
250
axe, 201, 204, 208, 213, 234, 244, 246, 292
azimuth, 46, 309
Aztec, 2, 6, 9, 23, 26, 35, 63, 65, 71, 76, 78, 82 – 83, 88, 92,
94 –96, 117, 121, 130, 140, 143, 147, 151, 158, 162, 171,
173 –174
Bacabs, 111, 141, 149, 150, 160, 162, 163, 198, 246. See also
Pauahtuns
Bade, Bonnie L., 173
Bahlum. See Chan Bahlum I
Baird, Ellen T., 186
Baker, Mary, 92
Baktun, 61, 64, 114, 168, 172, 177, 187
ball-court marker, 70, 88, 99, 129, 135, 137
ball game and ball court, 68, 82 – 83, 95 –96, 100, 121, 126, 147,
159, 181, 191, 237, 242, 267–268
ball-game belt, 97, 99, 103, 131, 133, 135, 154
ballplayers, 82, 96 –97, 99, 100, 103, 121, 130, 133, 137, 138,
154, 156, 268, 269
Barrera Vásquez, Alfredo, 8, 284
Basseta, Domingo, 37
Bassie-Sweet, Karen, 130
bats, 97, 209, 257
Batz’bal, Francisca, 28, 33
Baudez, Claude-François, 83, 151, 207, 286, 287
beans, 12, 13, 30, 31, 38
bees, 25, 141, 162, 163, 186, 198
Benson, Elizabeth P., 274
Berlin, Heinrich, 8, 16, 79, 88, 106, 109 –110, 187, 232, 234
Beta Crucis, 271
Betelgeuse, 39, 267
Big Dipper, 38 –39, 266, 274. See also Ursa Major
Bilbao, 83, 91, 147
Bird Jaguar IV (Yaxchilán ruler), 69, 118, 208, 210, 235, 237,
242, 263, 267
birds, 22, 24, 27, 33, 35, 38, 68, 71, 94 –95, 97, 99, 117–119,
126, 127, 130, 140, 155, 174, 186, 196, 197, 215 –216, 219,
239, 249, 253, 257, 266 –267, 269 –270, 288, 292 –293, 295.
See also macaws; owls; Principal Bird Deity; quetzal; vultures
birth, 32, 91, 102, 115, 118 –119, 127, 138, 141, 151, 159, 193,
205, 223, 231–232, 235, 275, 284. See also childbirth;
pregnancy
Blair, Robert, 8
Blom, Frans, 20, 34
bloodletting, and bloodletting implements, 42, 100, 127, 135,
180, 213, 237–238, 242, 244, 266, 271, 279, 281–282, 286 –
288
Bolles, John S., 141
Bolon Dzacab, 227, 231–233, 285
Bolonyocte, 247
340
STAR GODS OF THE MAYA
Bonampak, 120, 125, 135, 187, 196, 234, 253, 262, 268
Bootes, 37, 38
Braakhuis, H. E. M., 95
Bricker, Harvey M., 9, 52, 60, 63, 112, 114 –115, 190, 192, 203,
219, 221–222, 257, 268 –270
Bricker, Victoria R., 60, 63, 73, 112, 114 –115, 175, 190, 203,
219, 221–222, 257, 268 –270
Burgess, John W., 211
butterflies, 22
Butz’ Chan, 85, 129
cacao, 227
Cacaxtla, 123, 186 –187
Cakchiquel Maya, 22, 24, 27–29, 31, 33, 40 – 41, 204, 270,
272
Calakmul, 66, 125
calendar cycles, 1–7, 9, 126, 214, 215, 227, 243, 259
Calendar Round dates, 2 –7, 64, 125, 166 –167, 170, 172, 196,
216, 238
Cancer, 129, 235, 268
canicula, 13, 14, 17, 41
Capricorn, 129, 175, 209, 241, 269 –270, 293
Captain Serpent, 82, 181. See also Quetzalcoatl
Captain Sun Disk, 82, 181. See also Kakupacal
Caracol, 5, 102, 241
Caracol at Chichén Itzá, 68, 158, 177, 210, 263
cardinal directions, 17, 19 –20, 70, 71, 73, 74, 78 –79, 83, 201–
202. See also east; north; south; west
Carina, 40
Carlson, John, 9, 186 –187, 196, 198 –199, 211, 213, 226, 264
Carmack, Robert M., 266
Castor, 39, 266, 267, 268, 270. See also Gemini
Catholic saints, 16 –17, 34, 35, 274
Cauac Monster (Witz Monster), 234, 244, 277
caves, 21, 24, 29, 36, 64, 76, 79, 88, 99 –100, 103, 116, 119 –120,
126, 131, 135, 153, 202, 204
Cehtzuc, 190
ceiba, 20, 39, 40, 270, 273, 291
celestial cross, 40, 133, 266, 271–273
celestial equator, 56, 266, 309
celestial longitude, 50, 52, 309
cenotes, 27, 33, 42, 117–119, 181, 225
central Mexico, 2, 6, 9 –10, 35, 46, 56, 58, 65, 78, 81– 83, 87–
88, 95, 96, 105, 107, 116, 119, 120 –121, 123, 125, 130, 135,
140, 147–148, 157, 171, 173 –174, 177–178, 180 –181, 186 –
187, 189, 192, 193, 197, 199, 203, 205, 216, 222, 225, 229 –
231, 251, 253, 274, 275, 287, 291, 294
Chac, 10, 19, 27, 33, 42 – 43, 59, 61– 62, 78 –79, 143, 157, 176,
189 –191, 199, 201–205, 207–209, 215 –216, 225, 230, 231,
238, 244, 246, 262, 283, 286, 287, 292, 294
chac chel, 142 –143, 149
Chalchuapa, 96
Chamula, 14, 16, 17, 19 –24, 30, 32, 35, 38, 39, 153
Chan Bahlum I (Palenque ruler also known as Bahlum and
Kan Balam I), 115
Chan Bahlum II (Palenque ruler also known as Chan Bahlum
or Kan Balam II), 83, 89, 110, 233, 234, 241–244, 246, 263,
271–273
Chan Kom, 17, 30, 39, 41, 223, 267
Chembel K’uh, 20
Chenalhó, 14 –17, 22 –24, 26 –27, 30, 32 –33, 35, 42
Chicchan serpent, 36, 42 – 43, 59, 60, 259, 261–262, 282
Chichén Itzá, 5, 47, 63, 66, 68, 69, 74, 79, 82 – 83, 96, 115 –117,
148 –150, 155, 156, 158, 175, 177, 181, 183, 186, 196 –197,
204, 210, 225, 227, 230, 242, 257, 263 –264, 265, 268 –269,
270, 275, 284
Chilam Balam books, 6, 59, 69, 70, 78, 79, 95, 106, 111, 120,
162, 177, 214, 222, 227, 251, 264, 266, 268, 285
childbirth, 23, 32, 105, 119, 140, 141, 142, 143, 148
Chinese astronomy, 1, 251, 292 –293
Chinkultic, 121
Chitam. See Ruler C
Chol Maya, 15, 21, 23 –27, 29, 31–32, 34 –35, 38, 43, 82, 110,
262 –263
Chortı́ Maya, 14 –17, 19, 21, 26 –27, 29 –32, 34, 36, 37– 42, 59,
61, 143, 204, 218, 261–262
Christ, 16, 17, 20, 23 –24, 35, 40, 251, 270
Chuh Maya, 34
Ciaramella, Mary, 142
Cihuacoatl, 143
Classic Maya ‘‘collapse,’’ 5
Closs, Michael P., 26, 111, 159, 162, 166, 170, 176
clouds, 37, 127, 202, 244, 262, 264, 277, 279, 284 –286, 288
Codex Borbonicus, 162, 180
Codex Borgia, 2, 74, 120, 171, 174, 178, 180 –181, 187, 192,
198, 199, 202, 225, 229, 230, 250, 253, 275
Codex Fejérváry-Mayer, 71, 73 –74, 131, 174
Codex Laud, 95
Codex Magliabecchiano, 198
Codex Nuttall, 119, 162
Codex Pérez, 69
Codex Rı́os (Codex Vaticanus A), 1, 35, 184, 197
Codex Telleriano-Remensis, 92, 119, 251
Codex Vaticanus B, 174, 186 –187, 201
Codex Vindobonensis, 74, 162, 183, 275, 277
Coe, Michael D., 8 –9, 91–92, 96 –97, 99, 102, 126, 133, 154,
156, 159, 184, 225, 253, 269, 284
Coggins, Clemency C., 9, 66, 82, 183 –184, 187, 189, 197, 211,
234, 239, 269
Cogolludo, Diego López de, 94, 111, 162, 177
Collea, Beth, 7, 215
color directions, 17, 27, 62 – 63, 201, 293. See also cardinal
directions
Colup-u-uich-akab, 111
Colup-u-uich-kin, 111
comets, 10, 41– 42, 56 –57, 249 –251
conch shells, 82, 119, 133, 140, 149, 186, 199
Copán, 2, 65, 69, 76, 83, 85, 89, 95, 99, 106, 109 –110, 117–118,
124, 127, 129, 137, 149, 151, 191–193, 197, 199, 205, 208,
211, 231, 234, 241, 244, 248, 264 –265, 269, 277, 279, 281,
287–288
corn. See maize
correlation factor, 7, 64, 109 –110, 115 –116, 121, 167, 171–173,
191, 196, 213 –214, 243, 269
cosmic diagrams, 15, 17–20, 58, 70 –74, 78 –79, 91, 95, 103,
131, 285
INDEX
Cosmic Monster, 10, 118, 149, 181, 187, 189, 232, 238, 244,
249, 250, 275, 277, 279, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285, 287, 291,
294. See also Milky Way
Coyolxauhqui, 96, 147
Cozumel, 148
crocodilians, 38, 76, 219, 258, 285
cross constellations, 40, 249, 270 –273, 283
crossroads in the sky, 40, 209, 259, 283 –285
Cubulco, 29
Curl Snout (Tikal ruler also known as Yax Ain I), 85, 88, 99
Cygnus, 41, 271
dancers, 17, 64 – 65, 121, 133, 141, 166, 173, 180, 193, 205, 219,
227, 246 –247, 286
Davoust, Michel, 196
death, 10 –11, 15, 17, 21, 23 –24, 26 –27, 37, 38, 42, 62, 78, 88,
92, 96, 97, 99, 100, 103, 112 –115, 119, 123, 130 –131, 137–
138, 140 –141, 143, 149, 156, 159, 160, 173, 175, 177, 186,
201, 208, 214, 233 –234, 241, 244, 246, 251, 253, 269, 272,
274 –275, 281–282, 286, 291–292
death gods, 62, 71, 111, 137, 159, 174 –175, 253, 275
decapitation, 96 –97, 103, 116 –117, 121, 123 –126, 130, 147,
208, 213 –214
deer, 17, 22, 34, 61– 62, 65, 76, 78, 94 –95, 173, 202, 214, 218,
222 –223, 226, 235, 244, 248, 251, 264, 269, 277, 279, 281–
283
Deneb, 271
determinant theory, 4
dew, 284, 285
disease, 24, 25, 28, 34, 36, 140 –141, 155. See also illness
distance numbers, 4 –5, 79
divination, 1, 13, 15, 63, 105, 141, 143, 197, 211. See also
Tzolkin
Diving God, 69, 148
dogs, 35 –36, 63, 117, 140, 162
Dos Pilas, 127, 195 –196, 199, 234 –235
draconic months, 254
dragonflies, 34, 39
Dresden Codex, 5 –7, 10, 51, 61, 63, 64, 78 – 82, 94 –95, 97, 106,
111–115, 117, 120, 127, 131, 138, 140, 143, 148 –150, 153,
157–159, 162 –163, 166 –167, 170, 173 –178, 187, 189, 192,
197, 199, 201–204, 207–211, 213, 215 –216, 219, 222, 225 –
227, 229 –230, 232, 238, 241, 244, 246 –248, 257, 259, 264,
267, 270, 273, 277, 279, 281, 283, 285
drought, 5, 15, 58, 78, 81, 174, 202
dry season, 10, 12, 13 –14, 22, 28 –29, 33, 37–38, 40, 46 – 47,
56, 65, 68, 76, 79, 94, 102, 105, 121, 124 –127, 130, 142, 145,
147, 155 –157, 173 –174, 176, 193, 196, 201, 208, 211, 213,
216 –217, 242, 244, 247, 262, 265, 267, 269 –270, 274, 281–
282, 284, 288, 291, 294
Duby, Gertrude, 20
Dumbarton Oaks reliefs, 205, 207, 241–243, 287
Dütting, Dieter, 193, 213 –215, 233, 242, 247
dwarfs, 22 –23, 176, 267–268
Dzibilchaltún, 63, 66, 70, 203
earth, 17, 19 –21, 23 –24, 26, 28, 34, 41– 42, 44, 46 – 48, 50 –52,
54 –56, 70, 73 –74, 76, 79, 102, 105 –106, 117, 119, 124, 126,
341
140, 143, 149 –150, 162, 176, 193, 197, 207, 226, 239, 246,
248, 267–268, 275, 285, 292, 294
earth monster, 21, 118, 126, 131, 148, 180 –181, 258
east, 14, 17, 19, 20, 23, 31, 37, 41– 42, 46, 62, 70, 71, 73, 74, 78,
91, 103, 171, 176, 178, 180, 201, 202, 216, 235, 240, 281,
284, 293
eclipse glyphs, 60, 61, 111–113, 116, 254, 257, 265
eclipse half-year, 50, 111, 114 –115, 254, 257, 309
eclipse monster, 50, 111–113, 208
eclipses, 7, 25 –27, 34, 43, 48, 50, 57, 60, 61, 81, 96, 97, 102,
105 –107, 109, 111–117, 120 –121, 123, 125 –127, 130 –131,
137, 140, 143, 147, 156, 162, 166 –167, 168, 195, 203, 205,
208, 211, 213, 222, 238, 254, 257, 265, 292
eclipse table of Dresden Codex, 81, 106, 111, 112, 113, 114,
115, 140, 162, 166
ecliptic, 10, 17, 40, 44, 48, 55, 56, 61, 74, 76, 79, 154, 155 –156,
175, 177, 203, 209, 216, 221, 246, 249, 257, 259, 261, 264,
273, 275, 277, 281–285, 287–288, 294 –295, 309
ecliptical cord, 74 –76, 78, 162, 275, 277
Edmonson, Munro S., 3, 64
Edzná, 59, 64, 89 –90, 116
Egyptian astronomy, 1, 55
Ehecatl and Ehecatl-Quetzalcoatl, 35, 162, 177, 178, 180, 181,
183, 275
18 Rabbit (Copán ruler also known as 18 Jog and Waxaklahun
Ubah K’awil), 83, 151, 191, 287
819-day cycle, 107, 110, 231–233, 235, 240 –243
El Baúl, 3
El Castillo, 82 – 83
El Tı́tulo de Totonicapán, 120, 130, 155
ephemeris, 166
equinoxes, 14 –16, 46, 48, 52, 55 –56, 61, 64 – 66, 68, 83, 103,
124, 129, 158, 203, 205, 208, 210, 211, 214, 239, 256, 257,
259, 263, 288, 310
ethnoastronomy, 8, 9
Evening Star (Venus), 25, 34, 36 –37, 51, 52, 70, 91, 111, 124,
127, 158 –163, 166, 170 –171, 177–178, 180, 187, 190 –193,
195 –199, 201, 203, 205, 207–208, 210 –211, 213 –215, 217,
223, 234, 238 –241, 261–262, 264 –265, 286
excrement, 25, 42, 250
Fash, William F., 85
feathered serpent, 10, 35 –36, 82, 117, 157, 181, 183 –184,
186, 203, 210, 215, 239, 261, 275
felines, 26, 95, 96, 111, 121, 143, 153, 155, 176, 257, 263,
269
fertility, 32, 34, 35, 97, 120, 147, 157, 177, 192, 201, 210,
216, 261
festival calendar, 6, 9, 16, 58, 59, 61, 62, 65, 174, 180
fifty-two-year cycle, 2 –3, 6, 15, 107, 187, 198
fire, 13, 14, 21, 23 –26, 32, 34, 37, 39, 41, 62, 64, 78 –79, 82 – 83,
94 –95, 103, 126, 130, 181, 184, 210, 231, 250 –251, 262,
266 –267, 285
fireballs, 42, 56
fire-drill constellation, 267
fireflies, 249, 251, 253
Fire God, 10, 173, 174, 176, 184, 199, 216
First Mother, 151, 243
342
STAR GODS OF THE MAYA
fish, 41, 59, 96, 119, 129, 140, 148, 154, 156, 176, 205, 208, 209,
216, 249, 263, 272, 277, 281, 282, 286, 295. See also stingray
and stingray spines; Xoc
fishing, 28, 34, 149, 176, 202, 208, 209
fish-snake, 249, 272, 286
Fletcher, Alan, 251
flood, 70, 150, 162, 227, 275
Flores Gutiérrez, Daniel, 2, 62, 63, 261
flowers, 22, 40, 58 –59, 78, 79, 82, 83, 94, 95, 97, 103, 121, 125,
178, 232, 249, 251
Förstemann, Ernst Wilhelm, 166, 215
forty-day period (‘‘feet of the year’’), 6, 60, 61, 68 – 69, 112
Fox, James A., 142, 241–242
Freidel, David, 91, 102, 125, 127, 151, 154, 158, 195, 199, 242,
268, 269, 277, 291
frogs, 62, 110, 119, 124, 156, 257, 268
full moon, 10, 14, 16, 27–32, 34, 39, 47– 48, 50, 52, 89, 102,
105 –106, 117, 120 –121, 123, 125, 130, 135, 138, 140 –143,
149, 151, 154, 155 –156
Galindo Trejo, Jesús, 68, 203, 215, 250
Gemini, 37–39, 56, 175, 203, 210, 235, 256, 262, 264, 266, 267,
268, 269, 270, 282, 288, 295
Geminids (meteor shower), 56
GI, 88, 94, 102, 124, 151, 205, 208, 209, 216, 243, 244, 246, 281,
283, 287, 295. See also Palenque Triad
GII, 102, 151, 205, 215, 218, 231, 232, 295. See also Palenque
Triad
GIII, 58, 83, 100, 102, 103, 151, 205, 223, 243, 295. See also
Palenque Triad
Girard, Raphael, 19, 40
glyphic writing, 3, 8, 71, 78, 118, 186, 267
God A8, 137. See also death gods
God B, 199, 202, 204, 216, 225, 230, 246, 294
God C, 10, 71, 73, 81, 225, 226, 227, 244, 246, 247, 248, 273,
274, 294
God CH, 130, 131, 135, 294
God D, 96, 154, 178, 227, 244, 246, 258, 274, 285, 288
Goddess I, 138, 140, 141, 142, 147, 149, 150, 153, 155, 178,
294
Goddess I-O, 141, 147, 149, 155, 193
Goddess O, 141, 142, 143, 147, 148, 149, 154, 155, 156, 213,
294
God E, 173, 294
God G, 79, 81, 82, 104, 112, 140, 294
God H, 78, 178, 180, 186, 203, 294
God K, 121, 131, 176, 215 –216, 218, 226 –227, 229 –240, 243 –
244, 247–248, 264, 265, 272, 285, 292, 294
God L, 10, 126, 154, 163, 173, 174, 202, 211, 213, 214, 215, 216,
232, 244, 247, 251, 264, 269, 270, 272, 294
God N, 140, 149 –150, 153 –154, 157, 174, 175, 213 –214, 227,
232, 242, 264, 275, 277. See also Bacabs
God of Number Nine. See Yax Balam
God of Number Seven, 125, 294
God of Zero, 99, 137
God S, 97, 104, 131, 294
gold, 181, 225
González Torres, Yólotl, 9, 275
Goodman, Martı́nez, Thompson correlation. See correlation
factor
gophers, 257
Gossen, Gary H., 14, 16
Greco-Roman astronomy, 37, 55
Greek astronomy, 1, 51, 248, 292
Gregorian calendar, 4, 7, 59, 62, 168, 172, 268 –269
Grieder, Terence, 279, 293
Grolier Codex, 6
Grube, Nikolai, 64, 116, 125, 215, 223, 238, 270
Guiteras Holmes, Calixta, 16
Haab, 3, 13, 15, 63, 168, 203. See also solar year
Hachäkyum, 20, 22, 26, 32, 36, 41
Hales, Donald M., 99, 154
Halley’s comet, 42, 57, 250, 251
Hammond, Norman, 73, 91, 94
Hartung, Horst, 65, 68, 69
Hasaw Kan K’awil I (Tikal ruler also known as Ah Cacao Caan
Chac, Hasaw Chaan K’awil, and Ruler A), 85, 208, 238
Hauberg Stela, 115, 129, 246, 283
Headband Twins, 88, 97, 99 –100, 121, 131, 133, 137, 246. See
also Hero Twins
hearthstones, 39, 249, 266, 267, 268, 285
heir-designation ceremony, 83, 110, 191, 208, 233, 241, 243,
244, 271, 273
Hellmuth, Nicholas M., 78, 125, 209, 274
Hero Twins, 31, 42, 94, 96, 97, 99, 102, 118, 121, 125, 130, 131,
133, 135, 137, 138, 141, 154 –155, 159, 209, 219, 223, 251,
268, 283, 294 –295. See also Headband Twins
Hindu astronomy, 1, 292
Historia de los mexicanos por sus pinturas, 197, 274
Historia de México, 274, 275
Hochob, 59
Hofling, Charles A., 112, 113, 140
honey, 24, 25, 29, 117, 141, 145, 270
horned serpent, 36, 282. See also Chicchan serpent
Hotaling, Lorren D., 7, 65, 116, 158, 191, 195, 215, 243
Houston, Stephen D., 1, 118, 178, 279, 286
Huitzilopochtli, 94, 102, 230, 265
human sacrifice, 42, 65, 71, 76, 97, 131, 154, 159, 181, 184, 186,
199, 213, 242
Hun Ahau, 58, 85, 96, 97, 99, 100, 102, 103 –104, 118, 121, 131,
133, 135, 137, 157, 159 –160, 175, 205, 209, 239, 274
Hunahpu, 58, 88, 96, 97, 99, 100, 102, 103, 121, 126, 130, 131,
135, 138, 154, 159, 160, 175, 177, 209, 219, 232, 257, 266,
274, 294, 295
Hun Batz, 94, 225
Hun Chouen, 94, 225
Hun Hunahpu, 138, 159, 160, 232
Hunt, Eva, 1, 16, 22, 291
hunting, 24 –25, 34, 35, 89, 100, 223
hurricane, 39, 266, 274
Hyades, 38, 269, 281
illness, 1, 24, 27–29, 94, 95, 140, 214. See also disease; medicine
Initial Series, 4 –5, 87, 99, 106 –107, 118 –119, 121, 125, 127,
129, 137, 189, 193, 196, 199, 205, 207, 208, 223, 234 –235,
239, 286, 287. See also Long Count dates
INDEX
343
insects, 34, 149, 162, 163, 190, 198, 264. See also ants; bees; butterflies; dragonflies; fireflies; locusts; wasps
intercalation, 6, 15, 61– 62, 70
intercardinal directions, 17, 19, 70 –71
Isla Mujeres, 148 –149
Itzaj, 32
Itzamna, 10, 81, 249, 250, 283 –285, 294
Itztlacoliuhqui, 174, 216
Iwaniszewski, Stanislaw, 162
Ix Chel, 141–142, 145, 147–149
Ixchel, 32, 33. See also Ix Chel
Ixil Maya, 16, 22, 34
Izamal, 94
Izapa, 64, 76, 118, 181, 208
King Vulture, 95, 100, 244, 274
Kinich Ahau, 58, 73, 81, 82, 91, 99, 100, 103, 125, 285. See also
Sun God
Kinich Kakmo, 79, 94, 95, 103
K’inich Yax K’uk’ Mo (Copán ruler also known as Yax K’uk’
Mo), 117, 197
Klein, Cecelia F., 198
Knorozov, Yurii, 8, 215
Köhler, Ulrich, 19, 27, 71, 250, 251
Kowalski, Jeff K., 82, 121, 177, 201, 204, 230
Krupp, Edward C., 9 –10, 44, 292
K’ucumatz, 22
Kukulcan, 36, 66, 82, 177, 178, 181, 186, 215, 239
Kusansum legend, 148, 284. See also ecliptical cord
Jacalteca Maya, 284
Jaguar God of the Underworld (JGU), 106, 124, 126, 156, 243,
294
jaguars, 26, 32, 85, 87– 88, 92, 95 –96, 99 –100, 103, 106, 116 –
117, 120 –121, 123 –127, 129 –131, 133, 135, 143, 153 –155,
156, 162, 173, 176, 195, 208, 214, 230, 243, 249, 251, 253,
263, 269
Jaguar War God, 10, 106, 124, 125, 126, 129, 135, 153, 156, 173,
191, 208, 215, 238, 244, 247, 294
Jakawitz, 21
Jester God, 87– 88, 91, 117, 234
Jimbal, 5, 127, 286
Johnson, Richard E., 214
Jones, Tom, 205
Josserand, J. Kathryn, 118
Julian calendar, 4, 7, 168
Junajpu, 97, 103, 160, 295. See also Hunahpu
Jupiter, 10 –11, 24, 36 –37, 43, 54, 57, 70, 94, 102, 115, 171–
172, 176, 195, 197, 205, 207, 215 –216, 218, 219, 223, 227,
229 –244, 246 –248, 262 –265, 268, 271–273, 286 –287, 292,
294 –295
Justeson, John S., 3, 7, 65, 73, 107, 110, 114, 118, 142, 166,
170 –171, 193, 219, 221–223, 238, 240 –242
Lacandón Maya, 19 –24, 26 –27, 32 –34, 36 – 42, 76, 94, 127,
141–143, 158, 202, 223, 253, 267–268, 270, 273, 291
La Esperanza, 121
La Farge, Oliver, 34
Lahun Chan, 10, 111, 162 –163, 173 –174, 189, 216, 295
Lake Amatitlán, 33, 123
Lamb, Weldon W., 9, 106, 250, 274
La Mojarra, 3, 133, 192, 193
Landa, Diego de, 6, 17, 59, 61– 65, 79, 81– 82, 95, 97, 106,
117, 138, 141–142, 145, 148 –149, 160, 177, 223, 227, 258,
262, 267
Laughlin, Robert M., 35
layers of heaven, 20, 37, 42 – 43, 70
Lebeuf, Arnold, 116
Leo, 38, 56, 175, 209, 235, 242, 268 –269, 286
Leonid (meteor shower), 56, 57, 250
León-Portilla, Miguel, 13, 78, 95
Leyden Plaque, 4, 85, 239
Libra, 129, 175, 207, 210, 269, 270, 287
lightning, 23, 34, 41, 81, 198, 201, 204, 207, 231–232, 239, 248,
262
Lincoln, Charles, 181
Linden, John H., 115
Little Dipper, 38, 274
locusts, 285
Long Count dates, 3 –7, 61, 70, 114, 115, 166, 216, 250, 273. See
also Initial Series
Looper, Matthew G., 116
Lounsbury, Floyd G., 83, 102, 110, 112, 114, 159, 166 –171,
175, 191–193, 196, 205, 223, 233, 238, 240 –241, 243, 267–
269
Love, Bruce, 112, 219, 254, 257, 270
lunar crescent, 100, 117–120, 133, 135, 137, 147, 150 –151,
153 –155, 244
lunar glyphs, 73, 110 –111, 115, 117–120, 126, 137–138, 140,
149, 192, 257
lunar god, 31–32, 43, 96, 118, 125, 131, 133, 135, 154 –156,
191, 230, 295. See also Xbalanque; Yax Balam
lunar goddess, 32, 142 –143, 145, 151, 156. See also Moon
Goddess
lunar months, 27–29, 32 –33, 47, 51, 68, 89, 103, 106 –107, 110,
111, 113, 115, 117, 141, 150, 156, 158, 166 –167, 170, 191,
203, 211, 215, 240, 292, 254
Kabáh, 66
Kak’och, 20, 24
Kakupacal, 82, 83, 181
Kaminaljuyú, 118, 127
Kan Balam I. See Chan Bahlum I
Kan Balam II. See Chan Bahlum II
Kan Xul (Palenque ruler also known as K’an Hok’ Chitam II),
205, 287
Katun cycle (about 256 years), 5 – 6, 71, 79, 225, 230, 231, 233,
234, 239, 240, 243, 248, 257
K’awil Chaan (Tikal ruler also known as Siyn Kan K’awil, Siyan
Kan K’awil, and Stormy Sky), 85, 99, 125, 232, 238
Kekchı́ Maya, 13, 22, 28, 31, 33 –35, 39, 41, 89, 96, 118
Kelley, David H., 7, 64, 95, 100, 102, 110, 115, 137, 159, 191,
203, 205, 215, 219, 222, 225, 226, 240, 251, 254, 257, 259,
273, 292
Kerr, Justin, 191, 225, 226
Kin glyph or symbol, 71, 73, 78 –79, 81, 83, 87– 89, 91–92, 95,
100, 102, 111, 115, 117, 127, 226, 269, 281, 283
344
STAR GODS OF THE MAYA
lunar phases, 10, 28 –29, 31–32, 43, 47, 105 –106, 123, 138,
149 –150, 153, 155 –156. See also waning moon; waxing
moon
Lunar Series, 3, 107, 109 –111, 115, 118, 124, 150, 155, 156, 226
Lupus, 40
Ma’ax, K’ayum, 20
macaws, 10, 58, 79, 94, 95, 103, 117, 118, 197, 214 –215, 274
Machaquila, 5
Macri, Martha J., 106 –107, 133, 153
Madrid Codex, 6 –7, 59 – 63, 65, 71, 73 –74, 76, 78 –79, 81, 95,
112, 117, 141–143, 145, 149, 162 –163, 173, 178, 201, 211,
222, 225, 230, 251, 253 –254, 259, 261–264, 267
Magdalenas, 22, 33
maize (corn), 12 –15, 17, 24 –25, 28, 30 –32, 35, 38, 40 – 41, 59,
64, 65, 66, 81, 95, 97, 105 –106, 130 –131, 133, 135, 138,
140, 148 –151, 153 –156, 162, 173 –174, 176, 178, 198, 211,
213, 216 –217, 226, 231, 233, 268, 271–273, 284 –285, 287
Maize God, 30, 71, 72 –73, 78, 91, 130, 131, 133, 138, 150, 151,
153, 154, 156, 159, 173, 175, 176, 177, 178, 202, 207, 211,
213, 268, 287, 294
Malström, Vincent, 64
Mam Maya, 13, 34, 150
Mam year-bearer, 16, 34, 150
Manche Chol, 34, 38
Marcus, Joyce, 65, 242, 243
Mars, 2, 10, 24, 36, 37, 43, 54 –55, 57, 70, 94, 102, 124, 168,
171, 175, 177, 197, 205, 207, 208, 214, 218 –219, 221–223,
225, 227, 232, 235, 237, 239 –242, 244, 246, 247–248, 262,
269, 295
Mars Beast, 10, 175, 218, 221, 222, 223, 246, 248
Martin, Frederick, 114
Mathews, Peter, 118, 151, 196
Maudslay, A. P., 89
Maxcanú, 24 –25
McAnany, Patricia, 286
McGee, R. Jon, 20
medicine, 28, 140 –141, 155. See also disease; illness
menstruation, 32, 34
Mercury, 36, 50, 51, 70, 150, 157, 175, 195, 196, 197, 198, 202,
203, 214, 215, 216, 222, 239, 240, 246, 270, 286
Mesopotamian astronomy, 1, 292
meteors, 10, 42, 56, 57, 249, 250, 251
metonic cycle, 47, 89, 106, 292, 310
Mexica, 2. See also Aztec
Milky Way, 10, 17, 39 – 41, 43, 56, 61, 79, 127, 129 –130, 154,
175, 177, 181, 203 –204, 209, 216, 221–223, 249 –251, 259,
264 –266, 268, 270 –275, 277, 279, 281–288, 291–292, 294,
295. See also Cosmic Monster
Miller, Arthur G., 74, 82, 125, 148, 160, 162, 181, 284
Miller, Mary E., 124, 133, 135, 191, 205, 208, 246, 265, 274,
282, 283
Miller, Virginia E., 210
mirrors, 17, 23, 27, 31, 79, 83, 87– 89, 92, 102 –103, 118, 120,
125, 151, 153, 171, 174, 184, 189, 198, 202, 226 –227, 229 –
234, 238, 244, 271–272, 283
Mixteca-Puebla style, 82, 162, 177, 183, 186, 250
mollusks, 119, 156, 190. See also conch shells; shells; snails
Momostenango, 13, 14, 27, 38, 42, 219, 270
monkey planet, 10, 247, 257, 269
monkeys, 10, 20, 24, 32, 37, 43, 58, 88, 92, 94, 102, 123, 173 –
174, 208, 216, 218 –219, 223, 225 –227, 231–232, 244, 247–
248, 257, 269, 273, 283
monkey’s sun, 92, 94
moon glyph. See lunar glyphs
Moon God. See lunar god
Moon Goddess, 22, 26 –28, 30 –35, 41, 43, 81, 100, 105, 112 –
113, 117–120, 123, 127, 131, 135, 137–138, 140 –143, 145,
147–151, 153 –156, 159, 175, 177, 205, 211, 213, 215, 232 –
234, 246, 264, 283
Moon Jaguar (Copán ruler), 89
Moon Zero Bird (Tikal ruler), 85, 239
Mopan Maya, 15, 22 –25, 31, 33 –34, 37, 42, 59, 94, 102, 149,
205, 223, 232
Morante López, Rubén B., 63
Morley, Sylvanus, 107
Morning Star (Venus), 10, 23, 24, 25, 33 –36, 51–52, 58, 82, 85,
94, 96 –97, 99 –100, 103, 121, 124, 131, 137, 150, 157, 158 –
160, 162, 163, 166 –167, 169, 170 –178, 180 –183, 187, 190,
192 –193, 197–199, 202 –205, 207–209, 213 –214, 216, 222,
226 –227, 229 –230, 232 –233, 235, 239, 241, 244, 246 –247,
248, 257, 267, 269, 292, 294, 295
Motul dictionary, 74, 81, 106, 160, 227, 267, 270
mountains, 13, 15 –16, 29 –30, 38, 44, 70, 202, 277
Muan bird, 215, 270
Nahm, Werner, 65
Náhuatl language, 2, 181, 250
Naj Tunich, 64, 88, 99, 131, 153, 233
Naranjo, 124, 125, 207, 208, 223, 241, 242
New Fire, 187, 197, 198, 292
new moon, 10, 26 –30, 32, 47– 48, 50, 105 –107, 109 –110, 115,
117, 123, 125 –127, 130 –131, 135, 138, 143, 147, 149, 155,
156, 167
Newsome, Elizabeth Ann, 83, 85, 89, 151
New Year, 16, 17, 62, 63, 71, 81, 117, 148, 150, 162, 203, 227,
231, 293
Nicholson, Henry B., 230
night sun (underworld sun), 21, 78, 88, 97, 100, 102 –103, 124,
138, 180
Nine Lords of Night (9-day cycle), 3, 88, 97, 107–108, 168,
226, 292
nodes, 48, 50, 116, 257, 310
Nohoch Ich, 24, 34, 205
north, 15, 17, 19, 20, 36, 38, 40, 42, 62 – 63, 68, 70, 71, 73, 74,
81, 82, 91, 118, 174, 192, 198, 201, 202, 240, 261, 273, 274,
284, 293
Northern Cross, 41, 271, 272, 273, 283
North Star (Polaris), 38, 273, 274
Nowotny, Karl Anton, 275
obsidian, 42, 231, 250
ocean, 21, 22, 41, 277, 288, 291. See also sea; tides
octaeteris, 51, 158, 292
Olmec, 91, 118, 187, 193, 211, 261, 279
O’Neil, Thomas, 112 –113, 140
INDEX
Orion, 37, 39, 56, 133, 175 –176, 216, 249, 256 –257, 264, 266 –
269, 282, 285, 287–288, 293, 295
Orionids (meteor shower), 56
Orion’s Belt, 39, 249, 266 –269, 295
orthography, 8, 151, 187, 201
owls, 157, 186, 191, 195 –196, 202, 213 –216, 222, 257, 267–270
Oxchuc, 13
Oxkintok, 66
Paalmul, 116
Pacal II (Palenque ruler also known as Shield Pacal and Pakal),
4, 11, 69, 83, 96, 151, 187, 193, 223, 226, 233 –234, 265,
272 –273, 287
Paddler Twins, 10, 126 –127, 129, 130, 143, 193, 202, 203, 205,
208, 226, 246, 286
Pakal. See Pacal II
Palenque, 4, 11, 58, 64 – 65, 69, 78 –79, 83, 85, 87– 89, 94, 96,
100, 102 –103, 110, 118 –120, 124 –126, 133, 137, 151, 155,
178, 187, 189, 192 –193, 195, 205, 208 –209, 213, 215 –216,
218, 223, 226, 231–234, 239 –244, 246 –247, 250 –251, 263,
265 –267, 269, 271–274, 281, 283, 285, 287, 295
Palenque Triad, 10, 58, 102 –103, 124, 137, 205, 209, 215 –216,
218, 231, 243, 295
Paris Codex, 6, 64, 74, 79, 106, 112, 143, 175, 176, 209, 211,
230, 247, 254, 257–258, 261, 264 –265, 267–270, 272, 275,
277, 281, 293
Pasztory, Esther, 9, 198
Pauahtuns, 149 –150, 174, 175, 214, 277. See also Bacabs;
God N
Pearlman Trumpet, 118, 133, 137
peccaries, 22, 25, 39, 76, 88, 222, 249, 257, 267–269
Perseids (meteor shower), 56, 250
Perseus, 56, 261, 295
Piedras Negras, 107, 110, 130, 135, 242, 284
Pieper, Jeanne, 17
Pipil, 16
Pisces, 55, 175, 210, 241, 257, 262
planetary cycles, 50 –55, 157–159, 227, 240
planets, 2, 10, 20, 34, 36 –37, 43, 50 –52, 54 –55, 74, 94, 102 –
103, 110, 126 –127, 140, 148, 150, 157, 166, 175 –177, 189,
195 –197, 218 –219, 226 –227, 231, 233, 235 –238, 240, 242 –
244, 246 –249, 253, 257, 262, 264, 266, 269, 277, 279, 283 –
286, 288, 292. See also retrograde motion of planets
planting cycle. See agriculture
Pleiades, 36, 38, 48, 56, 59, 61, 203, 210 –211, 249, 253 –254,
256 –259, 261–264, 266, 282, 285 –288, 292 –293, 295
Pokomam Maya, 33, 118
Pokomchı́ Maya, 23, 26, 30 –31, 37, 118
Polaris (North Star), 38, 273, 274
Pollux, 39, 266, 267, 268, 270. See also Gemini
Pomona Flare, 73, 91, 94, 103, 226
Popol Vuh, 10, 31, 35, 42, 74, 88, 94, 96, 97, 99, 100, 102, 103,
121, 123, 129, 130, 131, 133, 135, 138, 141, 154, 159, 160,
175, 184, 209, 211, 214, 216, 219, 223, 225, 227, 232, 249,
251, 258, 266, 274, 283, 284, 285, 292, 294, 295
Poslob, 26
possums, 148, 150, 174
precession of the equinoxes, 55, 56, 249, 257, 259, 267, 310
345
pregnancy, 32, 105, 211. See also birth; childbirth
Preuss, Mary H., 141
Principal Bird Deity, 244, 274, 285, 288
Proskouriakoff, Tatiana, 8, 83, 102, 151, 196, 205, 207, 279, 287
Quadripartite God, 209, 249, 273, 279, 281–283, 287, 295
Quechua astronomy, 279, 292
quetzal, 22, 35, 117, 118, 178, 184, 186, 197, 213
Quetzalcoatl, 10, 35, 82, 162, 174, 177–178, 180 –181, 183 –184,
186, 199, 203, 205, 213, 215, 225, 261, 265, 274 –275, 288,
294
Quiché Maya, 13 –16, 19, 21–22, 27–35, 37– 42, 47– 48, 56, 74,
96, 97, 103, 120, 125, 130, 135, 140 –142, 149, 151, 154, 159,
160, 171, 177, 204, 219, 225, 231, 257, 266, 270, 271, 274,
282, 284, 285, 293, 295
quincunx symbol, 19, 187, 211
Quirarte, Jacinto, 76
Quiriguá, 110, 115 –116, 129, 135, 137, 207, 241, 244, 267,
286 –287
rabbits, 10, 24, 25, 32, 113, 119 –120, 135, 137, 150 –151, 153 –
154, 156, 213 –214, 244
rain, 12 –15, 17, 19, 27–30, 33, 36, 38 – 43, 46, 56, 59 – 60, 62,
65, 78, 119, 121, 123, 131, 143, 145, 155, 174, 176, 198, 201,
210, 221, 230, 246, 258, 261–263, 267, 277, 279, 281–282
rainbows, 33, 42, 43, 143, 145, 156
rainy season, 10, 12 –15, 22, 28 –29, 38, 40, 46 – 47, 56, 59, 65 –
66, 76, 105, 116, 121, 124 –125, 143, 145, 147, 155 –158,
173 –174, 176, 193, 201, 203, 210, 213, 216, 259, 262, 270,
279, 281–282, 284, 288, 291, 295
Rätsch, Christian, 20
rattlesnake, 36, 38, 59, 184, 186, 210, 249, 254, 256 –259, 261,
263, 266
Redfield, Robert, 17
Reents-Budet, Dorie, 247
Regulus, 38, 268
Remington, Judith, 40, 270
Renaissance-period astronomy, 70, 292
reptiles, 148, 181, 184, 186, 277, 279, 282. See also crocodilians;
rattlesnake; snakes; turtles
retrograde motion of planets, 50, 52, 54 –55, 99, 159, 174, 176,
195, 199, 208, 216, 218 –219, 221–223, 229, 233 –241, 243 –
244, 246 –247, 262 –263, 265, 271, 286, 295
Rey, H. A., 4
Rigel, 39, 253, 266, 267
Ringle, William M., 94, 117–118, 189, 213
Ring Number, 167, 219
Rı́o Azul, 73, 88, 118, 192, 205, 226, 273, 286
Ritual of the Bacabs, 33, 79, 111, 145, 149, 160, 253, 258 –259,
284, 285
Robertson, Merle Greene, 88, 89, 281
Robicsek, Francis, 99 –100, 154
Roys, Ralph L., 59, 70, 162, 267
Ruler A (Tikal ruler also known as Ah Cacao Caan Chac,
Hasaw Chaan K’awil, and Hasaw Kan K’awil I), 85, 208, 238
Ruler B (Tikal ruler also known as Yik’in Kan K’awil and
Yaxkin Chaan K’awil), 237–238
Ruler C (Tikal ruler also known as Chitam and Yax Ain II), 265
346
STAR GODS OF THE MAYA
sacrifice. See human sacrifice
Sagittarius, 38, 40, 41, 129, 176, 209, 216, 221, 241, 249, 250,
263, 266, 270, 272 –273, 281, 282 –283, 286 –288, 291, 295
Sahagún, Fray Bernardino de, 95
saints, 16, 17, 35, 201
salamanders, 119
San Andrés Larraı́nzar, 17, 20, 23, 27
San Antonio, 15, 24
San Pablo Chalchihuitán, 36
San Pedro Chenalhó. See Chenalhó
Santa Elena Poco Uinic, 115
Santa Rita, 74, 162, 230, 258
Saros cycle, 114, 116, 311
Satterthwaite, Linton, 7, 110
Saturn, 36, 54, 57, 70, 124, 195, 219, 225, 230 –243, 248, 262 –
263, 265, 269, 286 –287
Sayil, 230, 232
Schaefer, Bradley E., 55
Schele, Linda, 8, 64, 83, 85, 91, 102, 116, 124 –125, 127, 129,
133, 135, 137, 151, 154, 158, 191, 195 –197, 199, 204 –205,
208, 215, 223, 226, 231, 238, 240, 242 –243, 246, 264, 265,
268 –270, 273 –274, 277, 281–283, 285 –286, 291
Schellhas, Paul, 175, 178, 225, 229
Schlak, Arthur, 190, 210, 214 –215, 239, 246, 263, 271
scorpions, 34, 39, 89, 111, 163, 173, 186 –187, 211, 244, 249,
257, 264 –266
Scorpius, 39, 41, 56, 127, 207, 209, 211, 243, 249, 264 –266,
272 –273, 279, 281–282, 286 –288, 291, 293, 295
sea, 33, 38, 41, 105, 119, 140, 148, 184, 274. See also ocean; tides
seasons, 1, 6, 12, 14 –16, 21, 22, 28, 29, 32, 40, 44, 46, 50, 54 –
56, 58 – 60, 62, 64 – 65, 70, 76, 78, 91, 106, 155 –156, 166,
167, 173, 176, 196, 203, 211, 216, 249, 269, 288, 292
Sedat, Guillermo, 28
Seibal, 177–178, 195
Séjourné, Laurette, 193
Seler, Eduard, 166, 178, 180 –181, 187, 198, 199, 227, 254,
257, 270
Serna, Jacinto de la, 2
Severin, Gregory M., 256 –257
seven-day cycle, 3, 232
Sharer, Robert J., 2, 7, 158, 284
shells, 41, 73, 76, 82, 116, 119 –121, 131, 133, 140, 148, 149,
154 –155, 167, 173, 178, 180, 186, 190, 192 –193, 199, 205,
207–208, 210, 225, 233 –234, 243, 246, 268, 281, 287
Shield Jaguar I (Yaxchilán ruler), 4, 121, 208, 237, 262
Shield Pacal. See Pacal II
Short Count dates, 5 – 6
Shrove, D. Justin, 251
Sian Kan K’awil. See K’awil Chaan
Sirius, 13, 39, 253, 264
Siyan Kan K’awil. See K’awil Chaan
skeletal snake, 265 –266, 282. See also snaggletoothed dragon;
White-Bone-Snake
sky bands, 61, 63, 74, 79, 83, 88 – 89, 118, 121, 124 –125, 140,
148 –149, 153 –154, 160, 162, 173 –175, 177, 183, 189 –190,
202 –203, 216, 221, 222, 225 –227, 230, 235, 247, 234, 253,
257, 259, 264, 268 –270, 275, 277, 281, 284 –285
Slocum, Marianna C., 25
Smith-Stark, Thomas C., 94, 117, 118, 189, 213
Smoke Imix God K, 192, 199, 205
Smoking Squirrel (Naranjo ruler), 124, 207–208
snaggletoothed dragon, 83, 264. See also White-Bone-Snake
snails, 35, 149, 178
snakes, 22, 33, 35 –36, 40 – 43, 59 – 61, 66, 76, 78 –79, 82 – 83,
85, 88 – 89, 95, 105, 111, 113, 120, 123, 129 –131, 133, 137,
143, 145, 147–150, 153, 155, 176, 177–178, 180 –181, 184,
186, 189, 191, 195 –196, 199, 201, 203 –205, 210, 230 –232,
234 –235, 237–239, 244, 246, 249, 257–259, 261–266, 270,
272, 275, 277, 279, 281–284, 286 –288, 291, 295
solar nadir, 14, 47, 48, 61, 66, 68, 173, 262
solar year, 3, 5, 6, 13, 16, 22, 44, 47, 54, 59, 62 – 63, 65 – 66, 88,
103, 106, 170, 183, 191, 198 –199, 204, 209, 254
solar zenith, 13 –17, 36, 39, 46, 47, 59, 61– 64, 66, 68, 69, 191,
196, 211, 242, 262 –264, 311
solstices, 14 –15, 19 –20, 44, 46, 64 – 66, 68 –71, 74, 78, 103,
288. See also summer solstice; winter solstice
Sosa, John R., 39
south, 2, 15, 17, 19, 20, 38, 40, 46, 47, 62, 66, 70, 71, 73, 74, 91,
94, 120, 148, 149, 158, 183, 190, 192, 201, 202, 208, 240,
249, 271, 274, 283, 284, 291, 293
Southern Cross, 38 – 40, 56, 270, 271, 272, 273, 279, 287, 291
Spinden, Herbert, 256
Spondylus shells, 154, 205, 208
Sprajc, Ivan, 158 –159, 162, 177, 190, 201, 213, 261
star glyphs, 65, 82, 115, 173, 181, 186 –187, 189 –193, 195 –196,
204 –205, 226, 237, 241, 246, 251, 253
Stark, Laura M., 133
stars, 1, 10 –11, 20, 29, 37– 44, 48, 50, 52, 54 –56, 70, 96, 112,
120 –121, 133, 149, 180 –181, 184, 186 –187, 193, 197–198,
203, 209 –211, 216, 218 –219, 232, 249 –251, 253 –254, 256 –
259, 261–275, 282 –283, 285, 287–288, 291–293, 295
stingray and stingray spines, 127, 129, 148, 205, 209, 281, 287
Stone, Andrea, 9, 64, 99, 140, 141, 143, 149, 207, 272, 275, 279,
286
stones, 20, 85, 91, 129, 231, 266 –267, 275. See also hearthstones
Stormy Sky (Tikal ruler also known as K’awil Chaan, Sian Kan
K’awil, and Siyan Kan K’awil), 85, 99, 125, 232, 238, 239,
263
Stuart, David, 1, 85, 89, 92, 127, 178, 231, 234, 277, 279, 286
Suchitepéquez, 17
Sucunyum, 21
Sugiyama, Saburo, 184
summer solstice, 14 –16, 22, 39, 44, 46, 48, 61, 63, 64 – 66, 68 –
69, 83, 106, 110, 121, 172 –175, 203, 210, 216, 263, 266, 268,
270, 282, 288, 291, 311
sun disk, 78 –79, 82 – 83, 96, 117, 125, 181
Sun God, 10, 15 –16, 19, 21–25, 31–32, 58 –59, 73, 78 –79, 81–
83, 85, 87– 89, 91–92, 94 –97, 99 –100, 102 –104, 106, 112,
124 –126, 129, 140, 151, 205, 209, 214, 226, 239, 244, 246 –
247, 264 –265, 269, 282 –283, 285
Supplementary Series. See Lunar Series
Tahil, 231. See also God K
Tancah, 60
INDEX
tapirs, 24, 222
Tate, Carolyn E., 64, 69, 118, 121, 196, 208, 236, 237, 242, 262,
267–268
Taube, Karl A., 1, 65, 79, 82, 97, 99, 135, 140 –142, 149 –150,
155, 159 –160, 173, 175, 178, 181, 184, 203 –205, 207, 215,
225 –227, 229, 230 –231, 261, 265, 270, 273, 275, 285
Taurids (meteor shower), 56
Taurus, 56, 127, 129, 210, 239, 253, 256, 267, 269, 288, 293
Taylor, Dicey, 154
Tedlock, Barbara, 14 –15, 19, 41– 42, 71, 251
Tedlock, Dennis, 97, 102, 123, 130, 151, 159, 171, 209, 214, 219,
225, 227, 232, 240, 258, 274, 283 –284
Teeple, John E., 48, 107, 109 –110, 114, 163
Teotihuacán, 2, 68 – 69, 95, 119, 130, 158, 178, 184, 186 –187,
193, 195 –199, 204, 210, 265
Tezcatlipoca, 130 –131, 174, 198, 229, 230 –231, 274 –275
Thompson, J. Eric S., 7– 8, 15, 24, 26 –27, 34, 36, 39, 71, 78 –
79, 88, 94 –98, 105, 110, 114 –115, 117–120, 124, 138, 140 –
142, 145, 151, 160, 162, 166 –167, 170 –171, 174 –176, 187,
189, 202 –203, 211, 213 –215, 219, 221–222, 225, 227, 231,
240 –241, 247, 259, 267, 270, 285
374-day computing year, 64, 256
365-day cycle. See vague year
tides, 28, 47, 119, 140
Tikal, 5, 66, 68 –70, 79, 83, 85, 87– 88, 95, 99, 102, 107, 116 –
117, 121, 125, 127, 129, 130, 184, 186, 192, 199, 208, 223,
226, 231–232, 237–241, 246 –247, 251, 263, 265 –266, 274,
288
Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli, 173, 180, 186 –187, 198
Tlaloc, 10, 157, 193, 195 –199, 201–202, 204, 210, 213, 215 –
216, 231, 262, 265
Tlazolteotl, 120, 143
toads, 119, 156
Toci, 143
Tohil, 231. See also God K
Tojolabal Maya, 26, 28 –30, 34, 39, 264
Tonalpohualli, 6
Tonan, 143
Tonantsi, 143
Tonatiuh, 82, 87
Toniná, 130
Totonicapán. See El Tı́tulo de Totonicapán
Tozzer, Alfred M., 59, 95, 149, 150, 202, 267
trecena, 240
trees, 20 –21, 23 –25, 28, 30, 37– 40, 76, 78, 88, 99, 131,
159, 162, 202, 219, 226, 234, 249, 266, 268, 270 –274, 283,
287, 291
Trenary, Carlos, 251
Tres Zapotes, 3
tropical year, 64, 65, 89, 114, 168, 172
tropics, 2, 46, 311
Tuckerman, Bryant, 54
Tulum, 69, 74, 76, 105, 135, 147–148, 162, 174, 225, 227, 284
Tun (360-day civil year), 3, 6, 17, 78, 88, 111, 223, 240, 244, 259
T’up, 24, 37, 223, 232
turtles, 33, 38, 39, 41, 59, 131, 133, 149, 174, 176, 187, 216, 249,
253, 256 –257, 264, 267–269, 282, 293
347
Tusik, 19
Tutul Xiu, 26
T’uup, 20, 37. See also T’up
Tzeltal Maya, 13, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 27, 38, 39, 110, 145
Tzolkin (260-day divination calendar also used as an agricultural calendar), 2, 4 – 6, 9, 15 –16, 29 –30, 46, 54, 59 – 61,
63 – 65, 68 – 69, 71, 103, 106 –107, 112 –115, 158 –159, 163,
166, 168, 169, 170, 178, 197, 202, 211, 219, 221, 240, 243,
254, 256, 259 –260, 262
Tzotzil Maya, 14 –17, 19 –33, 35 – 42, 59, 62, 70, 92, 94, 95, 110,
151, 153, 264, 282
Tzutujil Maya, 16, 26, 28, 29, 33, 141, 143, 145
Uaxactún, 66, 178
Uayeb period, 63, 81, 150, 265
Ucanal, 286
Uc-Zip, 89
Uinal, 68 – 69, 103, 106, 113, 115, 168, 191, 246
underworld, 10, 19, 20 –24, 26, 29, 40 – 41, 51, 58 –59, 62, 70,
74, 76, 78, 85, 88 – 89, 92, 95 –97, 99, 100, 102 –103, 105,
112, 118 –119, 124 –125, 127, 129 –131, 135, 137, 148, 154,
159 –160, 162, 175, 176, 180 –181, 192, 202, 205, 207–209,
214 –216, 226 –227, 239, 253, 261, 265, 269, 279, 282 –283,
284, 287–288, 291–292, 295
Ursa Major, 38, 39, 230, 264, 274. See also Big Dipper
Ursa Minor, 38, 273, 274. See also Polaris
Utatlán, 266
Uxmal, 64, 68, 74, 158, 177, 190 –191, 199, 204, 231, 264,
273, 284
vague year (365-day year), 2 –3, 5, 14 –16, 63 – 64, 69, 104, 150,
166, 168. See also Haab
Vase of the Seven Gods, 91, 126, 215, 247, 253, 269
Vashakmen, 20
veintena, 79
Vela, 40
Venus Almanac, 10, 157, 158 –159, 162 –163, 166 –168, 174,
176, 181, 183, 186, 190 –191, 193, 196 –199, 204 –205, 209,
211, 213, 216 –217, 262
Venus glyphs, 73, 126, 148, 162 –163, 173, 181, 183 –184, 186 –
187, 190 –192, 199, 210, 275
Venus gods, 21, 34 –36, 43, 74, 78, 82, 88 – 89, 94, 121, 157,
162 –163, 166, 173 –176, 181, 186, 191, 199, 202, 204 –205,
207, 210 –211, 213, 216, 229, 243, 251, 275, 294. See also
Evening Star; Morning Star
Venus pages of Dresden Codex, 97, 121, 150, 163, 166, 171,
173, 175 –177, 187, 189, 201–203, 209 –211, 215 –216, 222,
226, 229 –230, 264, 277. See also Venus table
Venus Round (584 days), 163, 166 –167, 169 –170
Venus symbols, 159, 162, 181, 186 –187, 190, 196, 197, 211, 270
Venus table, 5, 82, 106, 157, 166 –170, 171, 178, 192, 209, 211,
219, 222 –223, 229, 238, 247
Vermont-Salas, Refugio, 8
Villa Rojas, Alfonso, 17
Vinahel, 20
Virgin, 24, 28, 32 –33, 119, 150, 153
Virgo, 239, 293
348
STAR GODS OF THE MAYA
Vogt, Evon, 19, 35, 39 – 40
Vucub Caquix, 100, 274
Vucub Hunahpu, 159, 209, 232
vultures, 20, 95, 100, 117, 246, 269 –270
waning moon, 10, 28 –31, 105, 115, 117, 138, 141–143, 147–
149, 151, 155
warfare, 5, 34, 42, 65, 116, 125, 126, 156, 157, 173, 174, 177,
181, 183, 184, 186, 190, 193, 195 –196, 198 –199, 215 –216,
237, 242, 251, 265, 270, 284
War Serpent, 184, 195, 265 –266
wasps, 25, 34, 160, 162, 163, 186, 198
water lilies, 76, 89, 121, 123, 155, 187
Water-lily Jaguar, 10, 85, 96, 106, 120 –121, 123 –124, 155 –156,
176, 216, 238, 247, 295
Water-lily Serpent, 178, 180, 203 –204
Waxaklahun Ubah K’awil. See 18 Rabbit
waxing moon, 10, 28, 30, 38, 47, 105, 106, 107, 138, 140, 154,
156, 213
weather, 1, 7, 12, 15, 42, 43, 46, 50, 60, 119, 135, 198, 201, 204,
219, 221, 222, 223, 261, 262, 292. See also drought; dry season; rain; rainy season
weaving, 22, 32, 33 –34, 105, 140 –143, 145, 147, 155 –156
west, 2, 15, 17, 19, 20, 21, 31, 41, 46, 62, 64, 66, 68, 69, 70, 71,
73, 74, 78, 83, 89, 94, 103, 149, 159, 160, 162, 176, 177, 183,
187, 191, 201, 202, 211, 223, 239, 240, 247, 263, 264, 284,
293
White-Bone-Snake, 249, 264, 265, 266, 281, 282, 295. See also
snaggletoothed dragon
Whittaker, Gordon, 173
Willson, Robert W., 219
winter solstice, 14 –16, 22, 40, 44, 46, 48, 61, 64, 66, 68, 69,
124, 187, 208, 211, 259, 262, 270, 272, 281, 282, 286, 288,
291, 311
Wisdom, Charles, 36
Witz Monster. See Cauac Monster
woodpeckers, 39, 253
Wren, Linnea H., 183
Xbalanque, 96, 99 –100, 102, 121, 126, 130 –131, 135, 138, 154,
159, 175, 209, 219, 294 –295. See also Hero Twins; Yax
Balam
X-Cacal, 19, 20, 26
Xibalba, 102 –103, 130, 159, 205, 209, 214, 251, 283
xibalba be, 40 – 41, 265, 272, 274, 281–284, 286 –287
Xipe Totec, 65
Xiuhcoatl, 184, 264, 265
Xiuhmolpilli, 6
Xiuhtecuhtli, 173 –174, 199
Xkitza, 23
Xmucane, 138, 141
Xoc, 129, 154, 205, 209, 213, 272, 281–282, 286, 295.
See also fish
Xochicalco, 63, 116, 210
Xochipilli, 88, 97, 199
Xolotl, 162, 180, 186, 192, 225
XT’actani, 22, 33
Xulab, 24, 26, 33 –34, 111, 205
Xunantunich, 118
Yalcobá, 19, 21, 24, 37, 264
Yat Balam (Palenque ruler or lineage founder), 196 –197
Yax Ain I. See Curl Snout
Yax Ain II. See Ruler C
Yax Balam, 88, 126, 131, 133, 135, 154, 295. See also Hero
Twins; Xbalanque
Yaxchilán, 4, 11, 64, 69, 79, 83, 87– 89, 92, 110, 118, 121, 123 –
124, 125, 151, 196 –197, 208, 210, 213, 235, 236, 237, 239,
241–242, 247, 262 –263, 265 –267, 277
Yax Kahkal, 25
Yaxkin Chaan K’awil (Tikal ruler also known as Ruler B and
Yik’in Kan K’awil), 237, 238
Yax K’uk’ Mo (Copán ruler also known as K’inich Yax K’uk’
Mo), 117, 197
Yax Pac (Copán ruler), 85, 191, 231, 234
year-bearers, 15 –17, 19, 58, 62 – 63, 71, 149 –150, 227
Yik’in Kan K’awil. See Yaxkin Chaan K’awil
Yucatec Maya, 2, 6, 8, 13, 17, 19 –21, 23 –30, 33 – 42, 59, 62 – 63,
65, 71, 94, 106, 111–112, 118 –119, 141, 148, 150 –151, 157,
163, 173, 201, 210, 223, 250, 253, 258, 262, 267, 270, 284
zenith tube, 63, 116
Zinacantán, 14, 16 –17, 19 –23, 27–28, 30, 35 – 40, 42
Zip Monster, 223
zodiac, 51, 54 –55, 175 –176, 190, 209, 210 –211, 248 –250, 254,
256 –258, 261, 265, 268, 269, 270, 277, 281, 293
PL ATES
PLATE 1. Maya area bounded by Yucatán Peninsula to north, state of
Chiapas to west, and border area of El Salvador and Honduras to southeast, showing linguistic divisions around sixteenth century, selected
archaeological sites, zenith passage dates, and solar nadir dates.
PLATE 2. Jadeite celt known as Leyden Plaque (originally from Tikal) depicts ruler known as Moon Zero Bird, who
stands on bound prisoner and holds serpent bar bearing God K and Sun God; Initial Series date of 8.14.3.1.12 1 Eb 0
Yaxkin dates to September 14, 320, in Julian calendar (Rands 1965, fig. 46).
PLATE 4. Water-lily Jaguar faces death god who is decapitating himself (Late Classic codex-style vase; photo q Justin Kerr 1980, K1230).
PLATE 5. Youthful Moon Goddess with water-lily headdress and lunar name (T1000 and T683) seated before enthroned God D to right; to left she appears as ballplayer
passing through sky band symbolizing place where ecliptic crosses Milky Way; sequence represents Moon’s transformation over course of seasons or lunar month (Late
Classic polychrome vase, photo q Justin Kerr 1981, K1485).
PLATE 6. Planting and harvesting by phases of Moon symbolized by Maize God called Hun Nal (Hun Hunahpu) ejaculating into shell-womb of Moon Goddess at time of
waxing Moon; subsequently Yax Balam (Xbalanque), symbolizing full Moon of maize harvest, offers harvested maize (decapitated head of Maize God) to his brother Hun
Ahau, representing underworld Sun and Morning Star (Late Classic codex-style vase; photo q Justin Kerr 1979, K1004).
PLATE 7. Late Classic assembly of seven gods, with God L as Morning Star facing lunar Jaguar War God with planetary gods; Sun God with skeletal snake headdress
brings up rear; note restoration has obliterated Kin glyph visible in Coe 1973, no. 49 (Vase of Seven Gods; photo q Justin Kerr 1985, K2796).
PLATE 8. Jaguar baby conflates traits of Sun God and lunar god known as Jaguar War God, indicating possible image of lunar conjunction; inscribed date of 12 Kan 12
Kayab may refer to new Moon on January 23, 627, in Julian Calendar (Late Classic codex-style vase from Metropolitan Museum; photo q Justin Kerr 1973, K521).
PLATE 9. Left: God L kneels in submission to enthroned Sun God with lunar rabbit hiding behind Sun God’s knee, possibly referring to lunar conjunction on March 21,
700 (Julian). Right: God L stripped of his regalia, unclothed and gesturing in submission to lunar rabbit, who holds owl hat marked with glyph 13 Sky (Regal Rabbit Vase;
photo q Justin Kerr 1980, K1398).
PLATE 10. Pacal’s apotheosis as God K when Jupiter was at its first stationary point in August 683; he ‘‘entered the
road’’ near stellar tree or cross in region of skeletal snake (Scorpius); Quadripartite God located at base of star cross in
Sagittarius marks southernmost point on ecliptic in winter branch of Milky Way (Sarcophagus Lid, Temple of Inscriptions at Palenque; Robertson 1985a, fig. 73; copyright Merle Greene Robertson, 1976).
PLATE 11. On right: At time of his heir designation, youthful Chan Bahlum stands on shell housing God K, who holds sprouting maize that embodies young ruler; on left:
subsequently Chan Bahlum appears fully mature at time of accession, facing mature maize plant that symbolizes Northern Cross aligned with doorway of Temple of Foliated
Cross at time of accession in January a.d. 684 (Palenque; Robertson 1991, fig. 153; copyright Merle Greene Robertson, 1976).
PLATE 12. Young Chan Bahlum standing on Bolon Dzacab aspect of God K at time of heir designation in June a.d. 641, and mature Chan Bahlum appears at forty
years of age at time of accession in a.d. 684; they face Southern Cross aligned with doorway of Temple of Cross at time of heir designation (Palenque; Robertson 1991,
fig. 9; copyright Merle Greene Robertson, 1976).
PLATE 13. Apotheosis of Chan Bahlum on October 31, 705 (Julian), correlates with time when Jupiter departed from
its second stationary point; Lady Ahpo Hel holds manikin of God K, probably symbolizing Moon and Jupiter in conjunction on that date (Temple XIV, Palenque; Robertson 1991, fig. 176; copyright Merle Greene Robertson, 1976).
PLATE 14. Teotihuacán-style Tlaloc carrying atlatl, probably representing warrior cult linked with Venus (North
Group, Palenque; photo by author, courtesy of I.N.A.H.).
PLATE 15. God K carried in jaws of front head of Cosmic Monster arching over Yaxkin Chaan K’awil (Ruler B) of
Tikal; rear head bears an image of God C; inscription opens with Lahuntun ending date (9.15.10.0.0 3 Ahau 3 Mol) in
a.d. 741 that approximates Jupiter’s first stationary point, when Jupiter (God K) was approaching summer branch of
Milky Way symbolized by front head of Cosmic Monster (Lintel 3, Temple IV, Tikal; Jones 1977, fig. 11; reproduced
by permission of the University of Pennsylvania Museum).
PLATE 16. Yaxkin Chaan K’awil (Ruler B), with his God K manikin scepter and Jaguar War God protector, on relief
that bears dates coinciding with retrograde periods of both Jupiter and Saturn and star-war event timed by Jupiter’s
departure from its second stationary point (Lintel 2, Temple IV, Tikal; Jones 1977, fig. 12; reproduced by permission
of the University of Pennsylvania Museum).
PLATE 17. Yaxkin Chaan
K’awil (Ruler B) in stellar
aspect, wearing headdress
crowned by God K at time of
Jupiter’s first stationary point
on May 3, a.d. 751 (Tikal
Stela 20; Jones 1977, fig. 15;
reproduced by permission of
the University of Pennsylvania
Museum).
PLATE 18a – b . Five symbols of Venus as ‘‘big eye’’ and detail of same symbolize fiveness of Venus, from Five-Story
Palace designated as Structure 5D-52 at Tikal (photos by author, courtesy of I.D.A.E.).
PLATE 19. Classic period bench representing assembly of gods that include: top,
moon deity with lunar crescent and rabbit, anthropomorphic deity with deer ear
(Mars?); bottom, Venus as scorpion-man, cross-eyed Sun God (Las Sepulturas
bench excavated by Pennsylvania State University Project at Copán; photos by E. C.
Krupp, Griffith Observatory).
PLATE 20. Late Classic Copán Stela A showing ruler with Sun God emerging from serpent heads at his feet and from double-headed serpent bar
in his arms. Dates to a.d. 1/30/731 with Initial Period inscription of 9.19.19.8.0 7 Ahau 18 Cumku (after drawings by Anne S. Dowd, courtesy of
the Instituto Hondureño de Antropologı́a e Historia, and Linda Schele).
PLATE 21. Bearded serpents with fer-de-lance body markings seem to be Milky Way serpents held by Sun God who wears skeletal snake headdress alluding to Scorpius
and Sun’s position at onset of dry season; turtle figure alludes to Orion at opposite side of Milky Way (relief-carved vessel from National Museum of American Indian;
photo q Justin Kerr 1985, K2776).
PLATE 22. Venus temple showing five Venus glyphs expressing ‘‘fiveness’’ of Venus (Nunnery, Uxmal; photo by
author).